History of San Joaquin County, California : with biographical sketches of leading men and women of the county who have been identified with its growth and development from the early days to the present, Part 34

Author: Tinkham, George H. (George Henry), b. 1849
Publication date: 1923
Publisher: Los Angeles, Calif. : Historic Record Co.
Number of Pages: 1660

USA > California > San Joaquin County > History of San Joaquin County, California : with biographical sketches of leading men and women of the county who have been identified with its growth and development from the early days to the present > Part 34

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The Famous Woodbridge Meeting

A few days after the city election an event took place at Woodbridge that finally united the Lincoln and Douglas men, and opened the eyes of many Northern men to a realizing sense of the situation of political affairs in California. The Southern men were active, vigilant, watchful, waiting only for an oppor- tune time to carry out their plans. The state officials were their friends and so were the officers of the army. No United States troops could possibly reach California inside of sixty days, while troops from the South, marching through Texas, New Mexico and Arizona could enter the state in less than three weeks. The Northern men were asleep. To arouse them to action here in San Joaquin, George T. Tyler took the lead. A young man, then thirty years of age, having just arrived from the East, he had located in Stockton. Un-

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swerving in loyalty to party, educated in law, strong in body and fearless in action, he be- lieved that if he could by some means cause the Southern sympathizers to show their hand the Lincoln and Douglas partisans would act. How could this be accomplished? The break- ing up of a Republican meeting, Tyler be- lieved, would have the desired effect. Thus it was planned and Woodbridge was the place selected. Although it had given Lincoln the largest precinct vote, yet it was said "the woods are full of secessionists." Quietly it was given out that May 11, 1861, a Union club would be formed in Woodbridge. At the time appointed Tyler and a few friends, all well armed, drove in an open wagon to the town. Over 300 persons were there assembled. The meeting was held in a carpenter shop, and Tyler was elected chairman. Written by him, a series of resolutions were introduced, and by some twenty speakers for nearly four hours, they were heatedly discussed pro and con. Finally the first resolution was put by the Chair, "Resolved, that we will support the Union cause, peacefully if we can, forcibly if we must." There was much confusion, Mark A. Evans, then county treasurer, jumping upon a bench, revolver in hand and shouting to Tyler: "You'll never live to see those resolu- tions enforced." Immediately there was an uproar. Pistols and knives were drawn, and the chairman, after several unsuccessful efforts to obtain a vote on the resolution, adjourned the meeting to the street. They took opposite sides and then it was seen that three to one the advocates of the "peace policy" outnum- bered the "coercionists." The meeting was broken up, and the news was telegraphed to all parts of the state.

The Republican County Convention

Tyler thus scored his first point. His next move was in the Republican convention. It assembled in the City Hall June 15, and in the convention there were many Douglas Demo- crats. The day previous the news was re- ceived that Douglas had died June 3, and a few days before his death he again' said to his party men, "Stand by the Union ; the insurrec- tion must be crushed." The convention was composed of seventy-seven delegates, among them being the following-named: Charles Belding, C. O. Burton, H. S. Sargent, Jerome Myers, George Gray, Samuel Elliott, George M. Doll, Dr. Charles Grattan, H. B. Under- hill, M. S. Thresher, R. S. Johnson, William P. Miller, Andrew Wolf, Joseph M. Long, George E. Childs, Alfred Starkweather, Peter Jahant, J. M. Perley, Shubel Dunham and John Sharp. The convention was called to order by Thomas J. Keys, the Stockton blacksmith.

