History of Chautauqua County, New York : from its first settlement to the present time : with numerous biographical and family sketches, Part 21

Author: Young, Andrew W. (Andrew White), 1802-1877; Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation. fmo; Huntington Free Library. fmo
Publication date: 1875
Publisher: Buffalo, N.Y. : Printing House of Matthews & Warren
Number of Pages: 948

USA > New York > Chautauqua County > History of Chautauqua County, New York : from its first settlement to the present time : with numerous biographical and family sketches > Part 21

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The removal of Mr. Clinton had an effect the opposite of that which was designed. At a state convention of the people's party, in the city of Utica, in September, 1824, Mr. Clinton was nominated for governor, and James Tall- madge for lieutenant-governor. Mr. T. was a member of the assembly, and had ably and zealously supported the electoral bill, but he had voted for the removal of Mr. Clinton. In November, Mr. Clinton was elected by a majority of 16,906 over Samuel Young; and Gen. Tallmadge's majority over Gen. Erastus Root was 32,409. In this county, Mr. Clinton received 1,483 votes ; Mr. Young, 1,093-majority, 390. Nathan Mixer was elected mem- ber of assembly for this county.

In 1826, Mr. Clinton was renominated for governor, and Henry Hunting- ton for lieutenant-governor; and in opposition to them were Wm. B. Roches- ter and Nathaniel Pitcher. In respect to national parties, these candidates were strangely divided. The four candidates for president, it will be recol- lected, were all republicans; and, so far as we may judge from the discussion of their claims respectively during the campaign of 1824, they were not materially divided on measures of national policy. Almost immediately after the commencement of Mr. Adams' administration, an organized opposi- tion to it was formed, by the union of the friends of the defeated candidates, Crawford and Jackson, and those of Mr. Calhoun, the vice-president. Mr. Clinton was one of the earliest supporters of Gen. Jackson, when Mr. Van Buren, the leader of the opposition to the Clintonians, was strongly opposed to him ; the great organ of the party declaring him, "of all the candidates, the most unfit for the office of president." Yet, in 1826, we see the party supporting for governor a candidate opposed to Gen. Jackson, on a ticket with a candidate for lieutenant-governor in favor of Gen. Jackson. Mr. Clinton was elected by a majority of 3,650 votes over Judge Rochester :

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and Mr. Pitcher by a majority of 4,188 over Mr. Huntington. This result, however, is said to have been owing, in some measure, to Mr. Clinton's having favored the construction of a state road through the southern coun- ties, some of which, though anti-Clintonian, gave him majorities. In Chan- tauqua county, Clinton received 1,839 votes; Rochester, 1,612. February II, 1828, less than eleven months before the expiration of his term of office, Mr. Clinton died suddenly, sitting in his chair, of apoplexy ; and Nathaniel Pitcher became the acting-governor.

In 1828, by the union of the friends of Jackson, Crawford and Calhoun, Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson became the only candidates for president. Of the presidential electors chosen, 178 were in favor of Gen. Jackson, and 83 for Mr. Adams. John C. Calhoun was reelected vice-president, having received 171 of the electoral votes ; Richard Rush, 83 ; and Wm. Smith, of South Carolina, 7.

After the dissolution of the federal party, there were no two national par- ties known by distinctive names, until after the election of Mr. Adams. They were for a time distinguished as the Adams, or administration party, and Jackson, or opposition party. But the latter soon assumed the name of the democratic party, which name the organization has borne to the present time. The Adams party became known as the national republican party. This name was retained until after the presidential election of 1832, when a union was formed with the anti-masons, under the name of whigs, and by which name it was known during the remainder of its existence, which termi- nated with the formation of the present republican party, in 1855, whose leading object was to oppose the further extension of slavery.

ANTI-MASONIC PARTY.

In the month of September, 1826, an event occurred which sensibly affected the people of this county in their social, civil, and religious associa- tions. William Morgan, of Batavia, Genesee county, having written for publication a work alleged to contain a disclosure of the secrets of free- masonry, and which was about to be issued from the press of David C. Miller, in that village, was apprehended on a criminal process, and conveyed to Canandaigua, Ontario county, where, upon examination before a magistrate, he was discharged. He was subsequently, the same day, taken for debt ; judgment was rendered against him ; and he was confined in the county jail. [Debtors being then liable to imprisonment in case of non-payment of a judgment.] On the evening of the 12th of September, persons concerned in his seizure and confinement, discharged the debt, and caused his liberation. On leaving the jail, he was forcibly taken, and carried in a close carriage to the Niagara frontier, where he was last seen ; and, as some alleged, he was murdered on the night of the 14th of September.

