Historical and biographical record of Los Angeles and vicinity : containing a history of the city from its earliest settlement as a Spanish pueblo to the closing year of the nineteenth century ; also containing biographies of well known citizens of the past and present, Part 6

Author: Guinn, James Miller, 1834-1918
Publication date: 1901
Publisher: Chicago : Chapman Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 996


USA > California > Los Angeles County > Los Angeles > Historical and biographical record of Los Angeles and vicinity : containing a history of the city from its earliest settlement as a Spanish pueblo to the closing year of the nineteenth century ; also containing biographies of well known citizens of the past and present > Part 6


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HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD.


"This method we found common throughout the country. There were no windows; and in place of the ordinary wooden door a dried bullock hide was substituted, which was the case as a general thing in nearly all the ranches on the coast, as there was no fear of intrusion excepting from bears that now and then prowled about and were easily frightened away when they ventured too near. The bullock hide was used almost uni- versally in lieu of the old fashioned bed ticking being nailed to the bedstead frame and served every purpose for which it was intended and was very comfortable to sleep upon." At the close of the third decade of the century we find but little change in the manners and customs of the colonists from those of the pobladores who nearly fifty years before built their primitive habitations around the plaza vieja. In the half century the town had slowly increased in population, but there had been no material improvement in the manner of living and but little advancement in intelligence. The population of the pueblo was largely made up of descendants of the founders who had grown to


manhood and womanhood in the place of their birth. Isolated from contact with the world's activities they were content to follow the anti- quated customs and to adopt the non-progressive ideas of their fathers. They had passed from under the domination of a monarchy and become the citizens of a republic, but the transition was due to no effort of theirs nor was it of their own choosing. With the assistance of the missions they had erected a new church, but neither by the help of the missions or by their own exertions had they built a schoolhouse. In the first half century of the pueblo's existence, if the records are correct, there were but three terms of school. Generations grew to manhood during the vaca- tions. "A little learning is a dangerous thing." The learning obtained at the pueblo school in the brief term that it was open never reached the danger point. The limited foreign immigra- tion that had come to the country after it had passed from the rule of Spain had as yet made no change in its customs.


CHAPTER VIII.


MISSION SECULARIZATION AND THE PASSING OF THE NEOPHYTE.


I T IS not my purpose in this volume to devote much space to the subject of the Secularization of the Missions. Any extended discussion of that theme would be out of place in a local history.


I introduce the subject here because the sec- ularization of three of these missionary establish- ments-San Gabriel, San Fernando and San Juan Capistrano-had a direct influence in stimulating the growth and advancement of Los Angeles; and also because the history of the three namcd is closely identified with that of the pueblo. Much has been written in recent years on the subject of the Franciscan Missions of Alta California, but the writers have added nothing to our knowledge of these establishments beyond what can be obtained from the works of Bancroft, Hittell, Forbes and Robinson. Some of the later writers, carried away by sentiment, are very misleading in their statements. Such expressions as "The Robber


Hand of Secularization" and "the brutaland thiev- ish dis establishment of the missions" emanate from writers who look at the question from its sen- timental side only and who know little or nothing of the causes which brought about secularization.


It is an historical fact known to all acquainted with California history that these establishments were not intended by the Crown of Spain to become permanent institutions. The purpose for which the Spanish government fostered and pro- tected them was to christianize the Indians and make of them self-supporting citizens. Very early in its history Governor Borica, Fages and other intelligent Spanish officers in California discovered the weakness of the mission system. Governor Borica writing in 1796, said: "According to the laws the natives are to be free from tutelage at the end of ten years, the Missions then be- coming doctrinairs, but those of New California at the rate they are advancing will not reach the


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HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD.


goal in ten centuries; the reason God knows and men, too, know something about it." Spain, early in the present century, had formulated a plan for their secularization, but the war of Mexican Independence prevented the enforce- ment of it.


