USA > California > San Joaquin County > History of the State of California and biographical record of San Joaquin County; containing biographis of well-known citizens of the past and present. Volume I > Part 46
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Another source of water supply is the arte- sian well. These are drilled from six hundred to one thousand feet deep and as the supply seems inexhaustible the Stockton Water Company draws its entire supply from them. At a greater depth, twenty-five to twenty-nine hundred feet, a flow of natural gas is found and is now being used extensively for lighting, heating and cooking pur-
poses throughout the city. The first artesian well was one thousand feet deep and was drilled by the city in 1858; this was the first source of the waterworks supply and also a small amount of gas was discovered arising with the water. The first coal gas was made in 1858. Electricity is being used extensively for street and private lighting, as well as for motive power by the two street car lines and the operation of machinery.
One of the first industries of the town was the manufacture of flour, the City Mills being estab- lished by Austin Sperry and William Lyons in 1852. They imported their wheat from Napa and Martinez. In 1853 a large three story mill, called the Franklin, was erected and fitted with expensive machinery. The proprietors became involved in financial difficulties and the mill was idle for many years ; finally it was purchased by Austin and Williard Sperry and Alexander Bur- kett. The walls were strengthened and new and modern machinery was installed and the mill put in operation and continued with success until it was destroyed by fire, April 2, 1882. It was immediately rebuilt and this, and the Golden Gate and the Crown Mills have a capacity of five thousand barrels of flour per day. All of them are large four-story and more buildings located on the water front. Shipments are made to all parts of the world, the Orient being a large source of export.
In 1856 R. B. Lane had a flouring mill on Weber avenue operated by steam power that was afterwards used to run a paper mill, in which was manufactured wrapping and newspaper stock. Two years later it was removed to Mor- mon channel and $100,000 invested in machinery and soon ten tons of paper was the output every twenty-four hours, this in part supplying the newspapers of the state. Eastern competition soon compelled the company to remove to the locality where wood could be obtained for the pulp and the mill was located in Oregon on the Willamette river. Opposite the paper mill on the channel stood the woolen mill that was start- ed by Tatterson and Lambert, the former an ex- pert manufacturer of woolen goods and the latter a sheep man. For years their principal output was woolen blankets, but in later years the mak-
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ing of cloth for clothing has been the chief prod- uction. Each year thousands of blankets were put on the market, and regarding the quality the following story is sufficient : A Stockton lady visiting in New York decided to bring home something fine in the line of blankets and enter- ing one of the large retail stores said: "I wish to see some of your finest blankets, please." The salesman showed her several grades, each a lit- tle better than the other and finally, as he lift- ed a handsomely embroidered $100 pair, remark- ed: "This is our finest blanket in stock, madam, made in Stockton, California."
The manufacture of leather is as old as the city. Cattle by the thousands roamed over the plains, hides were cheap and there was a great demand for leather for harness, saddles, and cowhide boots. In 1855 Jacob Wagner, a brotli- er of the president of the Wagner Leather Company, established a small tannery, grinding his tan bark by horse power. That institution has since grown to large proportions and occu- pies an entire block of ground, imports tan bark from various parts of the state and tanning liquor by the schooner load. The product took first prize at the World's Fair in St. Louis and is shipped to all parts of the globe. The dairy industry has been increasing rapidly each year, though for the past thirty years San Joaquin county has been importing tons of ranch and creamery butter. There have been thousands of good milch cows in the county for years and why butter was not made from the product is demonstrated by the following: A traveller sat down to dinner in a public road house, where meals were fifty cents; around the house and al- most to the porch cows were standing. The proprietor brought on the black coffee. "Have you any milk?" inquired the traveller. "No, it's too much trouble to milk the cows."
In the '8os Frank M. Pierce found it no trou- ble to milk the cows, but on the other hand found it to his advantage to secure the very best grade of cattle and in his herd he had "Lady de Kol- ver," a National prize winner valued at $10,000. His work gave an impetus to the industry in the county and in 1908 the output of the county
exceeded a half million dollars, one firm alone making over one million pounds of butter.