At the next session of the legislature, petitions relating to the abduction of Morgan were presented, and referred to a select committee of the assembly ; and a reward of $1,000 was offered by Gov. Clinton, for the discovery of

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Morgan if alive ; and if murdered, $2,000 for the discovery of the offender or offenders ; and a free pardon to any accomplice or cooperator who should make the discovery.

Bills of indictment were found against several persons who had participated in the abduction ; two of whom were convicted, and sentenced to imprison- ment in the county jail ; one for two years and four months ; the other, for one year and three months. The former was the sheriff of Niagara county, who, as a witness on the trial of the latter, testified that he had been apprised several days previously of the coming of Morgan, and had been requested to prepare a cell for him in the Niagara county jail at Lockport. It was proved that Morgan was conveyed to Lewiston blind-folded in a covered carriage, which was kept closed. From Lewiston he was taken in another carriage to the ferry near Fort Niagara. Witness and four others crossed with him into Canada in the night ; their object being to get him away from Miller into the interior of Canada, and place him on a farm. The preparation not having been made for his reception, he was brought back to this side of the river, to wait a few days, and was put into the magazine of the fort; since which the witness had not seen him.

The publication of Morgan's book was followed by that of others, claim- ing to be true revelations of the secrets of masonry ; and many masons seceded from the institution, and confirmed the published statements con- cerning its ceremonies, oaths and obligations, some of which were deemed inconsistent with their civil duties. Those who believed that members who held their civil obligations subordinate to their obligations to each other, considered free-masons unfit to hold office. Those who thus believed, soon united in the formation and support of a party on the single principle of oppo- sition to masonry ; and in 1828, the year of the next gubernatorial election, an anti-masonic candidate-Solomon Southwick, of Albany-was nominated for governor. The two national parties then were the national republicans, supporters of John Quincy Adams and his administration, and the other, the friends of Andrew Jackson, who were opposed to the party in power, and soon after took the name of the democratic party. Martin Van Buren, the Jack- son candidate for governor, received 136,794 votes ; Smith Thompson, the Adams candidate, 106,444 ; and Solomon Southwick, 33,345. The organi- zation of the anti-masons as a political party may be considered to have been at this time about complete.

It is believed that, at the time of the abduction of Morgan, no paper in this county was published by a mason. After the fact of the murder had become established, all information on the subject deemed authentic was published. The papers which, in this county, first supported the new politi- cal organization, were the Jamestown Journal, published by Adolphus Fletcher, and edited by Abner Hazeltine; and the Western Star, published and edited by Harvey Newcomb, Westfield. The excitement became intense. In Western New York, the two previously existing parties were almost broken up, and many churches were divided. Not long after the publication of

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Morgan's Illustrations of Masonry, Rev. David Bernard, then of Genesee county, published his Light on Masonry. And masons in many parts of the country, seceded from the organizations. The progress of the institution was arrested, and in a few years nearly all the lodges suspended operations.

In 1826, Judge Foote and Nathan Mixer were nominated as bucktails for the assembly ; Samuel A. Brown and Philo Orton as Clintonians. The votes were, for Foote, 2,312 ; for Mixer, 1,619; for Brown, 1,696; for Orton, 1,197. It is not likely that voting was materially affected, at this election, by the anti-masonic excitement. Mr. Brown, on account of some local ques- tion, ran ahead of his colleague, [Orton,] and was elected. Thus James- town had both the members, who were of opposite politics. De Witt Clin- ton received 1,839 votes for governor ; Wm. B. Rochester, 1,612.

