USA > Alabama > Reminiscences of public men in Alabama : for thirty years, with an appendix > Part 75
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On the question being asked by Mr. RANDALL, of Pennsylva- nia, how many names were attached to the several reports, Mr. BUTLER replied that seventeen had signed the majority report, four had agreed with him in his report, and eleven had agreed to the report of Mr. SAMUELS.
The vote was then declared, and the minority resolutions were adopted-yeas 165, nays 138.
The question then was on adopting the report as amended, when Mr. Butler moved for a division of the question, so as to take the vote on the first proposition to adopt the Cincinnati platform first. At this stage, the Journal says that "Mr. ASHE, of North Carolina, made an earnest appeal to the North to pause before consummating this action. It could but lead to division and ruin; for as a repre- sentative of North Carolina he could not remain in the Convention if this platform was adopted.".
Many points of order were then taken, and motions to lay on the table were made and lost. Finally, the vote was taken on adopting the preamble of the minority report, and the resolution to abide by the decision of the Supreme Court, relative to slavery in the Territories, when the preamble and resolution were re- jected-yeas 21, nays 238. On this question, the States of Geor- gia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas, did not vote. The other resolutions, in addition to the Cincinnati platform, were then adopted.
To introduce here certain documents from Alabama, copies are made from the Journal of the Convention:
After debate, Mr. WALKER, of Alabama, obtained the floor, and presented the following paper to the Convention-
To the Hon. Caleb Cushing, President of the Democratic National Convention, now in session in the City of Charleston, South Carolina:
The undersigned delegates, representing the State of Alabama in this Conven- tion, respectfully beg leave to lay before your honorable body the following state- ment of facts-
On the eleventh day of January, 1860, the Democratic party of the State of Alabama met in Convention, in the city of Montgomery, and adopted, with singular unanimity, a series of resolutions herewith submitted :
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"RESOLUTIONS OF THE DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION.
"1. Resolved by the Democracy of the State of Alabama, in Convention assembled, That holding all issues and principles upon which they have heretofore affiliated and acted with the National Democratic party, to be inferior in dignity and im- portance to the great question of slavery, they content themselves with a general re-affirmance of the Cincinnati Platform as to such issues, and also indorse said platform as to slavery, together with the following resolutions-
"2. Resolved further, That we reaffirm so much of the first resolution of the platform adopted in Convention by the Democracy of this State, on the 8th of Jan- uary, 1856, as relates to the subject of slavery, to-wit : 'The unqualified right of the people of the slaveholding States to the protection of their property in the States, in the Territories, and in the wilderness in which Territorial Governments are yet unorganized.'
"3. Resolved further, That in order to meet and clear away all obstacles to a full enjoyment of this right in the Territories, we reaffirm the principles of the 9th resolution of the platform adopted by the Democracy of this State on the 14th of February, 1848, to-wit: 'That it is the duty of the General Government, by all proper legislation, to secure an entry into those Territories to all the citizens of the United States, together with their property of every description, and that the same should remain protected by the United States while the Territories are under its authority.'
"4. Resolved further, That the Constitution of the United States is a compact be- tween sovereign and co-equal States, united upon the basis of perfect equality of rights and privileges.
"5. Resolved further, That the Territories of the United States are common prop- erty, in which the States have equal rights, and to which the citizens of every State may rightfully emigrate with their slaves or other property, recognized as such in any of the States of the Union, or by the Constitution of the United States. "6. Resolved further, That the Congress of the United States has no power to abolish slavery in the Territories, or to prohibit its introduction into any of them. "7. Resolved further, That the Territorial Legislatures, created by the Legisla- tion of Congress, have no power to abolish slavery, or to prohibit the introduction of the same, or to impair, by unfriendly legislation, the security and full enjoy- ment of the same within the Territories; and such constitutional power does not belong to the people of the Territories in any capacity, before, in the exercis e of a lawful authority, they form a Constitution preparatory to admission as a State into the Union ; and their action in the exercise of such lawful authority certainly can not operate to take effect before their actual admission as a State into the Union.