As permanent officers, Charles Chamberlain was elected president, E. S. Holden and John Thompson, vice-presidents, R. S. Johnson and C. O. Burton, secretaries. In its platform, the convention candidly' proclaimed these prin- ciples: "Whereas, the Government of the United States is now defending itself against a war waged upon it without justification or decent excuse by certain seceded states, a war manifestly, for the overthrow of our Govern- ment-therefore be it unanimously resolved, 'First, that at this time indifference is impos- sible to the patriot and neutrality is coward- ice, if not premeditated disloyalty. Second, that the people of California will hail with joy an honorable adjustment (for peace) ; at the same time they are, above all things, for the Union and its flag, and against all assailants, no matter who they are, from whence they come or with what power armed.'" The nomi- nees for officers were many, but the conven- tion was very cautious regarding the nominees, for they had agreed in a previous mass con- vention to place none upon the ticket but men of undoubted loyalty to the party and for county judge, D. J. Staples, afterwards presi- dent of the Fireman's Insurance Company of San Francisco; J. M. Kelsey, then a farmer ; John B. Hall, the well-known attorney; C. C. Rynerson, farmer, and George W. Tyler were placed in nomination. Tyler was nominated on the first ballot, his vote, seventy-three, ex- ceeding by ten the combined votes of his op- ponents. The nomination for sheriff resulted in a most exciting and bitter contest, because of the placing in nomination of William Biven, editor and proprietor of the Stockton Argus. He was a popular citizen, highly regarded and respected as a gentleman, but some were sus- picious as to his loyalty. On the first ballot the result as announced was William Biven 47, Thomas H. Hook 29, Andrew Wolf 14, C. C. Rynerson 33, Samuel Fisher, stage owner, 27. The names of Mr. Wolf and Mr. Fisher were then withdrawn. The result of the second ballot was: Biven 59, Hook 48, Rynerson 35. It was evident that Biven was the choice of the majority, but the leaders were resolved to down him. To accomplish this result, it was necessary to know the delegates who were voting for Biven. To learn this, a motion was made and carried that the next ballot for sheriff be viva voce. The result called was : Biven 62, Hook 51, Rynerson 30. The lowest nominee was then withdrawn. Then some of the leaders, approaching Biven's friends, suc- ceeded in convincing a few of them that Biven was an unreliable nominee, and on the fourth ballot Hook was nominated by a vote of 76 to 54 for Biven. Biven, exceedingly angry, immediately left the hall and from that date

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he advocated the Southern cause. The loyalty of many in the convention was doubted, and because of this another very unusual proceed- ing was carried out. The convention was not permitted to vote for the delegates to the state Republican convention. Austin Sperry, George R. Warren, Eli Amsbaugh, George W. Tyler, Joseph M. Long, S. H. Benedict, D. J. Staples and Thomas M. Mosely were secretly selected by somebody as delegates.

As my readers will have noticed by the ac- count of the proceedings of the Republican convention, before the coming of July 4, 1861, the lines had been clearly drawn, and all citi- zens had been called upon to take their stand either for or against the Union. In the cele- bration of that day not a Southern man took part. The old flag was everywhere seen. It floated from flagpoles, windows, fences and windmills. The boys wore badges bearing the motto, "The Union forever," and the girls wore dresses and sashes made of the national colors. Thousands of strangers crowded the sidewalks, as the procession passed along Brigadier-General Connor, in full-dress uni- form riding a white horse, was the center of all eyes, for hundreds had never before seen an army officer. He was the grand marshal, his aides being H. T. Huggins and T. K. Hook. After marching along the principal streets, the procession halted in the Park Street grove, there to listen to a prayer by Rev. B. F. Mc- Donald, the national song by thirty-four chil- dren, reading of the Declaration of Independ- ence by Allen Lee Bours, an oration by Rev. David D. Dryden, the singing of "Flag of Our Union" by the children and the benediction by Rev. Clarence King. Refreshments were then provided for the military and the Fire Depart- ment by the ladies. The procession then re- formed and marched back to Weber Avenue, where it was dismissed. The collation and the reforming of the procession were events not customary, and the object was to keep the men in a body so that they could act immedi- ately, for trouble was anticipated. Trouble was foreshadowed at sunrise by the pastor of the Methodist Church, South, who attempted to prevent the ringing of the bell, and later by a rumor that, as the procession would pass the Eagle Hotel, a young lady of the South would wave a Confederate flag from the bal- cony. Horses had been attached to the engine and hose carriages, the firemen marching be- hind their machines. As they marched past the hotel they looked for the new flag. No flag was seen, however, as the lady's friends has persuaded her not to carry out her threat. Each soldier had three rounds of ammunition ready for any emergency, and the firemen de- clared if that flag was seen they would capture it or tear down the building in the attempt.