In 1827, the anti-masons nominated for the assembly, Col. Nathaniel Fenton and Nathan Mixer, who received respectively 2,192 and 2,332 votes. The bucktail candidates, James Mullett and Thomas A. Osborne, received 1,232 and 1,101 votes. In 1828, the anti-masonic votes for assemblymen were, for Abner Hazeltine, 2,056 ; for Nathan Mixer, 2,091. The votes for the Jackson candidates were, for Joseph White, 1,458 ; for John McAlister, 1, 158. James Hall and John Crain, candidates on a third ticket, received respectively, 1,091 and 936. For governor, Solomon Southwick, [anti-mason,] received in this county 1,783 votes; Martin Van Buren, [Jackson, or demo- cratic,] 1,520 ; and Smith Thompson, [administration, or national republican,] I, 135. In 1829, Abner Hazeltine and Squire White, anti-masons, received 2,461 and 2,502 votes ; Horace Allen and Benjamin Walworth, democrats, (though neither was a mason,) 1,835 and 1,837 votes. The Eighth senate district gave an anti-masonic majority of over 13,000. In 1830, Francis Granger and Samuel Stevens, anti-masons, were candidates for governor and lieutenant-governor, against Enos T. Throop and Edward Livingston, demo- crats. Granger received 3,470 votes, and Stevens 3,454. Throop received 1,854, and Livingston 1,855. For assembly, John Birdsall and Squire White, anti-masons, received 3,403 and 3,387 votes ; and Elial T. Foote and Ernest Mullett, democrats, received 1,958 and 1,884 votes. Every town in the county gave an anti-masonic majority, except Ellicott, Judge Foote having a majority of 19 over the highest anti-masonic candidate. Gov. Throop's majority in the state was 8,481. In the Eighth senate district the anti-masonic majority was about 13,000 ; in the Seventh district, about 2,000 ; in the Sixth, about 1,000. In 1831, Squire White and Theron Bly, anti- masons, were elected without opposition.

In 1832, Granger and Stevens were again nominated by the anti-masons for governor and lieutenant-governor ; also a full presidential electoral ticket. And at a national convention, William Wirt and Amos Ellmaker were nom- inated as candidates for president and vice-president. The national repub- lican convention at Utica, nominated Ambrose Spencer for president, and the anti-masonic electoral ticket and state candidates. The object of the coa- lition probably was to elect Mr. Clay president, the anti-masonic state ticket,

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and a union legislature. Wm. L. Marcy, democrat, was elected governor by a majority of 9,733; John Tracy, lieutenant-governor, by about the same majority, and the whole Jackson electoral ticket. The anti-masonic electoral ticket had a majority of 1,717 in Chautauqua county ; John Griffin, for senator, 1,637 ; Alvin Plumb and Nathaniel Gray, for assembly, about 1,600 over Albert H. Camp and Robertson Whiteside. Abner Hazeltine for Congress, 1,580 majority. In 1833, James Hall and Thomas A. Osborne, democrats, were elected over Waterman Ellsworth and Austin Smith, anti- masons. Albert H. Tracy was reelected state senator over Judge John H. Jones, by only 165 majority-the only one out of the eight elected. Of the 128 members of assembly elected, 104 were democrats.

The union of the anti-masons and national republicans, in 1832, termi- nated the existence of the anti-masonic party. The coalition was not an unnatural or a strange one. The national republicans were striving to regain political supremacy, and to restore the policy which had characterized the administration of Mr. Adams ; and knowing a large majority of the anti-masons to be in favor of that policy, they desired the alliance. The masons having been quieted, and their lodge meetings generally having been suspended, the anti-masons saw no necessity for continuing their organization, and quite naturally consented to the proposed union.

The anti-masonic party owed much of its strength to the aid of Thurlow Weed, of the Albany Journal. Mr. Weed had for some time conducted an anti-masonic paper at Rochester. The Journal was established early in March, 1830, by Packard, Hoffman & White, (or two of them,) who placed its editorial control in the hands of Mr. Weed, who continued to occupy the position of editor-in-chief during the remaining two and a half years of the anti-masonic period, and the entire period of the existence of the whig party. Soon after the union of the national republican and anti-masonic parties, the organization took the name of whig, which it retained until the formation of the republican party.

THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Several attempts have been made to weaken or destroy the political influence of foreigners in this country. It was held that persons educated in monarchical countries ; those who have in their native land enjoyed scanty educational advantages ; and especially those who have been reared under papal in- fluences, were unsafe depositaries of political power, after so short a proba- tion as our laws prescribe. They held that the required term of residence, previous to their full admission to citizenship, was insufficient for their acquiring an adequate knowledge of our free institutions, and to form a proper attachment to them. And it was proposed to extend this preparatory period to twenty-one years.