"8. Resolved further, That the principles enunciated by Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, deny to the Territorial Legislature the power to destroy or impair, by any legislation, whatever, the right of property in slaves, and maintain it to be the duty of the Federal Government, in all of its depart- ments, to protect the rights of the owner of such property in the Territories; and the principles so declared are hereby asserted to be the rights of the South, and the South should maintain them.
"9. Resolved further, That we hold all of the foregoing propositions to contain cardinal principles, true in themselves, and just and proper, and necessary for the safety of all that is dear to us, and we do hereby instruct our delegates to the Charleston Convention to present them for the calm consideration and approval of that body, from whose justice and patriotism we anticipate their adoption.
"10. Resolved further, That our delegates to the Charleston Convention are hereby expressly instructed to insist that said Convention shall adopt a platform of principles, recognizing distinctly the rights of the South, so asserted in the foregoing resolutions; and if the said National Convention shall refuse to adopt, in substance, the propositions embraced in the preceding resolutions, prior to nom- inating candidates, our delegates to said Convention are hereby positively instructed to withdraw therefrom.
"11. Resolved further, That our delegates to the Charleston Convention shall cast the vote of Alabama as a unit, and a majority of our delegates shall determine how the vote of the State shall be given.
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Reminiscences of Public Men in Alabama.
"12. Resolved further, That the Executive Committee, to consist of one from each Congressional District, shall be appointed, whose duty it shall be, in the event our delegates withdraw from the Charleston Convention, in obedience to the 10th resolution, to call a Convention of the Democracy of Alabama, to meet at an early day, to consider what is best to be done."
Under these resolutions the undersigned received their appointment, and par- ticipated in the action of this Convention.
By the resolution of instruction-the tenth in the series-we were directed to insist that the platform adopted by this Convention should embody "in substance," the propositions embraced in the preceding resolutions, prior to nominating candi- dates.
Anxious, if possible, to continue our relations with this Convention, and thus to maintain the nationality of the Democratic party, we agreed to accept as the substance of the Alabama platform, either of the two reports submitted to this Convention by a majority of the Committee on Resolations -- this majority repre- senting not only a majority of the States of the Union, but also the only States likely to be carried by the Democratic party in the Presidential election.
[Here is annexed to Mr. Walker's statement a copy of the first and second majority reports, which had been indorsed in the Com- mittee on Resolutions by every Southern State; but it had been the pleasure of the Convention, by an almost exclusive sectional vote, to adopt a platform which did not embody the principles of the Alabama resolutions. This platform is substantially that adopted at Charleston, and readopted at Baltimore, Front Street Theater.]
The points of difference between the Northern and Southern Democracy are thus stated in a communication to the President of the Convention :
1st. As regards the status of slavery, as a political institution, in the Territories, whilst they remain in the Territories, and the power of the people of a Territory to exclude it by unfriendly legislatlon.
And 2d. As regards the duty of the Federal Government to protect the owner of slaves in the enjoyment of his property in the Territory, so long as they remain such.
This Convention has refused, by the platform adopted, to settle either of these propositions in favor of the South. We deny to the people of a Territory any power to legislate against the institution of slavery; and we assert that it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect the owner of slaves in the enjoyment of his property in the Territories. These principles, as we state them, are embodied in the Alabama Platform.
Here, then, is a plain, explicit, and direct issue between this Convention and the constituency we have the honor to represent in this body. Instructed, as we are, not to waive this issue, the contingency, therefore, has arisen when, in our opinion, it becomes our duty to withdraw from this Convention.
We beg, sir, to communicate this fact through you, and to assure the Conven- tion that we do so in no spirit of anger, but under a sense of imperative obliga- tion-properly appreciating its responsibilities, and cheerfully submitting to its consequences.
