Addresses delivered before the California Society of the Sons of the American Revolution, 1917, Part 1

Author: Sons of the American Revolution. California Society; Perkins, Thomas Allen, 1862-1932; Shortlidge, Edmund Douglas
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : California Society, Sons of the American Revolution
Number of Pages: 108


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929.1331 C12a 1917


NABRASKA STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY ٣ Lincoln, Nebrest


ADDRESSES


DELIVERED BEFORE THE


CALIFORNIA SOCIETY


Sons of the American Revolution


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES


BY


THOMAS A. PERKINS


AND


EDMUND D. SHORTLIDGE


CONSTITUTION


AND


ROLL OF MEMBERS


ADDRESSES


DELIVERED BEFORE THE


CALIFORNIA SOCIETY


OF THE


Sons of the American Revolution


BONS OF


REVOLUTIO


THE AMERICAN


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES BY THOMAS ALLEN PERKINS AND EDMUND DOUGLAS SHORTLIDGE


CONSTITUTION AND ROLL OF MEMBERS


SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA Published by the Society October, 1917


PUBLICATION COMMITTEE


EDMUND D. SHORTLIDGE THOMAS A. PERKINS EDSON BRADBURY


1917 SHANNON-CONMY PRINTING 00. SAN FRANCISCO


James Lafayette Cogswell


(Photograph taken January, 1915.)


Provisional President of Sons of Revolutionary Sires, Oct. 22, 1875, to July 4, 1876.


Born in Wellington, Conn., November 23, 1830. Came to Cali- fornia in 1849. Residence, Decoto, Cal.


APP " >1053


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https://archive.org/details/addressesdeliver1917sons


PREFACE


In 1909 the California Society of the Sons of the American Revo- lution published a book of Addresses delivered before the Society and Memorial Sketches of twenty-eight deceased members, edited by the Historian. In 1913 the Society published another book of Addresses, Biographical Sketches of thirty-nine deceased members, photographs of Past Presidents of the Society and other data pertaining to the early history of the Society, edited by the Historian. Both books are out of print.


We have followed the same general arrangement in this book as in the books of 1909 and 1913 and added the Constitution and Roll of 460 Members of the Society. The Frontispiece is a compliment to Dr. James L. Cogswell, the Provisional President in 1875.


THOMAS A. PERKINS,


EDMUND D. SHORTLIDGE,


Editors.


(v)


CONTENTS


Page


Frontispiece, James L. Cogswell


III


Preface ..... V


A Cursory Analysis and Timely Application of Washington's Farewell Address 30


A Message From Massachusetts-T. M. Shepard


.....


8


Biographical Sketches-T. A. Perkins and E. D. Shortlidge.


.......


44


Constitution and By-Laws of California Society Sons of Ameri-


can Revolution


71


Ex-Presidents of California Society S. A. R.


80


France, The Defender of Freedom-S. M. Shortridge.


3


George Washington-G. C. Sargent.


40


Officers California Society, S. A. R


82


Officers San Diego Chapter, S. A. R.


82


Origin of California Society, S. A. R .- T. A. Perkins


69


Our Flag-N. B. Woodworth


21


Roll of Members


83


The Causes Leading Up to the European War-D. P. Barrows.


11


The Spirit of 1776-H. McMurry 37


Their Opportunity and Ours-W. H. Jordan


23


ADDRESSES


Delivered before the


California Society


of the


Sons of the American Revolution


FRANCE THE DEFENDER OF FREEDOM By SAMUEL M. SHORTRIDGE, at a banquet given the Commissioners of the Republic of France.


San Francisco, September 8, 1913.


Mr. President and Honored Guests : I esteem it a very great honor, a very high privilege, in your name, compatriots, once more to welcome these honorable gentlemen, representing the majestic beauty and the splendid civilization of France. As one of the humblest citizens of this Republic I regard it as a happy moment when, speaking feebly it may be the sentiments of your hearts, I can welcome these representatives of the great Republic of the Old World.


