USA > Colorado > History of the State of Colorado, Volume II > Part 43
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arrived on the Uncompahgre three days later, where the rescue was planned. On the 19th, with an escort of three Indian chiefs designated by Ouray,-Sapovanero, Shawano, and a son of old Colorow,-and attended by Count von Doenhoff, an attache of the German legation at Washington, Capt. Cline and Mr. Sherman of the Las Pinas Agency, and bearing peremptory orders from the head chief of all the Utes for the immediate cessation of hostilities and the surrender of their pris- oners, Adams started for Douglass' camp on Grand River. In due time, after a long and trying journey, he arrived, presented his letters and demanded the women. A council of war was held. The Indians at first were not disposed to obey, and some of the younger bucks pro- posed that they kill the white commissioners and go their own way in spite of Ouray, but Sapovanero soon put an end to that kind of talk. Though excited and unduly elated by their triumphs, they still had lively recollections of what disobedience of Ouray's orders meant, through many decisive lessons in the past. When Adams appeared in their camp, they endeavored to conceal the captives, but Miss Meeker broke out of the tepee in which she was confined, faced the commis- sioners and informed them where her mother and Mrs. Price were.
At length Douglass agreed to deliver up the women on condition that Adams would go on to White River and stop the further advance of Merritt's avenging army. He accepted the situation and soon left for that point. The captives were surrendered, and, under the pro- tection of Capt. Cline and Sherman, were taken to Ouray's camp, where they arrived three days later. The sturdy old chief and his noble sympathetic wife, Chipeta, received them with open arms and did every- thing in their power for their comfort. Says Miss Meeker, "We found carpets on the floors, curtains at the windows, lamps on the tables, stoves in the rooms, and fires burning. We were given a whole house to ourselves." Chipeta shed tears over them, provided everything for their comfort, and in a good motherly way ministered to their every want. A few days later they were brought to Denver, and taken thence to their old homes in Greeley.
CHIEF OURAY.
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For nearly three months Merritt's troops remained in camp at the agency, idly awaiting further orders and the final settlement. Mean- while, Adams, Ouray and Hatch were taking testimony to establish the cause of the outbreak and to discover the guilty leaders. It was a long, tedious, and as the result proved, a fruitless endeavor. It terminated in an offer on the part of the Indians to deliver up twelve of the leaders, on condition that they be tried in Washington, and not in Col- orado. Only one or two were ever captured, and none were punished, though at least twenty should have been hanged. By an act of Congress the White River Utes were subsequently moved to a reser- vation in Utah, where they still remain. We shall meet them again at a later epoch, while reviewing the administration of Governor Alva Adams, in which another outbreak occurred.
The brief sketch subjoined, relating to the life and character of the really great Chief Ouray, the recognized head, diplomat, statesman and warrior of the Ute nation, is compiled from notes furnished by Major James B. Thompson and Otto Mears, both of whom were inti- mately acquainted with him, the latter for the last twenty years of his well-spent life.
Ouray was born at Taos, New Mexico, in 1833, his father being a Tabeguache, or Western Ute, and his mother an Apache of the Jicarilla tribe. His boyhood was passed among the better class of Mexican rancheros, chiefly as a herder of sheep. He soon learned the Spanish language, speaking it correctly, avoiding the Indian corruptions, and preferring it to his native tongue. At the age of eighteen he joined the band of Utes in which his father was a leader, then located in South- western Colorado. From that time until about 1860, his life was that of a wild Indian, passing his time in visiting among neighboring friendly tribes, hunting in the mountains and on the plains, varied by an occa- sional battle with the hereditary enemies of his people, the Comanches, Kiowas, Sioux, Cheyennes and Arapahoes, in which he acquired the reputation of a courageous and skillful warrior. In 1859 he chose a wife from among the Tabeguache maidens, named Chipeta, to whom he
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was always devotedly attached, and who bore him a son. This child was captured by the Kiowas in 1863, they having surprised a hunting camp of Utes under Ouray's command, located near the present site of Fort Lupton, on Platte River. The boy was never recovered, indeed, never heard of afterward.
