USA > Alabama > History of the First Regiment, Alabama Volunteer Infantry, C.S.A. > Part 3
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slowly ascending the wall. Then a mighty shout of Confeder- ates, heard above the din of artillery and sounding like the distant murmur of many waters, rang along the bending shore from Fort McRee to the navy yard.
While such was the struggle between the fleet and Fort Mc- Ree, a conflict of far greater proportion was on between Fort Pickens and Barrancas with its chain of batteries, all manned by the First Alabama regiment. Ten times more lead and iron were hurled against our positions than against Fort McRee, but shot and shell made little impression on our batteries of sand bags; and Fort Barrancas, sunk in a great sand hill with very little brick wall above the surface, was almost as invul- nerable. The artillery on both sides aggregated about 300 pieces, varying in calibre from 32 to 128 pounders ; and as each was fired every few minutes, the deafening roar was beyond de- scription-beyond even conception save to those engaged. Every window light in Warrenton was shivered to atoms by the first few volleys, while those in Pensacola, eight miles dis- tant, were badly shaken up and many broken. In some in- stances blood poured from the noses of men working the guns, while the thunder of the conflict was afterwards declared to have been heard at Greenville, Camden, Montgomery, Hayne- ville, Union Springs, and Troy, distances ranging from one hundred to one hundred and twenty-five miles from the scene of action.
No damage was done Barrancas or any of its batteries, but we inflicted material damage to Fort Pickens.
The battle continued all day with unabated energy. About dark the firing ceased, except Capt. Posey's mortar battery that kept up a duel all night with a Yankee mortar battery, furnish- ing quite a spectacular entertainment to the two armies.
Fort McRee had learned some things by the day's experience ; and under cover of darkness, and, assisted by heavy details, her men built a battery of three guns half a mile down the shore, between the fort and the two men-of-war.
Worn out by the day's hard work, we ate a cold lunch and retired to the rough planks of our "old cabin home" for need- ed rest. But a seaward breeze setting up, whistled about the roofs and around the corners of our cottages in such exact imi- tation of a coming hostile shell, to which our ears had all day been accustomed that we were frequently startled from our
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Pensacola Campaign, 1861.
dreams, and sprang from our bunks. Many a hearty laugh was indulged in during the night on this score. Rather an "airy" sort of battle was this, but later in the night we got up another sort ,almost as airy but on a much grander scale. About II p. m. our pickets began discharging their guns along the beach. At first the shots were scattering, but rapidly increased until it seemed like the whole picket force was hotly engaged, while in camp the "long roll" was beating to arms, and officers shout- ing to their men to "fall in," as if the whole Yankee army was landing about two hundred yards in our front. Men ran hither- thither in hurly-burley style, sometimes knocking each other down in their blind and mad rush for clothing, guns and equip- ment. As soon as formed, the companies were "double-quick- ed" to their respective batteries. On reaching his battery, a certain captain of the regiment made a speech that night to his company that was repeated many a time afterward around the camp-fires of the regiment. As he drew up his company in line, he thus harangued the men at the top of his voice, and in a high key: "Stand firm, men! Stand firm! Think of your homes and firesides ! You have done well today, and we expect you to do well tonight." It was, of course, a false alarm, a very common occurrence in any army in time of war, and after ·an hour's detention, we were dismissed to our quarters. I will state, however, for the benefit of the uninitiated, that these night alarms, far in the dead hour of night, are more trying to the nerves than a real battle in daytime.
At dawn next morning, November 23, Fort McRee's men early began the day's battle by a vigorous attack on the two warships. After a hot contest for an hour, the latter retired out of range, taking their position along with the rest of the fleet, where they could do the fort less damage.
By 8 o'clock the bombardment was again in full blast, every gun on both sides being brought into action. The Yankees, however, had a better range of our positions, and landed their shot and shell with greater precision. Frequently several shells would explode almost simultaneously in or above a single bat- tery, and the men would take refuge in their "rat-holes".for protection. But these "rat holes," covered with coarse, loose sand to a depth of about four feet, were places of fancied, rather than real security. They offered good protection against small fragments of shells, but we are confident that a shell from a mortar would have penetrated without any difficulty.