Chicory has been grown upon the banks of the San Joaquin river for many years and a fac- tory for the manufacture of the finished pro luct was started by C. H. W. Brandt, it being the only one in the state. The manufacture of win dow glass was carried on for a time, but by the failure of a bank in San Francisco that was heavily interested in the concern makes its future progress uncertain. An industry carried on for ten years was the manufacturing of briskets or pressed coal cakes for fuel; thousands of tons were turned out, but the company met with heavy losses by fire and later the proprietors became involved in the "graft" in San Francisco and had to relinquish the business. The mak- ing of furniture was carried on for a time, but losses by fire ruined the business and its pro- moters.
Behind the farmer and manufacturer stands capital represented by the banks of Stockton, of which the pioneer was the T. Robinson Bours bank, established in 1852. In 1867 the Savings and Loan Society Bank was organized with J. M. Kelsey as its president. This institution has grown gradually in size and strength until it now ranks as one of the leading financial insti- tutions of the entire valley. In January, 1909. the bank moved into a new building erected by them at the corner of Main and San Joaquin streets : that is one of the finest bank and office buildings in the state for its size, being seven stor- ies and constructed of steel and pressed brick. Its business is conducted under the management of the board of directors, of which Fred M. West was the late president. In 1853 the San Joa quin Valley Bank was established and openel for business with the late Gilbert Claiborne as president. This institution now occupies a new. modern four-story building erected en North Hunter street by them and in which a general banking business is conducted ; this has grown in the passing of years and is one of the substantial institutions of the county.
The Farmers and Merchants Bank, founded in October, 1882, occupies a prominent location on Main street, and P. B. Fraser is the presi-
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clent. The bank is well capitalized and does a large business. In 1888 H. H. Hewlett and others established the First National Bank, of which Mr. Hewlett was president until his death. The Commercial and Savings Bank began busi- ness in 1903 with John Raggio as its president and in 1906 the Union and Safe Deposit Bank was opened for business, T. A. Nelson as its efficient president. The Stockton Savings Bank
is another of the progressive institutions and Dr. Asa Clark is the president. As the growth and wealth of the county have expanded busi- ness the organization of additional banks became necessary, and they are all in a thriving condi- tion and all are well capitalized. The banks had a clearance in the year of 1908 of over $24,000,000.
CHAPTER VII. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL EVENTS.
T HE political condition of affairs in 1850 has no precedent in American history. California was neither a state nor a territory. Congress had taken no action and here upon this neutral ground assembled two factions, the Northern and Southern born Demo- crats and Whigs, each hating the other because of slavery.
The scope of this work will not permit of going into details, for we are limited to San Joaquin county. When the state campaign of 1851 came on the Democrats boldly asserted that their party should be elected to all the offices. Said one speaker: "For the acquisition of California we are indebted to the Democratic party and none other," as the Whigs had opposed the Mexican war. In the contest of that year this county gave each candidate for governor, John Big- ler, Democrat, and Pierson B. Redding, Whig, :801 votes. Samuel Purdy, Stockton's ex-mayor, and the Democratic nominee for lieutenant-gov- ernor, received 840 votes, and his opponent, Drury P. Baldwin, only 755. Purdy was a favorite at that time, but in 1855, when he ran for the same office again, was defeated by Ander- son, the Know-Nothing candidate, by 418 votes.
This was the year of the American or Know- Nothing party, the party that came into power for a short time and swept everything before it. It was a secret organization, its principal ob- ject being to prevent the Irish from holding of- ficial positions and when questioned regarding its policies, knew nothing, hence the name. It
was composed of Whigs and Democrats. David S. Terry, candidate for judge of the Supreme court, said: "I have renounced my allegiance to the gallant Democracy." Four years later, while stumping the state for Latham, he declared: "I claim the honor of being a Democrat, I can be nothing else * and I will never desert these principles in her hour of need."