L. P. WALKER, Chairman. JOHN W. PORTIS, P. O. HARPER,
F. S. LYON, F. G. NORMAN,
R. CHAPMAN,
JOHN A. WINSTON, J. C. GUILD, ROBERT G. SCOTT,
H. D. SMITH, JULIUS C. B. MITCHELL, THOMAS B. COOPER,
W. L. YANCEY, G. G. GRIFFIN, PEYTON G. KING,
D. W. BAINE, J. T. BRADFORD,
J. R. BREARE,
N. H. R. DAWSON, T. J. BURNETT,
W. GARRETT,
R. M. PATTON,
A. G. HENRY, A. W. DILLARD,
JOHN ERWIN, W. C. SHERROD, A. B. MEEK,
W. G. MCIVER,
WILLIAM M. BROOKS, M. J. BULGER,
LEWIS L. CATO, [Delegate appointed, but not participating in the Convention.]
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Reminiscences of Public Men in Alabama.
Judge MEEK offered the following resolution, which was unan- imously adopted :
Resolved, That in the event the Alabama delegation should withdraw from the Convention, no delegate, or any other person, shall thenceforward have any au- thority to represent Alabama upon the floor of this Convention, or to cast the vote of Alabama therein; and that our Chairman be instructed to so inform said Convention.
Then followed in succession the protests against the action of the majority in adopting the platform, and the withdrawal from the Convention of the delegates from Mississippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas. A majority of the delegates from Georgia (26) also withdrew-ten remaining, who, under instructions from home to cast the vote of the State as a unit, were ruled by the Chair as not entitled to vote.
The two-thirds rule of the whole number of Electoral votes (303) in the Union, having been adopted, and 202 declared nec- essary to a nomination for President of the United States, the Convention, at the afternoon session of the eighth day, May 1st, proceeded to ballot for the first time, when Mr. Caldwell, of Ken- tucky, placed JAMES GUTHRIE, in nomination. Mr. Patrick, of California, placed DANIEL S. DICKINSON in nomination. Mr. Russell, of Virginia, presented the name of ROBERT M. T. HUN- TER. Mr. Ewing, of Tennessee, presented the name of ANDREW JOHNSON; and Mr. Stevens, of Oregon, the name of Gen. Jo- SEPH LANE. The first ballot resulted as follows:
Douglas 145}|Dickinson 7
Hunter
42 Lane.
6
Guthrie
353
Toucey 24
Johnson
12
Davis 13 Pierce
1
On the eighth and ninth days, there were fifty-seven ballots had, without a choice, the last being, for-
Douglas 151}|Hunter 16
Guthrie
653 Lane 14
Dickinson 4 |Davis 1
When the Convention met on the tenth day, Mr. Russell, of Virginia, offered the following resolution :
Resolved, That when this Convention adjourns to-day it adjourns to meet in Baltimore on the 18th day of June, in order to afford the States that are not now represented an opportunity to fill up their delegations.
Which was adopted by 166 yeas, to 88 nays. Gen. SPRATT proposed three cheers for the National Democracy, which were given enthusiastically. The Journal says:
MR. CUSHING, the President, then addressed the Convention, remarking that, notwithstanding the deep and conflicting interests involved, he might say that no
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Convention having such immense interests at stake ever sat for so great a length of time with the observance of so great a share of order, and freedom from per- sonalities or offensive language. He had endeavored most impartially and hon- estly to fulfil the duties of the Chair, and if, in the excitement of the moment, he had been led to use any abrupt language to gentlemen, he humbly apologized.
He regarded this Convention as not only having in its destiny the permanence of the Democratic party, but the question whether these United States should continue and endure. He would not, however, relinquish the hope that the Union would continue on to eternity, and he felt confident the Convention would adjourn to-day with the determination to do all in their power to restore harmony and confidence.
The Convention then adjourned about one o'clock.