We are citizens of the greatest republics on this earth. One is a star, lighting and illuminating Europe and the Old World. That star is the bright and unfading star of the Republic which you represent and which has stood and stands for liberty, for equality, and for justice. We represent another great Republic which is a star in the Western Hemisphere. And may be century-old love and friendship which has existed between these Republics continue unbroken until every nation of Europe shall be a republic and all the sons of men shall be free.


For over a century-a short time in the chronicles of God, but a long time in the diplomatic life of nations-the people of France and the people of the United States of America, have been, individually


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and nationally. friends. We have never fought each other. And to- night, in this year of 1913, America would endeavor to express her ap- preciation of her debt to France, a debt which perhaps we may never be able to pay.


Tonight we look backward. We think of a hundred and odd years ago. Tonight the sons of the American Revolution. descendants of those who fought, bled. died, that liberty might not perish on this con- tinent, look back to the time when the thirteen colonies of America, poor, weak, few in numbers, had the courage to throw down the gaunt- let of battle to the then great monarchy of the world. We think of the Revolutionary period and of the nations of Europe who either scoffed or sneered at us or were indifferent to our cause. And thinking of our then weakness. our poverty. with swelling and grateful hearts we re- member the one nation of Europe that extended the hand of friendship and the sword of assistance to us-and that nation was the dear, be- loved nation of France.


Tonight, gentlemen, we are strong, we are powerful upon the land, we are great upon the sea : but we remember when we were weak upon the land and weaker upon the sea. And we remember keenly, I trust gratefully. that during the Revolutionary War, when we were fighting for liberty. for the rights of self-government, that of all the nations of Europe, France was the one that came to our assistance.


Gentlemen, within the brief limits permissible I cannot hope to go into details touching the services which France rendered to us during the dark days and the darker nights of our Revolutionary period. But one great character. majestic and beautiful, rises before us tonight. Indeed. two great characters stand before us tonight, one the immortal. calm, serene, and all-conquering George Washington, and the other, ever faithful, beautiful in form. loving liberty more than he loved life. willing to sacrifice fortune, give over titles. bid adieu to the wife of his heart, risk all and give all for liberty-the other, the immortal and noble Lafayette. Before attaining the age of twenty years, descend- ant of a noble line of ancestors and in the enjoyment of fame and fortune. such was his love for liberty. that, purchasing a vessel out of his own purse. bidding farewell perhaps forever to his young and beau- tiful wife. he turned that vessel into the then uncharted sea and came hither to this land, in order to offer his sword, his services and his life, if necessary, in behalf of the colonies who were struggling to break the shackles and throw off the yoke of England. Lafayette came representing the spirit of the French people, representing the poor, representing the lowly, representing the great mass of the then French


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SONS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION


nation who believed in liberty then, has believed in it every hour since and believes in it now-he came representing the then and present spirit of the French people. He came-you know the story. Yet it is so beautiful that you will indulge me in dwelling on it briefly. He came to America ; he offered himself to Washington, and that man, who was not given to impulses, who was said to be somewhat cold and austere in his character, saw something in Lafayette which immediately drew him to his heart. And I am but stating what is historically true and known to us-and I trust is known to you, gentlemen of France-that of the two men of the Revolution whom Washington loved, one was Alexander Hamilton and the other was Lafayette.


Lafayette shed his blood for us at the Battle of Brandywine. At Valley Forge, near Philadelphia, during the darkest hour of the Revo- lution, when our soldiers were without food, without clothing, without shelter, when they took raw untanned skin and made it into shoes, when they were dying, there occurred an incident in the life of Lafayette which is of the very poetry of history. The night was cold and dark. There was a sentinel at his post. Lafayette found this poor Continen- tal soldier, numb and almost dying with hunger and cold. Lafayette said, "Give me your gun; I will stand as sentinel. Go to my tent. There you will find a blanket and some food. Eat the food and bring the blanket back to me." The poor soldier hobbled with bleeding feet to the tent of Lafayette, ate of his food, and returned with the blanket. Lafayette took the blanket, cut it in two, covered the soldier with one-half and wrapped himself in the other. That was the sweet and unselfish spirit of Lafayette!