With the downfall of Spanish domination in Mexico came the beginning of the end of mission- ary rule in California. The majority of the mission padres were Spanish born. In the war of Mexican independence their sympathies were with their mother country, Spain. After Mexico attained her independence, some of them refused to acknowledge allegiance to the Republic. The Mexican authorities feared and distrusted them. In this, in part, they found a pretext for the dis- establishment of the missions and the confiscation of the mission estates. There was another cause or reason for secularization more potent than the loyalty of the padres to Spain. Few forms of land monopoly have ever exceeded that in vogue under the mission system of California. From San Diego to San Francisco Bay the twenty missions established under Spanish rule mon- opolized the greater part of the fertile land between the Coast Range and the sea. There was but little left for other settlers. A settler could not obtain a grant of land if the padres of the nearest mission objected.


The twenty-four ranchos owned by the Mission San Gabriel contained about a million and a half acres and extended from the sea to the San Bernardino Mountains. The greatest neophyte population of San Gabriel was in 1817, when it reached 1701. Its yearly average for the first three decades of the present century did not ex- ceed 1,500. It took a thousand acres of fertile land under the mission system to support an Indian, even the smallest papoose of the mission flock. It is not strange that the people clamored for a subdivision of the mission estates; and sec- ularization became a public necessity. The most enthusiastic admirer of the missions to-day, had he lived in California seventy years ago, would no doubt have been among the loudest in his wail against the mission system. The Reglamento governing the secularization of the missions published by Governor Echeandia in 1830, but not enforced, and that formulated by the diputa- cion under Governor Figueroa in 1834, approved by the Mexican Congress and finally enforced in 1835, were humane measures. The regulations provided for the colonizations of the neophytes into pueblos or villages. A portion of the personal property and a part of the lands held by the mis- sions were to be distributed among the Indians as follows: "Article 5-To each head of a family and all who are more than twenty years old, al-


though without families, will be given from the lands of the mission, whether temporal (lands de- pendent on the seasons) or watered, a lot of ground not to contain more than four hundred varas (yards) in length, and as many in breadtlı not less than one hundred. Sufficient land for . watering the cattle will be given in common. The outlets or roads shall be marked out by each village, and at the proper time the corporation lands shall be designated." This colonization of the neophytes into pueblos would have tbrown large bodies of the land held by the missions open to settlement by white settlers. The personal property of missionary establishments was to have been divided among their neophyte retainers thus: "Rule 6. Among the said individuals will be distributed, ratably and justly, according to the discretion of the political chief, the half of the movable property, taking as a basis the last in- ventory which the missionaries liave presented of all descriptions of cattle. Rule 7. One-half or less of the implements and seeds indispensable for agriculture shall be allotted to them."


The political government of the Indian pueblos was to be organized in accordance with existing laws of the territory governing other towns. The neophyte could not sell, mortgage or dispose of the land granted him; nor could he sell his cattle. The regulations provided that "Religious missionaries shall be relieved from the administra- tion of temporalities and shall only exercise the duties of their ministry so far as they relate to spiritual matters." The nunneries or the houses where the Indian girls were kept under charge of a dueña until they were of marriageable age were to be abolished and the children restored to their parents. Rule seven provided that "What is called the 'priesthood' shall immediately cease, female children whom they have in charge being handed over to their fathers explaining to them the care they should take of them, and pointing out their obligations as parents. The same shall be done with the male children."


Commissioners were to be appointed to take charge of the mission property and superintend its subdivision among the neophytes. The con- version of ten of the missionary establishments into pueblos was to begin in August, 1835. That of the others was to follow as soon as possible. San Gabriel, San Fernando and San Juan Capis- trano were among the ten that were to be sec- ularized first. For years secularization had threatened the missions, but hitherto something had occurred at the critical time to avert it. The missionaries had used their influence against it, had urged that the neophytes were unfitted for self- support, had argued that the emancipation of the natives from mission rule would result in disaster


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HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD.


to tlien1. 'Through all the agitation of the question in previous years the padres had labored on in the preservation and upbuilding of their establishments; but with the issuing of the sec- ularization decree by the Mexican Congress, August 17, 1833, the organization of the Hijar Colony in Mexico and the instructions of acting president Frarias to Hijar to occupy all the prop- erty of the missions and subdivide it among the colonists on their arrival in California, convinced the missionaries that the blow could no longer be averted. The revocation of Hijar's appointment as governor and the controversy which followed between him and Governor Figueroa and the diputacion for a time delayed the enforcement of the decree.