These proceedings at Charleston are given a place here, because it is believed they form a very important chapter in history, and because Mr. Yancey was a prominent actor from the first to the last of the movement, since 1850, to secure what he conceived to be the rights of the South, through Federal legislation. The attempt of the Democratic party to adopt a system of political ethics which should harmonize the North and the South in the Presidential election of 1860, on the basis of the Constitution, was laudable in itself, and it is to be much regretted that dissen- sions arose in that party which so greatly impaired its strength that the sceptre of authority was wrested from it, with the worst of consequences-a dissevered Union and perhaps a military despotism.
That the ancient landmarks, and the new innovations, just as taste or policy may determine them, may appear on record, it is deemed proper to include here all the political platforms of 1860, the last battles of the forum and the pen, to be succeeded by bat- tles of a sanguinary character in 1861. Those who desire such information in a connected shape will no doubt be gratified at the opportunity of receiving it, even though it should extend the chapter devoted to Mr. Yancey beyond the usual limits of biog- raphies in this work.
THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM, ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, MAY, 1860.
Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican Electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, in the discharge of the duty we owe to ourselves and to our country, unite in the following declarations :
1. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully estab- lished the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Re- publican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and consti- tutional triumph.
2. That the maintainance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, is essential to the pre- servation of our republican institutions; that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved; and that we reassert "these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights,
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governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the cone sent of the governed."
3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population; its surprising development of material resources; its rapid aug- mentation of wealth; its happiness at home, and honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Democratic members of Congress, without rebuke, and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their as- cendency, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people strongly to rebuke and forever silence.
4. That the maintainance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the rights of each State, to order and control its own domestic institutions, ac- cording to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on . which the perfection and endurance of our political faith depends, and we de- nounce the lawless invasion by armed force of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
5. That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our worst ap- prehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as is especially evident in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas-in construing the personal re- lation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons- in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the interven- tion of Congress and the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people.
6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which per- vades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid econ- omy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the system of plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of fraud and corruption at the Federal metropolis, show that an entire change of ad- ministration is imperatively demanded.
7. That the new dogma, that the Constitution of its own force carries slavery into any or all the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with cotempora- neous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent, is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.
8. That the normal condition of the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as cur republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our National territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without the process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitu- tion against all attempt to violate it ; and we defy the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States.
9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our National Flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, a burning shame to our country and age, and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.
10. That in the recent vetoes by their Federal Governors of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-interven- tion and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and a denunciation of the deception and fraud involved therein.
11. That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a State under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.
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Reminiscences of Public Men in Alabama.
12. That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imposts, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these im- posts as to encourage the devolopment of the industrial interests of the whole country, and we commend the policy of National exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.
13. That we protest against any sale, or alienation to others, of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy, which regards the settlers as paupers, or supplicants for public bounty, and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House.
14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship bitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home or abroad.
15. That appropriations by Congress, for river and harbor improvements of a National character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justified by an obligation of the Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.
16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the inter- ests of the whole country; that the Federal Government ought to render imme- diate and efficient aid in its construction, and that as a preliminary thereto a daily overland mail should be promptly established.
17. Finally, having set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the cooperation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substan- tially agree with us in their affirmance and support.
MR. LINCOLN'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860.
Hon. George Ashmun, President of the Republican National Convention:
SIR-I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of yourself and others, acting as a Committee of the Convention for that purpose.
The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter, meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or disregard it, in any part.
Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the Convention-to the rights of all the States and Territories, and the people of the nation-to the inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual Union, harmony and prosperity of all-I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success of the principles declared by the Convention.
Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen,
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PLATFORM, ADOPTED AT BALTIMORE, MAY, 1860.
WHEREAS, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the crea- tion and encouragement of geographical and sectional parties; therefore-
Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no polit- ical principles other than The Constitution of the Country, The Union of the States, and The Enforcement of the Laws; and that as the representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country, in National Convention asssembled, we here pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly,
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Reminiscences of Public Men in Alabama.
those great principles of public liberty and National safety, against all enemies, at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, the just rights of the people and of the States re-established, and the Government again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under the example and Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain " a more perfect union, estab- lish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our posterity." (Adopted by acclamation.)
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