Lafayette returned to France. You know his subsequent career and services there. You know of his high position, you know of his fall, you know of his suffering. You know, also, that until his dying day he was the lover of America and that he exchanged letters with our George Washington until his death. When Lafayette was im- prisoned Washington wrote the most feeling and the most appealing letters ever penned by man to the Emperor, asking the release of his friend and the dear friend of America. Washington greatly admired Lafayette's wife, and wrote to her affectionately. The most beautiful, loving letters that ever passed between two men, loving as a father to a son, or a son to a father, expressing the most noble sentiments of sexless love-the love of one man for another-friendship undying, a common love for liberty, a common love for regulated order and regu- lated freedom-the most beautiful letters ever passing between two men are the letters which passed between George Washington, the father of our country, and Lafayette, your great champion of freedom.


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CALIFORNIA SOCIETY


The love which Washington had for Lafayette, gentlemen, symbol- izes the love which has existed between our two nations. And may that love forever continue. May we ever be friends. May we ever stand together. May we ever fight for progress, for liberty, for regulated and guarded freedom. Both these nations represent government of the people, by the people. and for the people. Both these Republics have taken the crown from the head of tyranny and snatched the sceptre out of the hands of princes, placing the crown and the sceptre upon the brow and in the hands of the people of the two Republics.


France is girded around by monarchies. But there she stands, asserting the rights of a people to a government by the people and for the people. She stands today as an inspiration to the other nations of Europe. She is a light to Europe. She is not ashamed of freedom. She is not apologizing for freedom. She has been the champion and the defender of freedom. Therefore we in America look to her not only with gratitude for what she did for us, but with admiration, for she is standing for what we stand for here-govern- ment of, for, and by the people.


France and America, the two great Republics of this earth! They represent the same ideals; they recognize that government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed. Their forms of con- stitution are somewhat different, but the spirit which animates and gives life and strength and vigor to each nation is the same. France and America put away the crown and the sceptre and laid aside the forms and ceremonies of royalty. Both have exalted the rights of man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Both have dreamed the same dreams, hoped for the same things, lifted up and made free, and both have stood and now stand for the liberty of man, woman and child.


And what have they accomplished ? Have they been failures ? Have they been backward? Have they fallen behind in the progress of civilization ? Behold! These two governments, one standing yon- der upon the Old. and the other here upon the New World, are in the very vanguard of the civilization of the earth. They have ad- vanced the rights of men. They have guarded the rights of property. They have elevated women. They have given hope to childhood. They have consoled the declining years of age. They have made the world purer and better, more beautiful and more righteous. And may they ever stand together in the forefront of civilization, fighting for liberty, champions of progress, and friends in everything that goes to make a rich, prosperous, and happy people.


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SONS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION


Yes, my fellow-Americans, we may well welcome here with glow- ing hearts the citizens of our great sister Republic. We are but one people, after all. God has made of us brothers. He has set bounds to our habitations-you live yonder in France, we live here in America. But there is but one God above us, there is but one destiny for us all. And I rejoice to believe that America, the Republic, and France, the Republic, are liberating the world. Portugal is a republic, and other nations of Europe, though in form monarchial, have had the spirit of republicanism infused into them. The time may come when France shall have republicanized Europe. We may yet see a repub- lican Europe, a republican Asia, and ultimately a republican Africa. Inspired by France, the Great Republic of Europe, and by the United States, the great Republic of America, we may yet see the whole world converted in governmental form into one mighty Republic. And then will be the consummation of the hope of Lafayette and the dream of Washington.


As the learned Chief Justice has said (Melvin)-I said Chief Justice-well, he is worthy to be so-as the learned Associate Justice has said, there are certain things which suggest a communion and a commingling of hearts between these two Republics. With the very colors which we love-the blue of Heaven, the red, suggestive of the heart's blood, the white of the plume of victory-with these three beautiful colors commingling and the eagles of France and the eagle of America flying together, there is no other nation, no other combina- tion of nations, which can prevail against us in times of war or sur- pass us in the victories of peace.


