A genealogical research guide to California historical statutes from 1769 to 1950.
Historical Law Guides > California
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Legal Ages at a Glance General Principles Legal Age of Adulthood Marriage Property Ownership |
Inheritance Taxation Courts Sources & Where to Verify |
| Legal milestone | Age | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| Full majority | 21 male / 18 female | Both sexes 21 from 1927; a girl who married became an adult |
| Marry, without consent | 21 man / 18 woman | The two ages of majority |
| Marry, with a parent's consent | 18 man / 15 woman | Common law 14 / 12 before 1872; 18 and 16 from 1921 |
| Marry without a license | — | Allowed until late May 1895; a ceremony required after |
| Choose own guardian | 14 | Both sexes, subject to the court's approval |
| Guardianship ends | 21 male / 18 female | Female to 21 from 1927, unless she married |
| Sell or deed away land | 18 | Land could be owned at any age |
| Make a will | 18 | Both sexes, all property; 2 witnesses, or none if handwritten |
| Serve as executor (carry out a will) | 21 male / 18 female before 1927 | Had to post a bond; before 1891 a married woman could not be administratrix |
| Testify as a witness | Any age, if the child understood | A child under 10 who could not understand was excluded |
| Poll tax | Males over 21 and under 60 | Ended 1914; a 1924 mandate was never acted on; repealed 1946 |
| Jury service | 21 | Men assessed for property; Black men from 1870, women from 1917 |
| Criminal responsibility | 14 | A child under 14 was presumed unable to commit a crime |
California ran on two legal traditions at once, and which one applied depended on whose property was in question. For almost everything, California was an English common-law state. The first legislature adopted the common law of England as the rule its courts would decide by, which means the old English rules applied unless a California statute changed them1. For the property a husband and wife built up during a marriage, California kept the Spanish and Mexican system it had used under Spain and then Mexico. The constitution of 1849 preserved that system when California became a state2. So the answer to a California legal question depends on the subject: common law in general, Spanish-derived community property in marriage.
Each spouse owned two kinds of property, and the difference runs through every California deed, will, and estate file. Separate property was whatever a spouse brought into the marriage, plus anything that came to them during it as a gift or an inheritance. It stayed that spouse's own. Community property was everything the couple earned or bought during the marriage, and husband and wife each owned half of it. The first question to ask of a California estate is not what share the widow inherited. It is whether the property was community or separate, because the two passed by different rules.
A California widow was provided for out of property she already owned. Her support came from her own half of the community property, from the family home, and from an allowance the court paid her while the estate was being settled. The state took this approach from its first year: an act of 1850 ended dower and curtesy for California3. Dower was the widow's right, under English law, to the use of part of her late husband's land for the rest of her life; curtesy was the widower's matching right in his late wife's land. Neither one gave ownership, only use for a lifetime. Because California replaced them with the community half, a California estate file records the widow's own share, the family home set aside for her, and the allowance she drew, rather than a portion of land measured out for her lifetime.
Land passed to children in equal shares. When a person died without a will, every child took the same portion, and the eldest son took no more than the others4.
From 1854 to 1927 a man reached full age at 21 and a woman at 18. An act with the plain title "An Act fixing the age of majority of males and females in this State" set both figures, and said that a person of full age could make contracts, sell land, and do everything else the law allowed an adult to do5. An amendment of 1858 added that a girl under 18 who married with her parent's or guardian's consent was an adult from then on, so marriage moved a girl into adulthood early6. The Civil Code carried both ages forward when it took effect in 1873, defining minors as males under 21 and females under 187.
From 1927 the age was 21 for both sexes. The legislature rewrote the definition to read that minors are all persons under 21, while leaving the lower ages for marriage in place8.
The date on a file tells you which rule was running. A guardianship over a girl that closed when she turned 18 belongs before 1927; one that ran to 21 belongs after. For a boy it ran to 21 the whole time.