The Secessionist Pastor

The excitement of that day was at a fever heat, intensified by the unwise action of the Rev. L. D. Hargis, pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. It had been the cus- tom to ring all of the church bells at sunrise and sunset, but the pastor instructed the jan- itor not to ring the bell, as he was opposed to mixing religion with politics. The janitor, however, as was his custom, began ringing the bell. As its peal fell upon the ears of the pastor he sprang from his bed, and, running across the street to the church, half dressed. he ordered the janitor to stop ringing the bell. He then took the keys, locked the door and returned to the parsonage. Mr. Schultz, the janitor, then crossing the street, informed Stephen Davis, the contractor and shipbuild- er, what had taken place, and the latter quietly said: "Wait a few minutes, and I guess we will ring the bell." Davis was a strong Union man-a Massachusetts Yankee-and going over to the church, the two men crawled through the window and began ringing the bell. Again the minister came rushing over, and, unlocking the door, ordered Davis to stop; but Davis simply smiled. Then the rev- erend gentleman attempted to stop the ring- ing by hanging to the rope. Immediately Mr. Davis took a half hitch of the rope around the pastor's wrist, tightening it as in a vice, and the pastor yelled and quickly loosened his hold. He then retired and the bell was rung some length of time. The news of the attempt to stop ringing the bell soon spread through- out the town, and as I stated, it intensified the excitement, for many Union men had sub- scribed to the purchase of the bell, as well as toward the church. Then the Union men de- clared, "We'll ring the bell at sunset, or know the reason why." The disunionists replied, "The bell shall not be rung," and one seces- sionist, Tom Coldwell, a lawyer, boastfully remarked, "If the bell is rung, it will be over my dead body." As the shades of evening began falling across the valley, men began assembling in front of the church. At this time Captain Weber's small cannon was at the wagon shop being repaired, and under com- mand of Israel Rolf the men wheeled the can- non to the front of the church and loaded it with scraps of iron, bolts, etc., declaring that if the bell were not rung they would blow down the building. At sunset several hun- dred men had assembled, among them many "fire eaters," the name given to the loud, boasting disunionists. As the fire bell began ringing, the door of the church was forced open and immediately men began ringing the Methodist bell. Coldwell, with his revolver in his hand, stepped inside and put his hand on the rope. Immediately Nathan Coombs (the

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uncle of Orrin Henderson) struck him a John Sullivan blow in the face and he landed on the sidewalk. This ended the affair. The Union men cheered and yelled, and for over an hour's time the old bell rang out "Un-ion, Un-ion forever !"

The Democratic State Convention

The San Joaquin political campaign of 1861 was the most exciting, important and intense of any in the state's history. The Republican state convention had assembled at Sacramen- to June 18th, and one member of the commit- tee on resolutions was George W. Tyler of Stockton; Leland Stanford, the choice of the convention for governor, was nominated on the first ballot. On July 11 the Breckinridge Democrats also assembled at Sacramento. To this convention the San Joaquin Democracy sent twelve delegates. The proxies were numerous, but the following were in attend- ance: William Lanius, W. D. Aylett, A. R. Campbell, J. H. Woods, Peter Megerle, C. L. Benedict, F. A. Martin, John Canevan (D. F. Douglas, proxy), B. F. Langford (H. C. Pat- rick, proxy), D. J. Oullahan (D. S. Terry, proxy) and Thomas Laspeyre. This was the famous convention in which that brilliant and gifted young Virginian, Edmond Randolph, made the speech of his life. He died two months later, September 8, of consumption. As he ascended the platform to speak, the stillness of death possessed that memorable body, for the young man came from a long line of eloquent orators, and the convention knew that he was intensely aroused over the events then taking place in the South. It is said that Randolph's eyes were fairly aflame as he spoke and he said in his peroration : "For God's sake, gentlemen, tell me of battles fought and won. Tell me of usurers over- throw; that Missouri is again a free state, no longer crushed under the armed heel of a reck- less and odious despot. Tell me that the State of Maryland lives again; and, oh, gentlemen, let us read, let us hear at the first moment that not one hostile foot treads the soil of Vir- ginia. If this be rebellion, then I am a rebel. Do you want a traitor, then I am a traitor. For God's sake, speed the ball; may the lead go quick to his heart, and may our country be free from this despot usurper that now claims the name of President of the United States." Under the inspiration of a speech such as this, perhaps it is not surprising that the convention should resolve: "That we are opposed to the employment of force by the general Government against the seceded states for the purpose of compelling obedience and submission to Federal authority." The third resolution declared : "in favor of the rec- ognition of the independence of the Confeder- ate States, and a treaty of amity and peace

between them and the United States Govern- ment as the alternative which will terminate the horrors of civil war and bring back peace and happiness to our distracted country."