An effort was made, to some extent, in this state, thirty years ago, to elect members of the legislature, and of Congress, who were in favor of the pro- posed change in our naturalization laws. In several of the eastern and south-eastern counties of the state, members of both houses were elected.

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The motto of the advocates of the measure was : " Let Americans govern America." But the attempt to form a strong party upon this basis, was abortive. The mass of our people were indisposed to raise so powerful a barrier to immigration. It had been the policy of our government, from the time of its organization, to invite the people of the monarchies of the Old World to the "asylum of liberty," established in the New.

About the year 1853, a new movement in the same direction, and more effective than the former, was originated. The plan of organization in detail was not then-perhaps is not now-fully understood by most persons outside of the order. The meetings of its members were conducted in secret. And it is believed, generally, that secrecy and concert in action were secured by extra-judicial oaths. We are not aware that this has been admitted by members of the order, or that it has, to any considerable extent, been posi- tively affirmed by many persons outside of it. When questioned by the curious concerning certain things pertaining to the organization, members would often profess to know nothing about them. Hence is supposed to have come the appellation so generally applied to them, Know Nothings, or Know Nothing party. Their own chosen and proper name, if we rightly remem- ber, was the Native American party.

This party increased and spread rapidly, until it reached every state in the Union ; and it embraced many of our best and most patriotic citizens. They saw what many of their opponents admitted, that evils had resulted from the facilities afforded aliens for becoming invested with all the privileges of American citizens. Men differed then as they differ now, as to the means of remedying these evils. Admitting that the remedy proposed would, if adopted, be effectual ; there could be no reasonable hope of effecting its adoption. The millions of voters of foreign birth would be nearly unanimous in their opposition to the measure, and would overcome any supposable majority of native voters in its favor. But even if the contest were confined to our native citizens, the hope of the success of the measure would be so slight as to render the idea of engaging in the struggle unworthy of a moment's consideration.

The first trial of the strength of Americanism in this county, was in 1854. A member of Congress was to be elected to succeed Reuben E. Fenton, whose term of office would expire in March following. The Americans nom- inated Francis S. Edwards, of Fredonia, and the whigs, George W. Patterson, of Westfield. The congressional district, composed of the counties of Chau- tauqua and Cattaraugus, had given large whig majorities ; but through the nomination of an unpopular candidate by the whigs, in 1852, Mr. Fenton, a democrat, was elected. It soon becoming apparent that there would be a great defection from the whig party to the Americans, whose candidate had been a whig, and Mr. Fenton having broken from his party in Congress by voting against the Kansas bill, Mr. Patterson declined the whig nomination, and, with many of his party, supported Mr. Fenton. The result was the election of Mr. Edwards.

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On the 2d of February, 1855, a meeting of citizens of this county opposed to the principles and aims of the new party, was held at Mayville, composed of men of both the whig and democratic parties. Abram Dixon, of Westfield, was chosen chairman of the meeting; George S. Harrison, of Stockton ; Theron S. Bly, of Harmony ; and William Colville, vice-presidents ; Stephen Snow, of Fredonia, and J. S. Phillips, secretaries.

The meeting was addressed by Messrs. Alvin Plumb, and Walker, of Westfield ; Baker, of Sherman ; Mason, of Harmony; and Van Ness, of Chautauqua.

The committee on resolutions, consisting of George W. Patterson, Niram Sackett, John H. Pray, Emory F. Warren, and John M. Edson, reported resolutions, which were adopted. They expressed alarm at the organization of secret political societies, whose members are sworn to vote in political matters for political offices for second degree members of this order. They regarded these secret workings as evidence of evil and corrupt design ; de- nounced the efforts that were making to discourage immigration as " unwise and reprehensible ;" deprecated a change in the established mode of natural- ization ; and declared slavery a state institution which can not exist in the absence of special enactments. They approved of a tariff for revenue with discriminating duties, affording incidental protection to the labor and products of our own country ; and recommended organizations in the several towns of those opposed to secret political societies.

In several states, the American party had considerable strength. It, how- ever, gave early indications of decay. In 1856, the American vote of that party for presidential electors, in this county, was about 1,300. It can hardly be said to have survived the election of 1856.

PRESENT PARTIES.