Several California ages sat near majority but were fixed by separate rules, and each has to be checked on its own terms. The age to make a will was 18, for either sex and for every kind of property, from the first year of statehood. The age to choose one's own guardian was 14. The age to sell land or sign a deed was 18: a person could own land at any age but could not make a binding agreement about it until then9. The ages for marriage ran on their own track and are set out below.
Reaching full age changed less for a woman who married. Her husband managed the community property throughout this period, and until 1891 a married woman could not be appointed administratrix — the woman a court appoints to wind up the affairs of a person who left no will. A woman named in a will could serve as executrix even while married, but an unmarried woman who took either appointment and then married lost her authority on the wedding day. An amendment of 1891 opened the appointment to married women and provided that marrying no longer ended it10. Before 1891, then, an estate file showing one woman replaced by another partway through is worth checking for a marriage.
Before the Civil Code took effect, the old English ages governed: a boy could marry at 14 and a girl at 12. The marriage act of 1850 regulated the ceremony and the consent of parents but left those ages where they stood11. The Civil Code raised them, setting the lowest marrying age at 18 for a man and 15 for a woman12. An amendment of 1921 rebuilt the whole framework: a man of 21 and a woman of 18 could marry on their own, while a man of 18 to 20 and a woman of 16 to 17 could marry if a parent or guardian filed written consent with the county clerk13.
A license needed a parent's consent whenever the groom was under 21 or the bride under 18 — the two ages of full majority14. A bride of 19 in 1880 was already an adult and needed no one's permission, so nothing in her license file will name a consenting parent.
The duty to collect that consent fell on the county clerk who issued the license, and the marriage itself stood whether or not the clerk did the job. Where a clerk handed a license to someone under age without the parent's consent and the wedding went ahead, the marriage was valid and could not be undone on that ground15. An irregular license is a sign of a careless clerk, not of an invalid marriage.
Until late May 1895 a California couple could marry with no license, no minister, and no paperwork at all. They needed only to agree to be married and then live together openly as husband and wife. This was a common-law marriage, and it was as valid as any other. An amendment approved on 26 March 1895 added the requirement that the couple's agreement be followed by a ceremony, so from then on a California marriage took a license and a service performed by someone the law authorized. The amendment took effect sixty days after it passed, which puts the changeover in late May 1895 rather than on 1 January16.
That change cuts two ways for a researcher, and both are useful. Before that date a couple with no license may still have been fully married, and their children were legitimate, so the absence of a record proves nothing. From late May 1895 the license and the certificate the person who performed the ceremony returned to the county are the documents to look for, and their absence means something. From 1905 the county sent a duplicate of each marriage record to the state, which is where the statewide index begins. A marriage that was valid in another state that allowed it was recognized in California.
One provision kept a group of marriages out of the county books entirely. A couple already living together, neither of them a minor, could be married by any clergyman without a license, and the certificate went onto that church's own register and nowhere else17. Where a couple who clearly married cannot be found in the county index, look for a church register.
A marriage between close relatives was void from the start — treated as though it had never happened. The bar covered parents and children and their ancestors and descendants at every remove, brothers and sisters whether they shared one parent or two, and uncles with nieces or aunts with nephews18. A second marriage made while an earlier husband or wife was still living and the first marriage still in force was also void, with a narrow exception where the earlier spouse had been absent, and not known to be living, for five straight years19.
Race was written into California marriage law in the state's first year, and each racial bar applied on the terms its own statute set for as long as that statute lasted. From 1850 a marriage between a white person and a Black or mixed-race person was void20. The bar on marriage with a person of Chinese, Japanese, or other East Asian descent, whom the statutes called "Mongolian," arrived in two steps: first a rule forbidding the county clerk to issue the license21, and then, in 1901, a rule making the marriage itself void22. The legislature extended the bar to Filipinos in 193323, after a court had held that a Filipino did not fall within the earlier wording24. The California Supreme Court struck down the whole racial bar on 1 October 1948, the first state high court in the country to do so25. Because a barred couple could marry in a state that allowed it, the record of a mixed marriage from these years often sits outside California.