In the same year, during the administration of Governor Evans, a treaty was negotiated with the Tabeguaches, extinguishing their title to the mountain region of Colorado then settled, and to most of the San Luis Valley. In the council which concluded this treaty, Ouray was a prominent leader and speaker, attracting the attention of all by his quick and intelligent comprehension of the terms proposed, and by his trans- lation of the speeches of his people into Spanish, from which came the English version through the government interpreter. In recognition of his services on this occasion, the government commissioners designated Ouray head chief of the Western Utes, and the act was duly ratified in council by the Indians. In a short time he was recognized as the leader of the entire nation.
Thenceforward to 1868 he led a quiet life, making his home in the Uncompahgre Valley, where he had a fine ranch and large herds of horses and sheep. In that year another treaty was concluded with the "confederated Utes," setting apart as theirs forever, that part of the Territory of Colorado bounded on the east by the 107th meridian, and on the north by a line fifteen miles north of the 40th parallel. This treaty was brought about chiefly through the personal efforts of Ouray, who believed he was rendering his people great and valuable service by obtaining the solemn guaranty of the general government to a solemn observance of the compact. He inspired his followers with like faith that the provisions of this treaty would be maintained, and that the region thus designated for their sole use and occupancy for all time, would not be disturbed. In exactly four years the miners and the stock- growers invaded, settled upon and proposed to hold the southern part of this reservation, and then came the premonitory warnings of conflict
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through the occupation of the San Juan country by prospectors and miners, the cowboys and their long horned cattle.
To effect a peaceful settlement of the constantly recurring disputes between the whites and the Indians, the authorities at Washington ordered a council to be held in August, 1872, at Las Pinas agency, for the purpose of inducing the Utes to cede this portion of their lands. It was on this occasion (noted in a previous chapter) that Ouray evinced his greatest power as the head and defender of his people, against the arguments and persuasions of the government commissioners. His keen mind analyzed, dissected and shattered every proposition advanced by them. He listened calmly and with dignified attention to all they had to say, then rose, and with rare eloquence and power demolished every detail of their carefully arranged programme, putting them to shame by exposing the violation of their pledges, the injustice and wrong of their attempt to nullify a contract which had been deliberately framed, signed, agreed to and ratified by the Senate of the United States. The commissioners, worsted and humiliated, their mission an absolute failure, fell back on Washington "in anything but good order."
The following year another effort was made by Felix Brunot, when, after obtaining some modifications, Ouray accepted the inevitable and procured the assent of his followers to the sacrifice of the mining region. Says Major Thompson, "But for his influence on both occasions, there is no doubt that the Utes would have plunged into war and massacred all the white inhabitants of that country."
By the terms of this treaty, the annuities of the Utes were increased, and Ouray allowed a salary of one thousand dollars a year by the gov- ernment. He then took up his residence at the Las Pinas agency, where he had a comfortable and well furnished house, in which he received and entertained his white guests, and where his days were passed in peace and contentment until that terrible day in October, 1879, when Agent Meeker and his employes were massacred, the women carried into captivity, the agency buildings burned, and Thornburg's troops defeated.
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During the wild excitement attending these tragic events, Ouray was by some severely censured for his failure to prevent the outbreak, but without adequate comprehension of the facts. The subsequent inves- tigation proved that he had no idea the White River band would resort to murder, or that they would attack the troops. The then Secretary of the Interior, Carl Schurz, had been in Denver only a short time before the massacre, and assured the agents and others that there would be no trouble at White River, as he came to inspect the various agencies, and would see that all differences were adjusted, etc., etc. As usual when any trouble occurred between the whites and the Utes, Ouray promptly evinced his desire for peace. Immediately on receiving intelligence of affairs on White River, he sent by his swiftest runners and most trusted messengers, positive orders to Douglas Jack, and their followers to refrain from further hostilities, and at once made arrangements for the rescue of the captive women. While great credit has been accorded Gen. Adams for the part he took in that affair, and with much justice, it is nevertheless true that no power on earth save that exercised by Ouray could have brought back those women alive, and without the safeguard of his orders borne by his messenger Sap-inero, the lives of Adams and his white attendants would undoubtedly have paid the penalty of their temerity.