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The second day's battle was essentially a repetition of the first, with no abatement of spirit on either side. The firing ceased at dark, excerpt that Capt. Posey again kept up his mortar battery duel all night. The enemy did not resume the attack next morning. and thus ended the great bombardment- the greatest, perhaps, during the Civil War, when both num- ber and calibre of guns are taken into account. By order of Gen. Bragg, the words "November 22 and 23, 1861," were inscribed on the banner of the Ist Alabama regiment.
On January 1, 1862, Gen. Bragg had occasion to be absent, leaving Gen. Anderson in command. The latter opened up a fight which lasted all day. Rumor had it that Gen. Bragg was much displeased at this attack. All the Confederate forts and batteries were manned by the First Alabama, except Fort Mc- Ree and a battery at the navy yard.
REGIMENT REORGANIZED.
The period of our enlistment (twelve months) was now drawing to a close, and the question of reorganization was a lively theme with the regiment. When we volunteered, we thought we could whip the Yankees in three months. It was now evident that we were entering upon a long and bloody. conflict. Accordingly, the Confederacy was enlisting soldiers only for three years, or the war. But as the First had already served one year, Gen. Bragg thought it just that we be received for two years, and we were mustered in for that period-the only regiment perhaps in the Confederate service so enlisted. Three companies -- the Eufaula Pioneers, Eufaula Rifles, and Red Eagles-declined to reorganize, and their places were taken by Capt. Pruitt's company from Barbour county; Capt. Knowles's company from Macon county; and Capt. John F. Whitfield's company from Autauga and Montgomery counties. Of the seven companies reorganized, about half of the men and officers re-enlisted, the rest being discharged and enlisting in other commands.
Upon reorganization, I. G. W. Steedman was unanimously elected Colonel ; S. L. Knox, Major; S. D. Steedman was ap- pointed Adjutant ; Dr. J. C. Hamilton, Surgeon ; Dr. Madding, Assistant Surgeon ; D. Carmichael, Quartermaster ; Capt. B. Sullens, Commissary. The companies were commanded respect-
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Pensacola Campaign, 1861.
ively by J. D. Meadows, Capt. Co. A (Tallapoosa Rifles) ; D. W. Ramsey, Capt. Co. B (Wilcox True Blues) ; J. T. Stubbs, Capt. Co. C (Guards of the Sunny South) ; R. H. Isbell, Capt. Co. D (Talladega Rifles) ; John H. Wood, Capt. Co. E (Rough and Ready Pioneers) ; Richard Williams, Capt. Co. F (Clay- ton Guards) ; M. B. Locke, Capt. Co. G (Perote Guards ; -- Knowles, Capt. Co. H; W. H. Pruitt, Capt. Co. I; John F. Whitfield, Capt. Co. K (John Gill Shorter, Artillery). No election was held for lieutenant-colonel, because, as yet, regi- mental sentiment had not united on any single individual for the position; and, besides, as the regiment was soon to be largely recruited, it seemed just that the recruits should have a voice in the selection of at least one field officer. At Island No. 10, owing to so much sickness and other causes the elec- tion was not considered, and accordingly an election for lieutenant-colonel was not held until we reached Port Hudson in October, 1862.
We received our furloughs for thirty days, January 17, 1862, and left on the first train for our respective homes, where we were welcomed, banqueted and lionized by all, but especially by sweethearts, as conquering heroes. Social entertainments were given almost every night at which "soft eyes looked love to eyes that spake again." Very few then could lay claim to having seen twelve months' service, and to having participated in three battles. Besides, the hot sun at Barrancas had so tanned our skins that we in no wise resembled the tender-faced boys of twelve months before, but had become veterans in ap- pearance. The war spirit was at red heat, and the military was everywhere conspicuous throughout the State. At the expira- tion of our furloughs we left our respective communities amid impassioned speeches and pathetic scenes of separation from loved ones.
When the companies reached Barrancas late in February the regiment had over one thousand men on its rolls, nearly two- thirds of whom knew nothing of arms or service. Many of the boys, who were in school or college when they enlisted a year previous, had carried back with them school books in Latin, Greek, mathematics, and other branches, under the delusion that we would be at Barrancas to the end of the war; and, as we had several scholarly teachers in the regiment, we expected to fight Yankees and pursue our studies at the same time.
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CHAPTER II.
ISLAND NUMBER TEN CAMPAIGN, AND PRISON LIFE, 1862.