These lines shaped where different families' marriage records ended up. Black and mixed-race couples who were not barred married under the ordinary law, appear in the county and church records like anyone else, and their children were legitimate. A person held in bondage had no legal marriage at all; California recognized no lawful slavery, but slaveholders brought enslaved people west and a state fugitive-slave law of 1852 helped them hold on to them26. A marriage by Native custom stood outside the county system and had no clear footing in California law, so the documents that name Native families in these years are the mission registers and the indenture and enrollment papers described under Property Ownership below.
Marriages that were valid under Mexican law were generally treated as valid after statehood, so a Californio couple's marriage is recorded in the mission and parish registers of the Catholic Church rather than in any county book.
Land ownership rested on the common law California adopted in 1850, and under it a free man owned land outright. Title could come to a male of any age by purchase, gift, inheritance, or devise — a gift of land made by will — and what he held was his to keep, sell, or leave to whomever he chose. The one age limit touched dealing in land rather than holding it: he could not sign a deed that would stand, or make a binding bargain about land, until he was 189.
Being a citizen was never a condition of owning land. The 1849 constitution promised every foreigner who was or became a genuine resident the same rights to hold, enjoy, and inherit property as a native-born citizen, so a newly arrived immigrant stood on the same footing as anyone else27. The 1879 constitution narrowed that promise to resident foreigners of the white race or of African descent who were eligible to become citizens under federal law28. Since federal law let only white and African-descended immigrants naturalize, this set immigrants from China, Japan, and the rest of Asia apart, and it opened the way to the alien land laws described below.
A single woman or a widow was a feme sole — a woman free of the legal limits that marriage placed on a wife — and she bought, sold, sued, and was sued on exactly the same terms as a man. A married woman kept her own separate property, but two rules governed how she dealt with it, and each of them left a document behind.
From its first year California required a public register of a married woman's separate property. A full inventory of what she owned had to be written out, signed, and recorded with the county, and recording it protected those goods from being seized for her husband's debts29. Many counties kept these in a book of their own, listing land, livestock, furniture, and household goods item by item under the woman's name. For a woman who otherwise appears only as a name on a census line, it can be the fullest surviving record of her life.
From 1852 a married woman could get permission to run a business in her own name as a sole trader, keeping what she earned and putting it beyond the reach of her husband's creditors, by making a filing with the county30. The filing names the woman, names her husband, and describes the business, and nineteenth-century examples show women ranching, farming, and keeping hotels and boarding houses.
A child owned land from birth. Title could reach a child by inheritance, gift, will, or grant at any age. Selling it was the difficulty: a person under 18 could not make a binding agreement about land, and a deed signed by anyone younger had no effect31.
A child's land was therefore sold through the probate court — the court that handles the property of the dead and of children — on the guardian's petition and under a court order, with the money held for the child under bond. A single sale of a child's land leaves a petition, a hearing, an order, a bond, and a deed signed by the guardian instead of the owner. Where a California deed conveys a child's land, the guardianship file will name the family.
Because California ended dower and curtesy in 1850, a husband sold his own land on his own signature, and a wife's name appears on a California deed only in the situations the community-property rules created. The husband managed the community property, and for much of the period he could sell or mortgage the couple's real estate over his signature alone. Two acts changed that, and each draws a line a researcher can use32.
| Period | The husband's power over community real estate | What a wife's signature means |
|---|---|---|
| 1850 – 1891 | He could sell, mortgage, or give it away on his own | Her signature means the land was her separate property |
| 1891 – 1917 | He could sell or mortgage on his own, but needed her written consent to give it away | Her signature on a gift; on a sale, her name is not expected |
| From 1917 | Any sale, mortgage, or long lease needed her signature | Her signature is expected on every transfer |
So a wife's name on a California deed points to one of three things: the land was hers separately, the transfer was a gift of community property after 1891, or the deed falls after 1917. The 1917 line is the sharp one. Before it, a missing wife's signature on a deed of community land is the ordinary form and means nothing; after it, her signature is expected and its absence is worth a second look.