When the old chief received the particulars of this outbreak, he at once saw that the days of his people were numbered, and his once cheerful face seldom thereafter wore a smile. Throughout the long and trying investigation he bore himself with melancholy dignity and for- bearance, repressing the war spirit of his fiery warriors, and answering the taunts of his white censors with stinging comments upon the wretched and wholly indefensible policy of the government in its admin- istration of Indian affairs, only seeking to avoid bloodshed in the future. To this end he strongly advocated the removal of his people from Colo- rado, and when this was decided upon he was ready to die.
He did not live to witness the full accomplishment of this design, but while the details of the removal were in progress, he was taken very
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ill and died at the Southern agency in 1881 from Bright's disease of the kidneys. His life might perhaps have been materially prolonged had it not been for the absurd treatment practiced upon him by the Indian "Medicine Men," who dosed him with opiates until he became insensible, and then attempted to exorcise the evil spirits which they said were tor- menting him, by vigorous pounding and copious bleeding and sweating of their illustrious patient.
Thus passed away an Indian who richly merits the grateful consid- eration of the white people of Colorado. In person, Ouray was of the almost invariable short stature which distinguished his people from those of the plains tribes. He stood about five feet seven inches high, and became quite portly in the later years. His head was strikingly large, and well shaped, with regular features, and bearing an expression of great dignity in repose, but lighting up pleasantly in conversation. In his ordinary bearing his manner was courtly and gentle, and he was extremely fond of meeting and conversing with cultivated white men, with whom he was a genial companion, compelling their respect and favor by the broad enlightenment of his views. In his habits he was a model ; never using tobacco, abhorring whisky, and only taking a sip of wine when in company of those who were indulging, and then only as a matter of courtesy to them. He never swore nor used obscene or vulgar language, was a firm believer in the Christian religion, and about two years before his death united with the Methodist Church. His name, Ouray, or more properly U-re, was simply a pet name given by his father, and, so far as he knew, had no particular significance.
During the early days of white immigration and settlement, Ouray and Kit Carson together averted a general war between his people and the settlers. Kaneache, chief of the Muache Utes, inaugurated hos- tilities on the Rio Las Animas, and was pursued and briefly engaged by United States troops. Kaneache sent a proposition to Ouray to join him in making war upon the settlers. The latter promptly seized the messenger and sent out trusty runners to warn the people on the Huerfano of the contemplated raid. Those who heeded the warning
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escaped violence, but those who did not were slain. Ouray moved his camp to Fort Garland, in order to control his own forces, and there awaited Kaneache. When the latter approached the San Luis Valley, Ouray marched out, and, taking him and his band prisoners, compelled them to enter the fort and stay there. Had he been less conscientious and prompt, more bloody work would have been done in Southern Colorado.
When in active command of his men his word was law, and diso- bedience death. In the autumn of 1874, at Bijou, while returning from Denver to their camp in the South, one of his men desiring to build a fire, started to cut some wood for that purpose within the inclosure of a white settler. Ouray discovering his intention, ordered him back, reminding him that they must not trespass upon the property of white men. The obstinate Ute replied that he must have firewood, and he would cut it anyway. Ouray answered that if he did he would kill him, whereat the other fellow observed that two could play at that game. Instantly both started for their guns, reaching them about the same time, but Ouray was quicker than his adversary, and promptly shot him.