In the meantime, with the energy born of despair, eager at any cost to outwit those who sought to profit by their ruin, the mission fathers hastened to destroy that which through more than half a century thousands of human beings had spent their lives to accumulate.


"Hitherto, cattle had been killed only as their meat was needed for use, or, at intervals perhaps, for the hides and tallow alone, when an overplus of stock rendered such action necessary. Now they were slaughtered in herds by contract on equal shares, with any who would undertake the task. It is claimed by some writers that not less than 100,000 head of cattle were thus slain from the herds of San Gabriel Mission alone. The same work of destruction was in progress at every other mission throughout the territory and this vast country, from end to end, was become a mighty shambles, drenched in blood and reeking with the odor of decaying carcasses. There was no market for the meat and this was considered worthless. The creature was lassoed, thrown, its throat cut, and while yet writhing in death agony its hide was stripped and pegged upon the ground to dry. There were no vessels to contain the tallow and this was run into great pits dug for that purpose, to be spaded out anon, and shipped with the hides to market-all was haste."


"Whites and natives alike revelled in gore, and vied with each other in destruction. So many cattle were there to kill, it seemed as though this profitable and pleasant work must last for- ever. The white settlers were especially pleased with the turn affairs had taken, and many of them did not scruple unceremoniously to ap- propriate herds of young cattle wherewith to stock their ranches."* So great was the stencli from the rotting carcasses of the cattle on the plains that a pestilence was threatened. The ayuntamiento of Los Angeles, November 15, 1833, passed an ordinance compelling all persons


slaughtering cattle for the hides and tallow to cremate the carcasses.


Hugo Reid in the "Letters" (previously referred to in this volume) says of this period at San Gabriel, "These facts (the decree of secularization and the distribution of the mission property ) being known to" Padre Tomas (Estenaga), he, in all probability by order of his superior, commenced a work of destruction. The back buildings were unroofed and the timber converted into fire wood. Cattle were killed on the halves by people who took a lion's share. Utensils were disposed of, and goods and other articles distributed in profusion among the neophytes. The vineyards were ordered to be cut down, which, however, the Indians refused to do." After the mission was placed in charge of an administrator, Padre Tomas remained as min- ister of the church at a stipend of $1,500 per annum, derived from the Pious Fund.


Hugo Reid says of him, "As a wrong im- pression of his character may be produced from the preceding remarks, in justice to his memory be it stated that he was a truly good man, a sin- cere Christian and a despiser of hypocrisy. He had a kind, unsophisticated heart, so that he be- lieved every word told him. There has never been a purer priest in California. Reduced in circumstances, annoyed on many occasions by the petulancy of administrators, he fulfilled his duties according to his conscience, with benev- olence and good humor. The nuns, who when the secular movement came into operation, had been set free, were again gathered together under his supervision and maintained at hisexpense, as were also a number of old men and women."


The experiment of colonizing the Indians in pueblos was a failure and they were gathered back into the mission, or as many of them as could be got back, and placed in charge of ad- ministrators. "The Indians," says Reid, "were made happy at this time in being permitted to enjoy once more the luxury of a tule dwelling. from which the greater part had been debarred for so long; they could now breathe freely again." (The close adobe buildings in which they had been housed in mission days were no doubt one of the causes of the great mortality among them.)


"Administrator followed administrator until the mission could support no more, when the system was broken up.' "The


Indians during this period were continually running off. Scantily clothed and still more scantily supplied with food, it was not to be wondered at. Nearly all the Gabrielinos went north, while those of San Diego, San Luis and San Juan overrun this country, filling the Angeles and surrounding ranchos with more servants than


*History of Los Angeles County, by J. Albert Wilson.


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HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD.


were required. Labor, in consequence; was very cheap. The different missions, however, had alcaldes continually on the move hunting them up and carrying them back, but to no purpose; it was labor in vain."