The San Joaquin delegates returned from the Sacramento convention, and July 20th the party assembled in the City Hall and "heartily indorsed and reaffirmed the principles and policy, adopted by the convention presided over by the Honorable Todd Robinson in June last." Among them the 113 delegates assembled to nominate county officers were J. D. Peters, Gilbert B. Claiborne, Frank Moss, George W. Trahern, Daniel Rothen- bush, Jesse Mitchell, Moses Marks and J. R. W. Hitchcock. They were called to order by the chairman of the County Committee, Post- master William Lanius. Thomas Laspeyre was chosen as president, Dr. J. A. Aull and James Shephard, vice-presidents, and George Tilgham, secretary. In the platform was the following: "The Democratic party has a mis- sion to accomplish to defeat Black Republi- canism under whatever name it rears its head. It must not fear the pressure from without, the clamor and the cry of treason, but its mem- bers should stand firm, resist the advocates of civil war, and strike for peace and the Consti- tution."

The Budd-Underhill Debate

The campaign opened early. On August 5 George W. Tyler and Henry B. Underhill, candidates for county judge and district attor- ney, respectively, addressed the citizens in front of the Weber' House. They also chal- lenged Joseph H. Budd and A. C. Bradford to discuss the question of the day during the cam- paign. The conditions were that each speaker should occupy three-quarters of an hour, the last speaker of each side to have the privilege of occupying all of the time not taken up by his colleague; that there should be no hissing or interference with any speaker; that the dis- cussion should be opened by the Democrats the first night, by the Republicans the second night, and so on alternately throughout the campaign. Immediately the challenged party accepted the conditions. Budd was Under- hill's opponent for district attorney, and Au- gust 10 Budd began the argument for the Democracy, followed by Underhill. In twenty precincts they discussed the issues, ending at the Sixteen-Mile house, September 2, two days before the election, and to the voters was left the decision whether or not Tyler and Underhill had "polished their opponents clean- er than a shotgun," as was prophesied by the Republican editor.

Exciting Meeting at Woodbridge

The assemblages were quiet and orderly until the meeting of August 24 in Wood-

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bridge. Two chairmen were selected; Dr. C. H. Ober, who on December 17 of the same year, died by poison, taken by mistake, repre- sented the Breckinridge Democrats, and \\'. H. Bellville presided for the Republicans. Budd made the opening speech. There was no disturbance until Tyler, the last speaker, began his reply to Budd. Then some in the meeting began to converse loudly, and at times hissing was heard. Tyler, who was very quick-tempered, controlled his temper for a time, but as the insults continued he finally declared that any person who would disturb that meeting or any other was no gentlemen but a scoundrel and he (Tyler) would step off the stage and settle the disturbance in one minute. The remark created still greater con- fusion, but order was finally restored and Tyler finished his argument. After the meet- ing there were loud cheers for Jeff Davis and Beauregard.

On the list of speaking places stood Liberty, a Democratic stronghold. A fight there was anticipated, and Tyler and his friends jour- neyed thither well armed. The meeting was scheduled for Saturday night, August 31. There was good order until Tyler began. In vigorous language he scored the Southern Democracy, and his auditors, not in sympathy with the speaker, began to hiss and talk loud- ly. The chairman of the meeting tried to quiet them, but failed. Then Bradford and Budd tried to pacify the disturbance. Tyler contin- ued speaking, but finally his patience was ex- hausted, and drawing his revolver and laying it upon the table, he exclaimed, "I'll kill the first man who makes any more disturbance!" The crowd cheered and Tyler was given a quiet hearing.

Tyler's Assault on Budd

Two days after this disturbance the only quarrel between men of high standing in this community occurred, and it certainly speaks well for Stockton's law-abiding citizens that so exciting a campaign could be conducted with such good temper. The trouble referred to was caused by a letter published by George W. Tyler, in which he declared that Budd had made no effort to stop the noise at Liberty. The two men met in the Court House the next morning, and Tyler in answer to Budd's question, admitted that he was the author of the letter. Budd then exclaimed, "It is false." "You lie," answered Tyler, and, catching his opponent by his long beard, he struck Budd a severe blow. Bystanders then separated the combatants. Ill feeling had existed between the two speakers since their debate, August 23, at the Boston House. After that meeting Budd reported that Tyler had said, "If we cannot carry this election by ballot, we will by bayonets." Tyler, in a statement pub-

lished August 25, denied making that state- ment. He admitted saying, "If that party (the Democratic) is not beaten this fall by ballots it will have to be beaten ere long by bayo- nets." Continuing he said, "Should any at- tempt be made by them to place California in a position to aid treason and rebellion in the shape of a Pacific republic, I would resist such an attempt to the bitter end and shed the last drop of my heart's blood if necessary to pre- vent so dire a calamity.