A history, in this place, of the two national parties, can not be given. The origin of the democratic party has been briefly noticed. It was opposed by the whig party during the existence of the latter. The principal measures upon which these two parties were divided, were the tariff, a national bank, the currency question in general, and legislation on the subject of slavery. The attempt to force slavery into free territory in 1854, gave rise to the repub- lican party, which assumed the form of a political organization in 1855. Its design was to resist all further encroachments of slavery upon free territory in the United States. The efforts to force slavery into Kansas awakened such an interest in this subject as had never been witnessed in this country, and hastened that most important event in our country's history-the attempt, by a resort to arms, to sever the Union. The responsibility of carrying the country through the perilous ordeal to which it was subjected, and the recon- struction of the seceding states, devolved upon the republican party. All these states are again members of the Union. The party suffered a reverse at the last election, [1874,] which resulted in the election of a majority of democratic members to the present house of representatives.

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WAR HISTORY-WAR OF 1812.

CAUSES OF THE WAR.

THAT war was declared by the United States against Great Britain, in 1812, every adult reader probably knows. But there are doubtless many among the younger class of our people who do not know the causes of that war, nor its effects upon the early settlers of this county. They are thus briefly stated :

Great Britain and France had long been at war. In August, 1804, Great Britain, with a view to cripple the trade of France, declared certain ports of France in a state of blockade, by which the vessels of other nations were prohibited from entering her ports, except in certain cases. This order was followed, on the part of Napoleon, by a decree declaring the British islands in a state of blockade, and prohibiting all commerce with them. This was intended to stop trade between Great Britain and the continent, and applied also to American commerce.

Great Britain then issued another order, declaring in a state of blockade all ports and places belonging to France and her allies, from which the British flag was excluded, and all the colonies of his Britannic majesty's enemies. Only the direct trade between neutral countries and the colonies of his majesty's enemies was allowed. This measure so detrimental to neu- tral commerce, was followed by a still more sweeping one, on the part of France, declaring the British islands in a state of blockade, by sea and land; and every ship sailing from ports of England or her colonies, and proceeding to England or to her colonies, or to countries occupied by the English, to be lawful prize. And every ship which had submitted to search by an English ship, or had made a voyage to England, or paid any tax to that government, was declared denationalized, and lawful prize.

These measures were disastrous to American commerce, and unauthorized by the law of nations. To be lawful, a blockade must be maintained by a force stationed at the enemy's ports, sufficient to make it dangerous for vessels. to enter. This had not been done by either party. Yet under these orders and decrees, or mere " paper blockades," as they were called, many American vessels, with their cargoes, were captured by the privateers and cruisers of the two belligerents, and condemned as prize.

But there was another grievance-the impressment of American seamen. Great Britain claimed the right to search our vessels on the high seas, and, if among the seamen any were found to be Englishmen, to impress them into her service. The claims of the two governments have been thus stated : " The government of the United States asserts the broad principle, that the flag of their merchant vessels shall protect the mariners. The privilege is claimed, although every person on board, except the captain, may be an alien. The British government asserts, that the allegiance of their subjects is inalienable, in time of war, and that their seamen, found on the sea, the common highway

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of nations, shall not be protected by the flag of private merchant vessels." This doctrine, it was said, was common to all the governments of Europe. France, as well as England, claimed, in time of war, the services of her sub- jects. Both, by decrees, forbid their entering into foreign employ; both recall them by proclamation.

Attempts to adjust the differences between the two countries by negotia- tion having failed, our government, on the 18th of June, 1812, declared war against Great Britain; and the British minister at Washington soon after took his departure, bearing a letter from our government to our representative at London, authorizing him to propose to the British government a suspension of hostilities with a view to an adjustment of all difficulties. At Halifax, on his way home, the British minister, [Mr. Foster,] received dispatches from his government, dated about the 17th of June, directed to him at Washington, but which he there opened, informing him of the intended revocation of the orders in council, to take effect on the Ist of August. Presuming that it was the object of his government to prevent or stop hostilities, he sent the dispatches to Mr. Baker, secretary to the British legation, still at Washington, to be communicated to our government. And, having had a conversation at Halifax, with Vice-Admiral Sawyer, naval commander, and Sir John Sher- broke, lieutenant-governor, he was authorized by them to say to Mr. Baker, that the decisions of cases of capture of American vessels should be suspended. Our government, however, declined the proposition, preferring to await the result of the proposition sent by Mr. Foster to the British government.

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