A California deed was a written paper signed by the grantor — the person giving up the land — then acknowledged before a notary or other authorized officer, and recorded with the county where the land lay. Acknowledging a deed means appearing before that officer and stating that the signature is genuine and freely given; the officer then signs a certificate saying so. Recording it is what made the deed good against anyone who bought the same land later33.
Into the early 1890s a married woman's deed carried one extra step. The officer had to examine her privately, apart from her husband and out of his hearing, and satisfy himself that she signed of her own free will and understood what she was signing. This private examination was written onto the certificate34. Later acts let a married woman acknowledge a deed on the same terms as anyone else, and the private examination disappeared from the certificates35. A certificate that records one therefore dates the deed to the earlier era.
A California deed was complete on the grantor's signature and the officer's certificate. Where witnesses did sign as well, a witness of any age could serve, provided the person understood what they had seen and could tell it truly.
California came into the Union as a free state, and in principle Black, Chinese, and Native residents could own and inherit land. Several laws narrowed that in practice, and each either created a record or prevented one.
Slaveholders brought enslaved people west although California recognized no lawful slavery, and the state fugitive-slave law of 1852 helped them hold those people; it was the law at the center of the Archy Lee case36. A person held in bondage owned nothing in law. Free Black Californians owned, held, and left land by will on the same terms as anyone else, and they appear in the land records accordingly.
Native Californians appear through two systems. The first is the Mexican land grant. A federal act of 1851 required every holder of a Mexican grant to prove the title before a commission, and the slow and costly hearings cost many families their ranchos37. The case files these hearings produced are among the richest genealogical records in the state. The second is the indenture system set up by "An Act for the Government and Protection of Indians"38. Under it a white person could take custody of a Native child before a justice of the peace and hold that child to 18 if a boy and 15 if a girl. An amendment of 1860 dropped the requirement of a parent's consent, reached adults as well as children, and made the terms much longer: a child taken under 14 was held to 25 if male and 21 if female, one taken between 14 and 20 to 30 if male and 25 if female, and an adult over 20 could be indentured for ten years39. The indenture provisions were repealed in 1863 and the act was repealed in full in 193740. The act also allowed a Native person to be taken up as a vagrant and hired out. These indentures, made before justices of the peace and county judges, are often the only papers that name a Native Californian child in the 1850s and 1860s.
The eighteen treaties negotiated with California tribes in 1851 and 1852 were rejected by the United States Senate on 8 July 1852 and kept secret until 1905, so no land allotments and no allotment records came out of them41. The record that names Native families in the twentieth century is the California Indian roll instead. An act of Congress in 1928 directed that a roll be made of the Indians living in California on 1 June 1852 and their descendants still living in the state, and the applications that followed carry names, birth dates, parents, and tribal affiliation42.
Asian immigrants faced a different kind of bar. Federal law forbade immigrants from China, Japan, Korea, and India to become citizens, and California used that federal rule as a lever. An act of 1913 provided that a person who could not become a citizen could not own farmland or lease it for more than three years43. A measure the voters approved on 2 November 1920 went further, stopping immigrant parents from putting land in the names of their American-born children and from being appointed those children's guardians44. Japanese immigrant parents nevertheless placed farmland in the names of children born in the United States, or formed corporations to hold it. A deed handing a valuable ranch to a young child, and a guardianship opened over the same child, are often two halves of one arrangement and should be read together. The 1920 measure also required a yearly report, filed with the Secretary of State and the county clerk, from anyone holding such land in trust for an alien or a minor, naming the holder, the property, and how it came into their hands. In 1942 the forced removal of Japanese Americans from the West Coast produced a wave of hurried sales that show in the deeds. The legislature amended the 1920 measure in 1923 and again in 1943, and after the war the state brought escheat proceedings to take land it said had been held in violation of the law; those suits are court files that name the family and describe the land. The law was held unconstitutional as applied to a citizen child in 1948 and struck down in full in 195245.
A person who died without a will died intestate, and a statute divided what they left. Before any share can be worked out, the estate has to be sorted into community property and separate property, because each passed by its own rules.