The legislature of 1856 was largely composed of Whigs, and Henry A. Crabb, the recognized leader of the party, believed his chances were good for the United States senatorship. An hon- orable and high-minded citizen and a politician of unsullied honor, he was a very popular man, not only in San Joaquin county, but throughout the state. He had twice been elected city at- torney of Stockton and was at one time a law partner with Terry and at another time with him conducted an ice business. Broderick was far his superior as a strategist and he succeed- ed in having the senatorial election postponed until 1857. Crabb, in 1854, had married a high- ly accomplished Spanish girl, Filomena Ainsa. Sorely disappointed because of his losing the senatorship, he was persuaded by his wife to as- sist her father in a revolutionary scheme to de- pose the Mexican governor Gandara. In 1857 Ainsa was in Mexico and Crabb, having raised a company of one hundred men, marched into the hostile territory.
Unknown to Crabb, the Mexicans before his arrival had settled their dispute and his party was at once attacked and routed after severe
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fighting. The men were taken prisoners, and shot in groups of five, but for their leader a more horrible death was planned. He was com- pelled to witness the execution of his brave lit- tle army and he was then shot, one hundred bul- lets piercing his body ; he was then beheaded and the head subjected to many insults. For many years it was preserved in mescal, a Mexican liquor made from the cactus.
Crabb believing that slavery was a divine in- stitution and that the negro had no rights or equality with the white man, introduced into the legislature of 1852 his famous fugitive slave law and his negro evidence bill. The former made it a duty of any county officer, upon a warrant issued, to arrest any negro said to have escaped from a slave state and deliver him to his alleged master. The latter, in force until 1862, prohibited any negro or Indian giving evidence against a white man. As an illustration : A white man in San Francisco killed a negro without just cause and was acquitted because no white witnesses saw the assault. In this county there were quite a number of slave owners, many of them bringing their slaves with them, among whom was William Garrard, Major L. M. Brad- ley, Benjamin Langford, John Fairbanks, C. M. Creaner and others. In one instance a negro named Charley Bates was sold at auction in Stockton. He had been brought to California by his master, who promised him that after two years of service he would be freed. He faith- fully served his time and when his master said artfully : "Charley, don't you want to go back to Mississippi to see your mother and relations ?" the poor deluded fellow thought it a fine idea, but fortunately at Panama he met a young white friend, bound for California. Charley told his friend where he was going and of his master's promise. "Why, Charley, Bates is taking you back to slavery again; you are a free man, run away." Charley took this advice and with his friend came to Stockton. Bates returned to Mississippi, where he owed a planter named Clay about $700; he said to him as he was about to sail for the land of gold: "Clay, I have got a nigger in California and if you find him you may have him for the debt." One day Clay was
walking the streets of Stockton and met Charley, who was delighted to see an old plantation friend. Clay swore out a warrant for the fugitive, had him arrested and was about to start back home with him. The event created great excitement among the anti-slavery men for they knew that the colored man had worked faithfully for his liberty. Clay, fearing trouble, agreed to sell Charley for $1,000. He had saved $200 and the negro was now put up and auctioned off for the balance of $800, his friends making the purchase. This made him a free man and he became one of the most quiet and industrious citizens of the city.
The gubernatorial campaign of 1859 was the most bitter in the history of the state. Slavery that had been the bone of contention for over half a century was in its death struggle and its friends to resuscitate it were fighting to the bitter end. Its worst enemy was Broderick, the leader of the northern wing of the Democratic party, and if he could be deposed there was hope. The Whig party was dead, the American party was only a part of history, the Democratic party was badly demoralized because of Broderick and the young Republican party was seeking recog- nition.
Broderick had won the victory for which he had been fighting for six years and he was now a United States senator, but displeasing his party. they demanded his resignation from the senate, for they declared he no longer represented the party. "The seat in the senate is with the Re- publicans and he is to the fullest extent a Re- publican." The Lecompton Democrats nominated M. S. Latham for governor ; the antis nominated John Curry and the Republicans Leland Stanford. The first mentioned carried the state; Latham received in San Joaquin 1,789 votes, nearly twice as many as the other two combined. They also carried the county by over 600 majority. Brod- erick, who had always opposed slavery and who was fast sliding toward the party for the Union. was the poison thorn in the side of Southern Democracy, and Terry in his campaign speech at Placerville said: "Who have we opposed to us ? a miserable remnant of a faction sailing un- der false colors, trying to obtain votes under
-
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false pretenses. They have no distinction * they are the followers of one man, they belong heart and soul, body and breeches to David C. Broderick; they are calling themselves Douglas Democrats. Perhaps they do sail under the flag of Douglas, but it is the banner of the black Douglas whose name is Frederick, not Stephen."