On another occasion he shot and broke the arm of Johnson, a member of his tribe, who afterward caused much of the trouble at White River Agency. Johnson was given to gambling, horse racing, lying and trickery of all kinds. In the present case he had stolen some horses from white men and refused to return them when commanded, thereby in Ouray's opinion, bringing disgrace upon the Ute nation, for which he ought to be punished.
The foregoing incidents serve to illustrate the sterling honesty and the general character of this remarkable chief, the statesman of his nation, and the only man worthy of that high distinction in the history of that people. Though a warrior of renown, brave to rashness in battle against the natural enemy, he comprehended that the Caucasian had come to stay and to overspread the land; that resistance would be useless, and only result in the extermination of the red men.
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He realized and invariably acted upon the policy that more could be accomplished by diplomacy than by war, and his stately bearing in the various councils proved him to be one of the shrewdest and most intelli- gent negotiators on the frontier. Whether he loved the white race or not, he always, when it was possible to do so, protected them against the incursions and depredations of strolling bands. Because irresponsible desperadoes committed offences against his followers, he did not, like all his contemporaries, condemn the entire race and proceed to massacre every white person in his path, but adjusted the difficulty in a rational, judicious way by peaceful measures. The nature of the Ute is much like that of the wild Apache-bloodthirsty and cruel. There have been many occasions when the strong, restraining hand of Ouray has prevented his people from taking the war path in force against the isolated settlers in the mountain regions. In looking back over the past it is a matter for wonder that we escaped with so few murders, depredations and outbreaks, when the causes and opportunities were so numerous.
Of recent years so much has been published relating to " Old Colorow," and especially in connection with the Thornburg massacre and the later events on White River in 1888, he has been mistakenly elevated to undeserved prominence as a chief and leader. As a matter of fact, Colorow was in no sense entitled to the distinction accorded him. He was enormously fat and bulky, simply a big, blus- tering coward, who never distinguished himself in any battle, and whose chief glory lay in relating monstrous fictions of his prowess, and in frightening women and children at the lonely ranches met with in his wanderings. Though with the forces which massacred Thornburg and his troops, there is no evidence that he took any part in directing them, or that he exposed himself to any danger. He never had any following except old men, children and squaws. and at best only a few of these. In the early administrations of the Territorial government, when the Executives were superintendents also of Indian affairs, and when the different tribes of Utes came frequently to Denver on trading and
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begging expeditions, Colorow lounged about the Governor's office demanding food, blankets, guns and the like, and constantly airing his grievances. Hence he soon came to be regarded as an unmitigated nuisance. He was viciously hostile to Governor Cummings, with whom he quarreled at every visit, and for whose parsimony in dealing with the Indians, more particularly himself, he expressed the greatest contempt. Having occasion to call on the Governor at his office one morning in 1866, I found Colorow there, and, as usual, in a passionate mood, that soon developed a stormy scene, in the midst of which he seized the Governor and hurled him across the room with such force that he struck the wall with considerable violence. He had numerous animated disputes with Governor McCook also, and on one occasion was driven out of the office and ignominiously kicked down stairs. The latter Executive, a large and powerful man, was physically capable of treating the old rascal as he deserved, while Governor Cummings, of rather frail physique, was not, therefore was compelled to endure the insult. There is nothing in the life and character of this Indian to denote intelligence, honesty, courage or decency. On the contrary, we can only remember him as one of the meanest and most despicable of his race, almost without a redeeming trait, and there we leave him.
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APPENDIX.
GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE.
MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR R. W. STEELE, DELIVERED TO THE PROVISIONAL LEGISLATURE NOVEMBER 7, 1859.
Gentlemen of the Council and House of Representatives of the Territory of Jefferson :
It becomes my duty as the chief executive officer for the newly organized Pro- visional Government of this Territory, to make at this time such recommendations and suggestions to your honorable bodies as I may deem proper to secure the well being and prosperity of our adopted country, which from unmistakable indications is soon to grow into an important State.