ISLAND NO. IO CAMPAIGN.
Within a few days we were put to dismounting the big guns in our batteries. We knew this portended early evacuation of Barrancas. The work was carried on at night through blind- ing clouds of dust that filled our eyes and throats, and which caused an epidemic of bad colds. Doubtless, this condition of our men was, in a large degree, responsible for so much fatal sickness in our regiment a week or two later at Island No. 10.
On the morning of March 5, 1862, our regiment, having more the appearance of a brigade than regiment, led by our own Steedman, and headed by a brass band, marched from Barrancas to Pensacola. It was an ideal spring morning, and the live oak groves and wild flowers along the way were in full bloom and resonant with the melodies of singing birds. All trunks, books, and heavy clothing had been shipped home. We were under marching orders for Island No. 10, a military post in the Mississippi river commanded by Brigadier-General J. P. Mc- Cown.
The next morning we boarded flat cars at Pensacola depot. A cold rain was falling that beat upon us until we reached Tensas landing. From Tensas we went by steamer to Mobile; thence in two sections and in passenger coaches by the Mobile and Ohio Railroad to Corinth, Miss .; thence by the Memphis and Charleston Railroad to Memphis, Tenn., which we reached early on March 12, 1862. We were at once transferred to a steamer and started to Island No. 10. The boat was a leaky old transport, unfit for service, and of insufficient capacity to carry our regiment comfortably. compelling us to leave tents and heavy baggage behind. We were packed almost to suffo- cation on both decks. The river was at its highest flood, and
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Island No. Ten Campaign, and Prison Life, 1862.
down its maddened and foaming billows uprooted trees and debris were being driven with resistless fury. We faced all day a cold north wind, and when night came the men spread down their blankets, covering every inch of available space, each trying to get as near the smokestack as possible. Learning during the day that the Federals had captured New Madrid, Mo., about twelve miles below Island No. 10, we landed about dark at Tiptonville, and at once marched to the former point, about six miles distant. We were halted for the night in an old cornfield, where, wrapped in blankets and stretched on the ground, we were soon asleep. An hour later we were aroused from this blissful state by a downpour of rain that lasted until daylight. Our tents did not reach us until a week later, during which time we suffered much from cold and rain.
Island No. 10 contained at this time about forty acres, was situated in the Mississippi river near the corner of Tennessee, Missouri and Kentucky. Its surface was about ten feet above the river at this stage. The eastern bank of the river for a mile or more was about twenty feet above the river level. Half a mile above the island the river, flowing south, abruptly turns northward to New Madrid, thence southeast to Tiptonville, a distance of 35 miles, thus forming a great peninsula, across whose neck from Tiptonville to Island No. 10 is only six miles. Nearly a mile above the island, where the river turns northwest, the east bank sinks to the general level of the valley; and there the river, overleaping its banks in a sheet of water half a mile wide and from two to five feet deep, flows southeast to Reel Foot lake, eight miles distant, encircling at this time Tiptonville, our fortifications and army in a great island. On the river's bank in the upper edge of this sheet of water, and facing directly up the river, was Rucker's battery of six guns forming our outpost defence. It was a miserable affair, knee deep in water, and its weak parapets affording little protection to men, guns, or ammunition. The ordnance and details could reach it only at night and in small boats; sometimes up the channel of the river, sometimes across the sheet of water through the swamp. Naturally, it was the main point of attack.
Besides Rucker's, there were six batteries on the east bank of the river, each mounting from two to four guns varying in cal- ibre from 32 to 64-pounders; and on the island proper there were two batteries of four guns each, and an old barge anchored
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in front of the island and having a battery of four guns. There were also quite a number of unmounted cannon. Our regi- ment, without sleep the previous night, mounted two guns on the 14th of March.
The next day the enemy's fleet of mortar boats and iron-clad gunboats arrived and at once attacked us, concentrating their fire on Rucker. All the batteries replied with vigor, and occa- sionally with effect. The cannonading was heavy and lasted until night with only slight damage to Rucker's battery.