Those were indeed the "times that tried men's souls" and to carry both state and coun- ty election the Republicans had planned well the campaign. Adopting Tyler's idea, the committee sent blank lists to some "hard shelled" Republican in each voting precinct. He was requested to fill out the blank, writing therein the name of every voter and his politi-" cal faith and then mail it to the committee. This was faithfully obeyed, and then strong leading Republicans were sent forth under the command to go forth into the county and preach the gospel (of Republicanism), not to every creature, but to every Douglas Demo- crat, convincing him of the error of his ways, and bidding him repent and join the Republi- can ranks. Many merchants of Stockton, fol- lowing the example of San Francisco mer- chants, in a published address said: "We, the undersigned, believing the coming election to be the most important of any that has been held in our county, and believing it to be the duty of every true patriot to make any reason- able sacrifice for the public good, will close our respective places on election day." This card was signed by forty-three business firms. At the same time twenty-nine Douglas Demo- crats declared over their signature: "We, who have heretofore acted in opposition to the Re- publican party, fully endorse the actions of the San Francisco merchants, and recommend our friends and fellow-citizens to go and do likewise." The San Francisco merchants said: "The dreadful consequences that must arise from the division of the Union men of this state, and the possible election of the se- cession McConnell ticket, render it an impera- tive duty to forget all party preferences and look only to the salvation of our state from ruin and devastation that will follow any suc- cess of the secessionists here.

At that time there were no processions but the night before the election, meetings were held in front of the St. Charles Hotel. A. C. Bradford and David S. Terry, interrupted by tumultuous cheering, told their auditors why they should cast their ballot on the morrow for McConnell. The Weber House echoed to moderate hurrahs as George W. Tyler, Elbert Weeks and Enoch Gove declared that before the setting of another sun Leland Stanford would be the next Governor of California. On

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the election morn Democrats and Republicans each opened his party newspaper and anxious- ly read the editorial of the day. Said A. C. Russell in the Democratic organ: "We ask voters today to consider the awful responsi- bility which rests upon them, and dismiss all feeling of hatred, revenge, pride and passion, and vote calmly and with judgment. You are today to decide whether you wish every house, North and South, to be a house of mourning. You are to vote whether ruin, poverty and despair shall pervade the land, and all for no practical good. We have given you our sol- emn warning." From Samuel Seabough, of the Stockton Independent, came these asser- tions: "You are to cast today the most im- portant vote of your lives. You are to declare whether this country is for or against main- taining the Federal Constitution; for or against civil war in California. If you sustain the entire Union county ticket-you fix the character of this town and county as loyal, peace loving, and opposed to civil war. If you suffer defeat you permit it to go abroad that the people of San Joaquin are not to be trusted in their loyalty, and the great county will lend her moral, if not her physical, aid to revolu- tionize the state." As trouble was anticipated, twenty citizens were sworn in as special po- licemen. There was nothing for them to do, for all the citizens were too busy obtaining votes either to quarrel or get drunk. No dis- turbance took place, although all the saloons were running full blast. The two bands of music that had the previous evening enlivened the audiences were again at work, and, drawn in wagons through the streets, the Republican band played patriotic airs. The band engaged by the Democrats played marches, waltzes and polkas only. A gentleman from Kerrick's precinst told us in the Mail some time since how a dozen teamsters' votes were cast in that precinct by proxy, long after the teamsters were driving their mules toward their moun- tain destinations. The votes were accepted, for the watchword was, "Lose not a vote; get them honestly if you can, fraudulently if you must." Both parties worked every trick and scheme known to the politicians, but the race was too hot for the Democracy. San Joaquin County, which had given the Democratic nom- inee, Milton S. Latham, a majority of 1,597 over Stanford in 1859, now rolled up 1,837 for Stanford, 1576 for McConnell and only 414 for Conness. The city gave Stanford 827, McCon- nell 488. I here record the full county vote for the Republican and Breckinridge Demo- cratic ticket, that we may see who were the first officeholders of the party that for nearly twenty years elected a full county ticket : Sen- ator, C. H. Chamberlain, 2079, W. D. Aylette, 1617; assemblyman, John Thompson, 2110, Samuel Myers, 2160, John H. Woods, 1591;

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History of San Joaquin County, California : with biographical sketches of leading men and women of the county who have been identified with its growth and development from the early days to the present, Part 34

Author: Tinkham, George H. (George Henry), b. 1849 Publication date: 1923 Publisher: Los Angeles, Calif. : Historic Record Co. Number of Pages: 1660

Author: Tinkham, George H. (George Henry), b. 1849
Publication date: 1923
Publisher: Los Angeles, Calif. : Historic Record Co.
Number of Pages: 1660