Broderick, a few days later, while sitting at the breakfast table at the International Hotel in San Francisco, read the speech and flushing with anger said to D. W. Perley, who was sit- ting opposite: "I see your friend Terry has been abusing me at Sacramento. I have hither- to spoken of him as the only honest man on the bench of a miserably corrupt Supreme court, but now I find I was mistaken-I take it all back, he is just as bad as the others." "Mr. Broderick, who is it that you speak of as a wretch?" ask Perley. "Terry," said the other. "I will inform the judge of the language you have used." "Do so, I wish you to do so," was the answer.
Broderick declined the challenge of Perley on the ground that the latter was not an American citizen and because he saw it was a trick to keep him out of the campaign that was just beginning, resulting in the election of September 6, 1859. The following day Terry challenged Broderick and the latter accepted. He named duelling pistols as the weapons, ten paces the distance, San Mateo county the place, and half past five o'clock a. m., September 12, the time. Chief of Police Burke of San Francisco, learning of the proposed duel was on hand and arrested the participants, but Judge Coon, before whom they were taken, discharged them, declaring that no crime had been committed. The next morn- ing at the same time and place they again met and at the first shot Broderick was mortally wounded, for the ball had passed through both lungs, broke a rib and lodged in the arm. Ter- ry came to Stockton at once and went to his ranch near Clements. Broderick died on the 17th, and Terry was placed under arrest by Sheriff O'Neal. He was not placed under bonds nor imprisoned, but was taken to San Mateo. His case was transferred from one court to another until it reached the court of Marin
county. On the day set for the trial James H. Hardy, an intimate friend of Terry's, had been appointed to try the case; the witnesses were subpænaed to appear at the court house in San Rafael at ten o'clock and during the early morn- ing the hands of the clock at the court house were put ahead one hour. At the hour of ten (nine o'clock correct time), the judge took his seat ; the defendant and council, A. P. Critten- den, were present and at the proper moment the district attorney moved the prisoner be dis- charged as there was no evidence against him; this was ordered. Ten minutes later the witnesses began to arrive, having crossed the bay in a sail boat.
The "Black Republican" party, as their op- ponents slurringly styled it, came into existence in 1856. A few Republicans had previously met in a small building on Weber avenue and made all preliminary arrangements and on October 10 met in the city hall and organized a Republican club for the purpose of booming John C. Fre- mont for the presidency. In the election Fre- mont polled a party vote of 548, a vote which was nearly doubled four years later by Lincoln.
As the campaign of 1860 drew near there was much uneasiness among the Northern men, for the South had threatened to secede from the Union if Lincoln was elected. He was elected, however, and true to her word the South se- ceded, fired upon the flag and took possession of all the South Carolina forts.
In California rumors were afloat that the se- cessionists were planning to take possession of the forts and banks and form a Pacific republic. Certain events in Stockton indicated a movement in that direction, one of which was the raising of that flag on January 16, 1861, by Duncan Beaumont, who was a well-known secessionist, on his yacht in McLeods' lake. It was a small flag bearing upon its face a grizzly bear, a lone star and a pine tree. In less than an hour the stars and stripes were floating in every part of the city. So great was the excitement that Mr. Beaumont concluded it would be well to lower his banner.
Eight months later, on September 30th, the secessionists boldly declared their purpose by a
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display of secession flags from the dome of the court house, the staff of the Weber engine com- pany, the flag staff that Captain Weber had erect- ed on Banner Island, and upon several private buildings. The flags had been raised the pre- vious night. Captain Weber first discovered the rebel flag on his staff about five o'clock in the morning; lowering it, he raised aloft the stars and stripes, and ramming the other flag into his cannon blew it into rags; he then fired a salute of thirty-one guns for the Union.