The rules differed for a husband and a wife, and they changed in 1923. On a husband's death before 1923, half the community property was already the widow's own, and the other half was his to leave by will; if he left no will, that half went to his children rather than to her46. On a wife's death, the whole of the community property stayed with the surviving husband without any court proceeding, because her half was not hers to give away47. That last rule has a large consequence for research: when a married woman died in nineteenth-century California there was often no probate file at all, because there was nothing for a court to administer.
From 1923 the surviving spouse took the dead spouse's half of the community property when there was no will, so the survivor ended up with all of it48. In 1927 the legislature declared that husband and wife held present, existing, and equal interests in the community property during the marriage49.
A spouse's separate property passed to the surviving spouse and the children in fixed fractions50:
Reading the two piles together explains an estate that looks lopsided at first. A file in which the widow took only a third is usually a separate-property estate, with her community half sitting outside the probate altogether. A file in which she appears to take everything is usually community property. A file in which she took half while the children took the other half is very likely a husband's community property before 1923.
Three arrangements protected the family home and gave the widow support, and each leaves its own paper. A recorded declaration of homestead protected the family's residence from being sold to pay debts; where the home came out of community property it passed straight to the survivor when either spouse died, often with no probate at all51. The declaration names the person filing it, usually names the spouse, and describes the land. While an estate was being settled, the probate court could set aside a home and order an allowance paid to the widow and the minor children52. And a small estate could close almost as soon as it opened: where an intestate estate came to no more than $1,500 the court handed the whole of it to the widow and minor children and stopped the administration there53. A very thin file, or one that simply stops, is often this rule at work rather than a lost record.
A child's inheritance went to a guardian, who answered to the probate court and posted a bond. Guardianship came in two forms that appear separately in the records: guardianship of the person, meaning the care of the child, and guardianship of the estate, meaning the care of the property. The probate and county courts handled these in the early decades, and the Superior Court did so after the 1879 constitution reorganized the courts.
Two ages date a person here. A minor of 14 or over could name his or her own guardian, subject to the court's approval, while for a child under 14 the court chose one54. A file in which the child does the naming therefore shows a child of at least 14. Guardianship then ran until the ward came of age: 21 for a boy throughout, and for a girl 18 before 1927 and 21 after, unless she married first. When the ward came of age and took the property, a receipt or discharge was filed, and that single document can fix a birth year within a few months.
A guardian was appointed most often because a child owned property, not because a parent had died. A guardianship opened over a child whose father was alive and well usually means property reached the child from somewhere other than the father — a grandparent, an uncle, or the mother's family — and the guardian is often someone outside the household. A parent could also name a guardian in a will.
A child born outside marriage could inherit in California, and each of the four routes leaves a different trace.
From the mother, always. Such a child was in every case an heir of the mother and inherited from her as though born within a marriage, with no acknowledgment and no court proceeding needed55.
From a father who acknowledged the child in writing. The same section made the child an heir of a man who signed a paper in front of a witness stating that he was the father56. That signed and witnessed paper is a document to hunt for — in the probate file, among the county recorder's miscellaneous records, or with the exhibits in a will contest.
By the later marriage of the parents. A child born before its parents married became legitimate when they married57. Where an inheritance runs to a child whose birth came first, the marriage is the record to find.
By a father taking the child into his home. A father who publicly acknowledged the child as his, received the child into his family — with his wife's consent, if he was married — and treated the child as legitimate made that child legitimate from birth, with no court order required58. Because this route rested on how a man behaved rather than on anything he signed, the argument about whether it happened often surfaces years afterward in a fight over an estate, tried on the testimony of neighbors59. Where a man denied being the father, the question was settled in a support case brought against him, and that file names him.
The age to make a will was 18, for either sex and for land and goods alike, from the first year of statehood. The wills act of 1850 allowed every person over 18 and of sound mind to dispose of their whole estate by will, and the Civil Code carried that wording forward almost unchanged60. A will made by anyone younger had no effect.