From the early days of the Revolution, when Lafayette came, to the cloudless day of Yorktown, when the French admiral and the American general saw the flag of England lowered in defeat, until this hour, the two nations have walked in harmony. From that hour to this they have cherished the same ideals and had a common destiny. Both have drunk deep of the cup of national sorrow. But tonight I rejoice to see France prosperous, progressive; all her villages grow- ing and happy; her great and splendid city, the crown and jewel of Europe. I rejoice to see that nation advancing in art, science and civilization-great upon the land and great upon the sea. As for my own country, I think I see her safe at home and safe abroad, an example and an inspiration to the world. And it is my prayer that these two nations, both of whom were conceived in liberty and dedi- cated to equality, both of whom have fought for freedom, both of whom have shed blood upon countless fields for the rights of men-


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CALIFORNIA SOCIETY


it is my hope that these two nations, representing as they do the same cause of self-government, may ever stand as friends of liberty, cham- pions of progress, knit together in indissoluble bonds of admiration and love.


A MESSAGE FROM MASSACHUSETTS


By Thomas Monroe Shepard, Northampton, Mass.


Oakland, March 10, 1914.


Mr. Toastmaster and Compatriots : I strayed into your secre- tary's office, to decorate myself with a fresh button, which I wear tonight, as a very suitable christening, and he suggested that I come to this banquet. I agreed, and as I did so, I thought it was to be as a listener, to hear wisdom, and not to take up your time with a talk by myself. But your toastmaster has very politely asked me to speak-no doubt he thinks it a kindness, but if he knew how embar- rassed I feel, and how little prepared I am, he would not so desig- nate it.


I feel much as I did when, traveling in Vienna, I went to the Court Theater, in which there were about three thousand people. I looked over that audience, and there wasn't a soul there that I had ever seen before or who knew me. And yet we were all there for one common purpose, to hear a superb opera. In the same way, I somehow feel at home when I am among you here. I feel at home with you, my compatriots, because of our one common cause, the glory of our ancestors, and what we may do for ourselves and our posterity.


Though you have many times heard extolled your spirit of hos- pitality, yet perhaps you will not be loath to hear it again. Since I have been in your midst this evening, I have received two very kind invitations, and it is certainly the height of hospitality, and something that I, as an Easterner, appreciate very much.


Mention has been made of Massachusetts, and your toastmaster suggested that I give a message from Massachusetts. Really I do not know very much about it, for I have been traveling for the past seven years, and cannot tell you from direct, present day knowledge.


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SONS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION


Perhaps, therefore, I might be justified in telling a little experience that I had while traveling, which has a significance to our wearing this button that I have found so many people wearing.


I landed in Portugal, and, not knowing any one in the city, and wishing to make myself registered, in case of an accident or of my becoming arrested, or something untoward occurring to me, I went to the Consul's office, and inquired for him. I was ushered through the corridor, and as I came into his office I said, "I am looking for the United States Consul." He replied. "You need not look any further. I am the man. What is more, you come right in here," and he took me by the lapel of the coat and sat me down in a chair and said he, "A man who wears that button can always come into my office." He was a Son of the American Revolution himself, and you can imagine that I felt very much at home.


I recall another occasion when I had been traveling with a party of English people. There were three English sisters amongst them, and we had become more or less acquainted, but none of them quite dared to ask me what this button was for. After a while, one of them mustered up the necessary courage, saying, "We have seen and talked with you, and perhaps you will consider it not too much of an intrusion if you satisfy our curiosity by telling us what that button is." "Ah," said I, "you have put your foot in it this time." They blushingly began to excuse themselves, but I said "No, you must hear it, now that you have asked. That button stands for membership in a society in America that is composed of descendants of the American Revolution in 1776, when my Grand Daddy beat your Grand Daddy."


Now, as to the message from Massachusetts. Our Massachusetts Society, by the way, is divided into chapters located in different towns. Of course we have the advantage of being on the field where many of the conflicts and many of the deprivations and patriotic movements took place. But I am very sure that our Society in Mas- sachusetts, and especially my own chapter, would be very glad to welcome any of you gentlemen there. This message does not come from many authority, except authority of good spirit. Massachusetts, of course, is a grand old State-perhaps some would say it was a grand old State, but we think it is something of a State now. And one of the best things Massachusetts ever did for its country, and one of the worst things it ever did for itself, and the best thing it did for California, was to send a great many of its sons out here. I have been delighted this evening to find three who are from my own State. So that makes me feel at home again.