Early on the morning of March 16, three of the enemy's strongest gunboats lashed together, advanced within close range and opened a vigorous fire upon Rucker's battery, and also upon our position below. They were now within fair range of all our batteries and every gun was brought into action. All day cannon thundered from the gunboats, the east bank, and the island. At Rucker's, one man was killed and several wounded by a sheit. Beyond this there was no material damage to either side. This closed the biggest fight at Island No. 10, the fleet after this keeping well out of our reach. Major H. S. Foote, son of Mississippi's distinguished congressman, aid-de-camp to General McCown at Island No. 10, relates the following inci- dent of Col. Steedman at this battle: "The ammunition was exhausted by 3 p. m. The Colonel of the First Alabama, who was at Rucker's with some of his men, came down to headquar- ters through water, waist deep in places, to get cannon car- tridges. The cartridges were carried by negroes who had vol- unteered for the work, the Colonel of the First leading the way, I bringing up the rear. The sight inside that place (Rucker's battery) was enough to dishearten and terrify the bravest. There were our men, fighting with the desperation of despair ; some of the guns were dismounted, the platforms sunk in mud and water, and dead and wounded lying around, the bursting shells; Rucker, like the hero he was, encouraging his men; and the men, stripped to the waist, at their guns, and all other sad sights of a fort alnost battered to pieces by cannon shot. Nev- ertheless, that colonel of the First Alabama coolly walked into this chamber of death and there remained until the last car- tridge was disposed of."
This fort was not captured until after its evacuation, and the retreat of the army.
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Shortly after this the Federals fitted out at night a detach- ment of about fifty men and sent it down the river during a terrific storm to spike the guns in Rucker's battery. With muffled oars and under cover of darkness they reached the bat- tery undiscovered, surprised the sentinels, and before the guard that was bivouacking fifty yards away could be aroused from sleep and reach the battery, spiked the guns and escaped.
In the meanwhile the enemy had successfully passed trans- ports across the point of land opposite our batteries, and reached the river below us. The water at this point was several feet deep from the overflow of the river, and the enemy, by cutting down trees a few feet below the surface of the water and re- moving logs and other obstructions from a small bayou effected a practicable canal through the swamps for transports. The water was not deep enough for gunboats.
The enemy now attempted to run a gunboat past our batteries. Accordingly, on the night of April 4, 1862, which was stormny and dark, the pickets observed by the occasional flashes of light- ning, unusual activity among the gunboats. A few minutes later, the Carondelet, sunk nearly to the water's edge, and pro- tected by bales of hay, dashed out from the fleet on its perilous voyage. Smoke of stygian blackness rolled in immense volume from its smokestack as revealed here and there along its way by occasional lightning. It steamed directly in the face of Ruck- er's battery, approaching within two hundred yards of it; and then turning at right angles west pursued its course under a heavy fire from our lines without returning a shot. The guns of Rucker were out of order and could make no attack. The other batteries hurled tons of shot and shell at the bold craft. Reaching a point of safety below, the Carondelet fired a gun as a signal to the fleet that it had passed in safety.
On the morning of April 6, heavy firing in the direction of Point Pleasant, opposite New Madrid, indicated that the enemy was landing troops there under cover of the guns of the Caron- delet. About 6 p. m., before we had eaten supper, the regiment was ordered to report at headquarters. There were hardly three hundred men in ranks. An hour later all the available troops of the command had assembled, leaving a few in charge of our fortifications, and we started in the direction of Point Pleasant, presumably to recapture our battery. About 2 a. m. we were drawn up in line half a mile from Point Pleasant, ex-
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pecting to advance. But we were soon ordered to rest, and in a few minutes were asleep. When we awoke a heavy rain was falling. We were hungry and had no rations. About 9 a. m. our commissary wagons arrived: We commenced to cook ra- tions, but were ordered, rather excitedly, to "fall in." We were soon in full retreat toward Tiptonville. The morning was warm, the road wet and muddy, we were tired and hungry, and all blankets and other surplus articles were promiscuously scat- . tered along the way. The enemy's cavalry from Point Pleas- ant hung upon our rear, but kept at a safe distance. It was nearly sundown when we entered a large plantation in rear and in full view of Tiptonville, the smokestack of a gunboat being seen at the landing. We crossed the plantation about a mile east, and entered the swamp now dense with the foliage of spring. It was getting dark. The command was led by fresh troops who, becoming excited at some of our cavalry returning from a