A married woman's will carried an extra requirement in the early decades. Under the 1850 act her will was good only with her husband's written consent, witnessed and attached to the will, unless a marriage contract or his written authority given before the wedding had already granted her the power. An amendment of 1874 let her leave her separate property by will on her own61. Where a married woman's will from before 1874 survives, look for the husband's consent attached to it — a signed and witnessed document naming him. Her half of the community property did not come under her own will until 1923.
A valid California will was written, signed by the testator — the person making it — and signed by two witnesses, each of whom signed while the testator watched62. California also accepted what the code called an olographic will, meaning one written, dated, and signed entirely in the testator's own hand, and that kind needed no witnesses at all63. It accepted a nuncupative will as well — a spoken one — but only within tight limits: goods worth no more than $500, spoken during the last illness in front of two witnesses, and written down soon after, with more latitude for soldiers on service and sailors at sea64.
A witness to a will could be of any age, so long as the person was competent to testify — meaning old enough and clear-headed enough to understand the oath and tell what happened, and a gift to a witness had a rule of its own. Where a will left something to one of its own witnesses, that gift failed unless two other competent witnesses had also signed; the witness stayed competent to prove the will either way65. A legacy to a witness that fails is still worth noting, because it tells you the person who drew the will thought that witness close enough to the family to be remembered in it.
An executor — the person named in a will to carry it out — had to be of full age and had to post a bond66. Read together with the ages of majority, that means a man serving as executor was at least 21 throughout, and a woman at least 18 before 1927 and 21 after. Before 1891 a married woman could not be appointed to settle an intestate estate, though a will could name her executrix; a widow could serve, since she was no longer married, but marrying again ended her authority. From 1891 a married woman could be appointed, and marrying no longer ended an appointment already held67. Where a will named someone who could not serve, the court gave the job to another person, so read the letters the court issued rather than the will to learn who actually settled the estate.
Four kinds of tax fell on individuals in California: a tax on property, a poll tax, a road tax, and two taxes aimed at particular groups, the Foreign Miners' License Tax and the Chinese Police Tax. California also charged an inheritance tax from the 1890s, and the valuation made for it in a probate file lists the people who inherited and how each was related to the person who died. The property tax was assessed county by county each year, and the resulting assessment roll names the owner of every taxable thing in the county, which places a family in one place in one year.
California charged a poll tax, meaning a fixed sum demanded from a person simply for being a person rather than for owning anything. Lawyers called it a capitation tax, from the Latin for head, and the "poll" is the taxable head being counted. The first legislature adopted it in 1850, and the Political Code set it at $2 a year on every male inhabitant over 21 and under 60, with the money going to the state school fund68. The 1879 constitution then required it, fixing an annual tax of at least two dollars on every male inhabitant of the state over 21 and under 60, apart from paupers, people the constitution described as idiots or insane, and Indians who were not taxed, and directing the money to the school fund69.
| Period | Who was listed as a poll | The tax |
|---|---|---|
| From 1850 | Male inhabitants over 21 and under 60 | A fixed sum, paid to the school fund |
| From 1879 | The same, apart from paupers, those the constitution called idiots or insane, and Indians not taxed | At least $2, paid to the school fund |
The poll tax came and went, which matters when a list is missing. The voters ended it in 1914 by rewriting the same section of the constitution that had required it, article XIII, section 12, so that no poll or head tax of any kind could be levied or collected in California. The section was rewritten again afterward to require a tax of not less than four dollars on every alien male inhabitant between 21 and 60, paid into the school fund of the county that collected it, and a tax levied on aliens in 1921 was struck down by the state Supreme Court. In 1924 the voters replaced that with a direction to the legislature to levy an educational poll tax of not less than five dollars on every male inhabitant between 21 and 50, paid into the state school fund, excusing men honorably discharged from the army, navy, or marine corps and anyone already paying five dollars a year in property tax. The voters repealed the section outright in 194670.
For anyone hunting a list, the catch is that the 1924 provision only told the legislature to act, and the legislature never did. The argument for repeal printed in the 1946 voter pamphlet says the legislature refrained from levying the tax, and that the provision sat in the constitution looking like a standing instruction to impose it. California poll-tax lists therefore end in 1914 and do not resume. A man named on one belongs to the years before that, apart from the brief tax on aliens in 1921. A separate road poll tax of up to three dollars fell each year on every male between 21 and 55 found in a road district, with men honorably discharged from Union service in the Civil War excepted71. The road-district lists are another place a man of working age is named.