"Even under the dominion of the church in mission days," Reid says, "the neophytes were addicted both to drinking and gaming, with an inclination to steal"; but after their emancipation they went from bad to worse. Those attached to the ranchos and those located in the town were virtually slaves. They had bosses or owners and when they ran away were captured and returned to their master. The sindico's account book for 1840 contains this item "For delivery of two Indians to their boss, $12.00."


The Indian village on the river between what is now Aliso and First streets was a sink hole of crime. It was known as the "pueblito" or little town. Time and again the neighboring citizens petitioned for its removal. In 1846 it was de- molished and the Indians removed to the "Spring of the Abilas" across the river, but their removal did not improve their morals.


In 1847, when the American soldiers were stationed here, the new pueblito became so vile that Colonel Stevenson ordered the city author- ities either to keep the dissolute characters out of it or destroy it. The authorities decided to allot land to the families on the outskirts of the city, keeping them dispersed as much as possible. Those employing Indian servants were required to keep them on their premises; but even these precautions did not prevent the Indians from drunkenness and debauchery. Vicente Guerrero, the sindico, discussing the Indian question before the ayuntamiento said: "The Indians are so utterly depraved that 110 matter where they may settle down their conduct would be the same, since they look upon death even with indifference, provided they can indulge in their pleasures and vices."


After the downfall of the missions some of the more daring of the neophytes escaped to the mountains. Joining the wild tribes there, they became leaders in frequent predatory excursions on the horses and cattle of the settlers in the valleys. They were hunted and shot down like wild beasts.


After the discovery of gold and American immigration began to pour into California the neophyte sunk to lower depths. The vineyards of Los Angeles became immensly profitable, grapes retailing at twenty-five cents a pound in San Francisco. The Indians constituted the labor element of Los Angeles, and many of them were skillful vineyardists Unprincipled em- ployers paid them off in aguardiente, a fiery liquid distilled from grapes. Even when paid in money


there were unscrupulous wretches ready to sell them strong drink; the consequences were that on Saturday night after they received their pay they assembled at their rancherias and all, young and old, men and women, spent the night in drunkenness, gambling and debauchery. O11- Sunday afternoon the marshal with his Indian alcaldes, who had been kept sober by being locked up in jail, proceeded to gather the drunk- en wretches into a big corral in the rear of the Downey Block. On Monday morning they were put up at auction and sold for a week to the vine- yardists at prices ranging from one to three dol- lars, one third of which was paid to the slave at the end of the week, usually in aguardiente. Then another Saturday night of debauchery, fol- lowed by the Monday auction and in two or three years at most the Indian was dead. In less than a quarter of a century after the American occupa- tion, dissipation and epidemics of smallpox had settled the Indian question in Los Angeles- settled it by the extinction of the Indian.


What became of the vast mission estates? As


the cattle were killed off the different ranchos of the mission domains, settlers petitioned the ay- untamiento for grants. If upon investigation it was found that the land asked for was vacant the petition was referred to the Governor for his ap- proval. In this way the vast mission domains passed into private hands. The country in- proved more in wealth and population between 1836 and 1846 than in the previous fifty years. Secularization was destruction to the mission and death to the Indian, but it was beneficial to the country at large. The passing of the neophyte liad begun long before the decrees of secular- ization were enforced. Nearly all the missions passed their zenith in population during the sec- ond decade of the century. Even had the mis- sionary establishments not been secularized they would eventually have been depopulated. At 110 time during mission rule were the number of birthis equal to the number of deaths. When re- cruits could no longer be obtained from the Gentiles or wild Indians the decline became more rapid. The mission annals show that front 1769 to 1834, when secularization was enforced-an interval of 65 years -79,000 converts were bap- tized and 62,000 deaths recorded. Tlie death rate among the neophytes was about twice that of the negro in this country and four times that of the white race. The extinction of the neo- phyte or mission Indian was due to the enforce- ment of that inexorable law or decree of nature, the Survival ofthe Fittest. Where a stronger race comes in contact with a weaker there can be but one ending to the contest-the extermination of the weaker.


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HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL, RECORD.


CHAPTER IX.


A DECADE OF REVOLUTIONS.