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CALIFORNIA SOCIETY


But, to be a little serious, we really feel a great pride in our an- cestors. We all have our General Warren ancestors and our Seth Pomeroy, and all of those great men, and we are rather inclined to emphasize that feeling of ancestor worship. Now, I think the great duty of our Society, not only in the East, but all through the country, is to do something which we will be proud of ourselves, and of which the generations that come after us will be proud and speak of as much as we do of our own ancestors. And there is no time in this country when we have had the opportunity or when the need is greater than it is today, and no State in the Union is in a position of better advantage to forward it, and there are none where it is more needed than right here in the State of California. You have here delegates from nearly every State in the Union, and you have immigrants from nearly every country in the world. And it is in- cumbent upon us here to make the most of this opportunity, and as Judge Melvin has recently said, we have a great duty devolving upon us, a great work to do, and it must be done. We must hold together, we must have our meetings frequently, we must keep in touch with what is going on in the world. For we are in a world that has never existed before. We are in the electric age, where things are changing with great rapidity. There are tremendous problems before us, as you all know, in the city and the State and the Nation. And our people must hold together, they must be wise and put aside partisan- ship and local feeling, and work for something of which we can all justly feel proud.


It is a pleasure to see the young men in this gathering tonight. I tell you, young men, that there is something for you to do, something besides coming here and having a good dinner and a good social gath- ering. You have a responsibility due to your ancestors and due to the people and due to yourselves, to rise above any little petty things, any petty prejudice that might exist, and make a name for yourselves and a name for this order. And I say to you now that, under the glorious sunlight that has painted yonder poppy and im- prisoned therein its golden color, so typical of this State, and under the advantage of this matchless climate that yields constant invigora- tion and locks up some of it in yonder wine, all as a stimulant to your actions-do the very best you can and do all you can unceasingly for the glory of this Nation and this splendid order to which we belong.


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SONS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION


THE CAUSES LEADING UP TO THE EUROPEAN WAR


By David P. Barrows, Ph.D., Dean of the Faculties, University of California.


San Francisco, October 23, 1914.


Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: After listening to such an extremely interesting personal narration as that we have just had from Mr. Baldwin, I feel quite diffident about attempting to talk to you about the history of the politics underlying this great struggle. We have heard a great deal lately about the prevision and foresight of the German military staff. I think if they had had to match their qualities of mind against those of Mr. and Mrs. Baldwin, we would have seen a very different issue in the early stages of this war.


There is another reason why anybody must feel a certain diffi- dence in attempting to discuss European politics, especially if he is an American looking at the situation from a long distance across the water and continent, and that is that foreign relations are a diffi- eult subject to understand, at their best. The dispatches that pass between diplomats and chancellories of states, are reserved, privileged documents. It is a long while before the evidence is in. And you are dealing with personalities and motives which it is so easy to misunderstand and to misjudge, and it is a field in which we are in- elined to express prejudice, and to pass sweeping and hurried judg- ment. I suppose there could be no fitter time for us to remember that great adage of Burke, "I do not know how to draw an indictment of a whole people," than just now, when we are likely, in an intensity of feeling, to take issue on this side or on that.


Now, I shall not attempt to go very much into the history of the international situation that lies behind this momentous struggle. I simply want to point out a few things that indicate very great changes in the international politics of Europe. Great changes have come over the alignment of states within the past generation. The situation seems utterly different from what it did forty-five years ago, when the Peace of Frankfort was concluded between France and Prussia. For one thing, it looks as if the Concert of Europe was gone. For a long, long time, I don't know how long, there had been


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a certain close understanding between the diplomats of the several great powers of Europe that we called the Concert of Europe. Those men understood one another. They did not like one another always, but they understood one another sufficiently to work together, to maintain the peace of Europe and to settle issues that might result in war. I suppose that that Concert of Europe last expressed itself in a concrete and effective way in the Congress of Berlin of 1878, that met to settle the issues growing out of Russia's successful war upon Turkey. That great company of statesmen, among whom Bis- marck moved as the force of paramount influence-that great com- pany of statesmen, and the policies which they represented, the alignment of states which they produced, are obviously gone. The Concert of Europe is no more. What is to take its place, no man can say.




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