reconnoisance in front, produced some confu- sion in that quarter for a few seconds. Our gallant Major, S. L. Knox, commanding the regiment at that time, commanded the First Alabama "front face, right dress," and in a moment our regiment presented as straight a line as was ever seen on dress parade, standing alone and facing the supposed direction of the enemy. The whole thing was so sudden it was a severe test of the courage of the First Alabama, the presumption being that we had fallen into an ambuscade, as the enemy was known to be in force in that vicinity. The fresh troops were formed about half a mile from this point ; and our regiment after stand- ing half an hour in this position, aligned with them. Here we stacked our arms, as we then thought only for the night, but in fact for surrender. During the night Gen. W. W. Mackall, wlio a week before had superseded General McCown, capitulated April 8, and the next morning we were formed and marched without guns to the river bank in an open field, and were formally sur- rendered to General Payne. General Mackall was much criti- cised for this surrender. Incompetency, and even treason, were charged, but there was no ground for either. Generals Mc- Cown and Mackall did the best that could have been done by any officers under all the circumstances. It was expected that our command would be sacrificed when sent to Island No. 10. General Braxton Bragg so informed Colonel Steedman several times since the war. It was done to hold Pope in check with
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an army of forty thousand men until Albert Sidney Johnston could attack Grant at Shiloh. The idea that Mackall could have hastily constructed barges and escaped with his command across the Reel Foot lake, which at this point was ten miles wide, is absurd. True, a few fugitives, even some too sick to fall in line when we left camp, did this. But though this was possible to a few scattered men, while the army engaged the attention of the enemy, it would have been altogether impossi- ble for the army itself. All honor to Generals Mccown and Mackall and brave officers, who, with only five thousand men, hardly half of them fit for duty, kept back Pope for nearly a month. The sacrifice of our command alone gave Albert Sid- ney Johnston hope of victory at Shilch ; and our sufferings and fate, terrible as they were, were not in vain.
OFFICERS AND PRIVATES GO TO PRISON.
It has been noted that only three hundred men of the First Alabama reported for duty at the camps when we set out on our march from Island No. 10, and that Major Knox, instead of Colonel Steedman, commanded the regiment at its surrender. This ratio of inen on the rolls to number able for duty pre- vailed in all other commands, so out of five thousand Confeder- ates on the island, about fifteen hundred surrendered in line. The First had about one-third of its men in line. The terrible epidemics of measles, mumps and pneumonia had depleted our ranks, being especially severe on recruits. The First must have lost four hundred men in the twenty-seven days of service here, and from the effects of that service afterwards in prison. Many died and were buried at Island No. 10 before the surrender. After the surrender, the officers were transferred to Johnson's Island, the non-commissioned officers and privates to Camp But- ler, Springfield, Ill .; to Camp Douglas, Chicago, Ill .; to Mad- ison, Wis., and to other points of the north. For a month after reaching these prisons the mortality was fearful. One hundred and five of our regiment died at Madison, Wis. Here the graves of our First Alabama dead, along with other Confederate graves there, were marked, and the cemetery cared for during many years by a noble Southern woman, Mrs. Alice Waterman, now (1904) dead. She deserves the lasting gratitude of every Alabamian. A monument should be erected in this "Confed-
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erate Rest," containing the names of each dead soldier ; also the name of Alice Waterman in bold relief. We have before us a list of the names, so there can be no doubt about this .*
The Federal authorities, at least at Camp Butler, where the writer was in prison, did all that medical skill, hospital stores and comfortable quarters could do to arrest the appalling death rate of the Confederate prisoners, but in vain. While at Island No. 10 this writer visited sick friends in two of our hospitals ; one on a steamer anchored opposite the island in the river ; the other in a church, one or two miles in rear of our line. In the former the men were lying on the floor across the cabin, head to wall and feet to feet, with a space of twelve or eighteen inches between each. They all had pneumonia, and the space be- tween each was literally covered with phlegm expectorated by the patients. The same was the case in the aisle, which was about three feet wide. The coughing, wheezing and groans were distressing. The situation at the church was the same, except that the patients had bunks. Our entire stock of medical stores seems to have consisted of one single item-blue mass. We have seen our surgeon standing in the door of the hospital tent with a wad of the delicious delicacy in his hand, and issuing it out to the sick apparently without regard to the nature of the disease.
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