The Foreign Miners' License Tax fell on miners who were not citizens. The first act, in 1850, charged twenty dollars a month and was repealed the following year after the collections collapsed72. A second act of 1852 charged a smaller monthly sum that rose over the years, and after 1852 it fell overwhelmingly on Chinese miners until its repeal in 187073. The tax collector's receipts and records are what it left behind.
The Chinese Police Tax, laid by an act approved 26 April 1862, charged two dollars and fifty cents a month on people the statute described as of the Mongolian race who were 18 and over. The California Supreme Court struck it down the same year, holding that it intruded on the federal government's authority over trade with other nations74.
A California juror had to be a citizen of the United States aged 21 or over, resident in the state for a year and in the county for ninety days, in possession of his natural faculties and of ordinary intelligence, able to understand English, and assessed on the county's last assessment roll for property belonging to him75. That last requirement is the useful one: it applied to every juror, not merely to the talesman — the bystander called in at the courthouse to fill out a jury when too few of the summoned men appeared. A man who sat on a California jury owned taxable property, and the assessment roll for that year should name him.
Jury service followed the vote. The 1849 constitution gave the vote to white male citizens76, so early juries were drawn from white men only. The Fifteenth Amendment made Black men voters in 1870, and from that year a Black man qualified for a California jury on the same footing as any other man. Women became eligible on 28 July 1917, six years after California women won the vote, when the legislature amended the jury law to admit them77.
A child could be convicted of a crime from the age of 14. Below that age the law presumed the child incapable: a child under 14 could be convicted only on clear proof that the child knew the act was wrong at the time, while a child of 14 or over carried full responsibility78. The presumption could be overcome by evidence, so for a child under 14 the trial turned on what the child understood.
From the early twentieth century a child accused of an offense went before a separate court. An act of 1903 set up a juvenile court and moved children out of the ordinary criminal courts, treating a child under sixteen who broke the law as a delinquent rather than as a defendant. A new act of 1909 took the name "Juvenile Court Law" and raised the age to eighteen, so from that year a person under eighteen went before the juvenile court rather than the criminal one79. From then on the record of a child's case sits in the juvenile court files, where it is usually closed to the public. The 1909 act also sent committed children to the Whittier State School and the Preston State School of Industry, whose registers name the child, the committing county, and often the parents.
Competence decided who could testify, whether in a criminal case, a civil case, on a deed, or on a will. A witness who understood the duty of the oath, took in what happened, and could relate it truly was allowed to testify, and a child of any age who met that test could take the stand. A child under 10 who appeared unable to take in the facts or to relate them truly was excluded80. Children did testify.
Two rules reached particular witnesses. Neither husband nor wife could be examined for or against the other without that spouse's consent, and neither could be made to repeat what the other had said in confidence during the marriage81; apart from that, a woman was a competent witness throughout the period. Race barred certain testimony in the early decades. From 1850 a person the statutes described as Black, mulatto, or Indian could not give evidence for or against a white person, in criminal cases and, under the Civil Practice Act, in civil ones as well82. The courts extended the bar to Chinese witnesses in 185483. The bar on Black testimony was repealed in 1863, and the remaining racial bars ended with the codes that took effect on 1 January 1873. While they lasted, a case against a white party could go forward only on the evidence of competent white witnesses, which is why a California lawsuit from the 1850s can be full of depositions and yet silent from the Black, Native, or Chinese people who actually saw what happened. From 1863 for Black witnesses, and from 1873 for everyone, a competent person could testify whatever their race.
(Guide compiled by Jeniann Nielsen with AI assistance from Claude Opus 4.8 and Gemini Pro 3.1. Check primary sources as needed.)
Every rule above is tagged with the law it rests on. The lists below show where to read those laws in full, and the reference works consulted, so anything here can be checked against the original sources.