The flaunting of the secession flags in the faces of the Union men convinced them then as never before, that George W. Tyler was correct when he declared, months previous, that the Southern states would secede and that the secessionists of California would form a Pacific republic un- less prevented by the watchfulness and actions of the Union men. Tyler, who was then about thirty years of age, had arrived from the east in 1858 and the following year stumped the state for Stanford. He had foreseen the drift of events and, locating in this city in 1860, en- deavored to arouse the citizens to a sense of their danger. This seemed to be impossible. Tyler had failed with voice and pen to arouse the Unionists and concluded that if he could make the Southern sympathizers show their true char- acter and purpose then the Lincoln and Douglas party would be aroused to action.
To accomplish his purpose it was quietly given out that May II, 1861, a Union club would be organized in Woodbridge, as that and Liberty precinct were the strongest Breckenridge pre- cincts in the county. Tyler, with a few of his friends, all well armed, was on hand at the ap- pointed time. The meeting was held in a car- penter shop, there being about three hundred present. Tyler, who had drawn up a number of resolutions that endorsed the acts of President Lincoln and denounced Buchanan, was elected chairman of the meeting; these resolutions were introduced and read and for over four hours they wrangled over the matter. Finally the first resolution was before the meeting for action, "Resolved that we will support the Union cause peaceably if we can and forcibly if we must." Immediately a movement was made to prevent
a vote being taken and Mark Evans, then courty treasurer, jumped upon a bench and waving a revolver, shouted to Tyler : "You will never live to see those resolutions enforced!" The effect was magical, there was an uproar, pistol and knives were drawn, but Tyler , nothing daunted and undismayed, endeavored to restore order and obtain a vote on the resolution. Failing in this the meeting adjourned to the street and lining up on opposite sides it was seen that the secessionists outnumbered their opponents three to one. As Tyler had anticipated the meeting was broken up and the news that a Union meet- ing had been broken up at Woodbridge wa published all over the state.
This incident had a tendency to arouse the la tent patriotism in the loyal citizens and the Fourth of July, 1861, was celebrated as never before. The city was literally clothed in flags and the sidewalks were crowded with people ; the women and girls wore aprons of red, white and blue, the boys rosettes and the men wore badges that bore the motto "The Union must and shall be preserved." The procession that was formed was the largest that was ever seen except that of the following year, when the Third Regi- ment California Volunteers took part in the parade.
The incident of the day was the attempt by the pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. to prevent the ringing of the church bell in the early morning : it had been the custom to ring all the bells of the city at sunrise each 4th of July and as he heard the bell ringing he hurried from his residence and commanded the sex- ton to stop; Harris obeyed and then crossed the street and informed Stephen Davis of the oc- currence. Davis replied : "Wait until I raise my flag and I guess we'll ring the bell." Th door being locked Davis climbed through th window and again the bell pealed forth its tones ; the pastor again hurried over from his stu h and knocked at the door and made an attempt to stop the proceeding by hanging onto the bell rope; Davis then gave the rope a half hitch around the preacher's wrist and squeezed it un- til he was obliged to relinquish his hold and with- out further molestation the bell was rung.
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When the citizens learned of this event the excitement was great and the Union men em- phatically declared "the bell will ring again to- night or the church will be torn down in the effort." Assemblyman Thomas Laspeyre, a noted secessionist, threatened that "If the bell is rung it will be over my dead body." As the sunset hour drew near a crowd assembled in front of the church; finding the door locked the Union men broke it down and Davis again began ring- ing the bell; Laspeyre attempted to interfere, when William Coombs struck him a blow that knocked him through the door to the sidewalk; it took the fight out of the braggart and the bell pealed forth till all the others long had ceased.
The stirring events of the previous months opened the eyes of the Douglas Democrats, and obeying the voice of their leader, Douglas, who said, a few days before his death, "Stand by the Union," many of them united with the Republi- cans and took part in the county convention. A few days previous to the election a large number of Douglas Democrats publicly announced their intention to vote the Republican ticket, as they declared "It is our imperative duty to forget all party preferences and look only to the salvation of our state from the ruin that will follow any success here of the secession party."
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