HE decade between 1830 and 1840 was the era of California revolutions. Los Angeles was the storm center of the political dis- turbances that agitated the territory. Most of them originated there, and those that had their origin in some other quarter veered to the town before their fury was spent. The town produced prolific crops of statesmen in the '30s, and it must be said that it still maintains its reputation in that line. The Angeleños of that day seemed to consider that the safety of the territory and the liberty of its inhabitants rested on them. The patriots of the south were hostile to the office- holders of the north and yearned to tear the state in two, as they do to-day, in order that there might be more offices to fill. A history of Los Angeles, with the story of its revolutions left out, would be like the play of Hamlet with Hamlet left out.


From the downfall of Spanish domination in California in 1822 to the close of that decade there had been but few disturbances. The only politi- cal outbreak of any consequence had been Solis' and Herrera's attempt to revolutionize the terri- tory in the interest of Spain. Argüello, who had succeeded Sola as governor, and Echeandia, who filled the office from 1825 to the close of the dec- ade, were men of liberal ideas. They had to contend against the Spanish-born missionaries, who were bitterly opposed to republican ideas. Serrià, the president of the Missions, and a num- ber of the priests under him, refused to swear allegiance to the Republic. Serrià was suspended from office and one or two of the friars deported from the country. Their disloyalty brought about the beginning of the movement for secularization of the missions, as narrated in the previous chap- ter. Echeandia, in 1829. had elaborated a plan for their secularization, but was superseded by Victoria before he could put it in operation.


Manuel Victoria was appointed governor in March, 1830, but did not reach California until the last month of the year. Victoria very soon became unpopular. He undertook to overturn the civil authority and substitute military rule. Ile recommended the abolition of the ayuntamien tos and refused to call togetlier the territorial


diputacion. He exiled Don Abel Stearns and Jose Antonio Carrillo; and at different times, on trumped-up charges, had half a hundred of the leading citizens of Los Angeles incarcerated in the pueblo jail. Alcalde Vicente Sanchez was the petty despot of the pueblo who carried out the tyrannical decrees of his master, Victoria. Among others who were imprisoned in the cuartel was Jose Maria Avila. Avila was proud, haughty and overbearing. He had incurred the hatred of both Victoria and Sanchez. Sanchez, under or- ders from Victoria, placed Avila in prison, and to humiliate him put him in irons. Avila brooded over the indignities inflicted upon him and vowed to be revenged.


Victoria's persecutions became so unbearable that Pio Pico, Juan Bandini and Jose Antonio Carrillo raised the standard of revolt at San Diego and issued a pronunciamiento, in which they set forth the reasons why they felt themselves obliged to rise against the tyrant, Victoria. Pablo de Portilla, comandante of the presidio of San Diego, and his officers, witli a force of fifty sol- diers, joined the revolutionists and marched to Los Angeles. Sanchez' prisoners were released and lie was chained up in the pueblo jail. Here Portilla's force was recruited to two hundred mien. Avila and a number of the other released prison- ers joined the revolutionists, and all marched forth to meet Victoria, who was moving soutli- ward with an armed force to suppress the insur- rection. The two forces met on the plains of Caluenga, west of the pueblo, at a place known as the Lomitas de la Cañada de Breita. The sight of his persecutor so infuriated Avila that alone he rushed upon him to run him through with his lance. Captain Pacheco, of Victoria's staff, parried tlie lance thrust. Avila shot him dead with one of his pistols and again attacked the governor and succeeded in wounding him, when he himself received a pistol ball that un- horsed lrim. After a desperate struggle (in which he seized Victoria by the foot and dragged him from liis horse) he was shot by one of Victoria's soldiers. Portilla's army fell back in a panic to Los Angeles and Victoria's men carried the wounded governor to the Mission San Gabriel,


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where his wounds were dressed by Joseph Chap- man, who to his many other accomplishments added that of amateur surgeon. Some citizens who had taken no part in the fight brought the bodies of Avila and Pacheco to the town. "They were taken to the same house, the same hands rendered them the last sad rites, and they were laid side by side. Side by side knelt their widows and mingled their tears, while sympathizing countrymen chanted the solemn prayers of the church for the repose of the souls of these un- timely dead. Side by side beneath the orange and the olive in the little churchyard upon one plaza sleep the slayer and the slain."*




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