I am deeply impressed with the importance of this task, as also with the peculiarity of the position which all the officers of this government occupy, and before proceeding to recommend for your action subjects of legislation, it will perhaps be proper to give you a short historical view of the community which has resolved to use the inherent right of self-government recognized as inalienable in American citizens, and to give at least the prominent reasons for the steps which have been taken in the formation of a Provisional Government. In doing this, I am actuated not so much by a desire to convey information to your honorable bodies, as by the wish to have our situation and motives as a community and a body politic fairly understood and appreciated by our fellow citizens of the United States, and by Congress, that no misunderstanding may arise to embarrass the future affairs of the Territory.
Prior to the summer of 1858, the region now known as the Territory of Jefferson, possessed in the public estimation no superior attractions for the pioneer settler over other portions of the public domain in the possession of the aboriginal tribes. During that season, certain adventurous spirits, led on by a desire to prove or disprove the various rumors of rich mineral deposits, which had been in circulation, of the unexplored regions at the base of the Rocky Mountains, prospected the eastern slope from Fort Laramie to the Spanish Peaks in New Mexico, and they gave to the world as the result of their explorations, accounts of their finding gold in nearly all of the mountain streams and in the foot plains at their base. Their report spread rapidly, and ere the beginning of the winter of 1858 and '59, near one thousand persons had made their way to the
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scenes of these explorations, and were busy in prospecting and preparing shelter and sustenance for the winter. With the early emigration came the spirit of active enterprise, so peculiar to the Great West. Soon improvements of all kinds began to show them- selves over the country, town sites were located, farms, ranches, and garden spots dotted our rich valleys, and the plans for a prosperous and happy future were speedily framed.
The necessity was at once felt of some law or rule of action to regulate the transactions of man with man, and to secure life and property from the ruthless hands of the felon. A vigilance committee, the first resource of an isolated and exposed community, was organized, and certain offences occurring during the winter and spring were taken cognizance of. But a more perfect form of government than was afforded by a vigilance committee was needed. The reports of the golden harvest, greatly magnified, had reached the States, and the news was received that tens of thousands were coming to share the gains. A call was issued for a convention to take into consideration the pro- priety of organizing a state government. Meantime, a wave of reaction had commenced its flow, and the once sanguine emigrants were borne back by its rush, leaving only a moiety to persevere on their way, determined to see for themselves and judge of the matter personally. Amid the discouragements of the homeward stampede, it was thought best at the meeting of the convention in June, to adjourn until the first Monday in August, at which time it met and perfected its work by the formation of a consti- tution, which was submitted to a vote of the people, on the first Monday of September, and by them rejected.
The causes of the rejection of the State government were: First, a disinclination of the people to bear the burden of a complete State organization. Second, a doubt whether Congress would admit us as a State with less than the quota of population to entitle us to a representative in Congress. Third, a desire to see the prosperity of the country more fully established, and its resources more perfectly developed before taking upon ourselves the responsibility of a State government.
At the election on the first Monday of October, a delegate was chosen to proceed to Washington to procure the organization of our Territory at the earliest possible period. Here then, we had provided for the future so far as we could ; but in the interim, before the action of Congress, we would be without a government of a general character, and without legal redress for the thousand personal grievances which neces- sarily arise, and the more particularly in an unorganized community. The only resource left us was in the exercise of that inherent right of self-government which every com- munity of American citizens is held to possess. The necessities of the time being, gave rise to the formation of the government of which your honorable bodies form the legis- lative branch. And though the right which we have to form and maintain a provisional government in the absence of a regular organization, cannot be successfully questioned, yet it behooves us in the formation of this government to give to the world in distinct terms our reasons for proceeding to take this step.
Our Territory occupies an isolated position, separated from the seats of government of Kansas and Nebraska by a distance of about seven hundred miles, two hundred of which is an almost sterile plain. Our interests and avocations differ so widely from those of the citizens of either of the aforementioned territories or any other from which our Territory is formed, that it is utterly impossible for us to be successfully incor-
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