USA > Colorado > History of the State of Colorado, Volume III > Part 5
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I cannot recall an executive term which gave more general satis- faction than this. Governor Adams entered upon the office at thirty- six attended by the fullest confidence of the people, regardless of party affiliations or prejudices. This esteem arose from the profoundest reliance upon his integrity. His duties were discharged with scrupulous regard for the public welfare. All appointments to office were made
David Boyel
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in the same spirit. Every appropriation bill was scrutinized with the greatest care, within the province of the Executive; no money expended that was not essential to the proper maintenance of the government. A true analysis of the finances of this term establishes the fact that the fiduciary trusts of the State were administered with prudence and economy. The estimates of receipts and expenditures were more or less deranged and embarrassed by the military expedition to White River, by the worthlessness of a large amount of delinquent taxes that had come down from previous administrations as available assets, and from the decision of the Supreme Court upon Section 3 of Article II of the Constitution, which reduced the rate of tax levy for the general fund from four to two and thirteen-thirtieth mills, and held the original levy of four mills to be illegal. Under this decision the Attorney Gen- eral instructed the Auditor to give credit to the various counties on the taxes of 1886 amounting to $194,689.21. The effect of this proceeding was to add a like amount to the net indebtedness of the State, and to render a large part of the taxes delinquent November 30th, 1886, and other years, of no value. Although Governor Adams was in no wise responsible for these large amounts, they appear in the footings for the fiscal years 1887 and 1888. Taking due cognizance of the constantly increasing demands for the support of State institutions, and the growing necessities of a rapidly expanding commonwealth, the expend- itures of his term were within reasonable limits. While no just or necessary claim was denied, the executive approval was withheld from every expenditure of money that was not demanded by an imperative emergency. In this spirit of economy, and in behalf of the State's credit he vetoed numerous bills appropriating very large sums for the construction of bridges over various streams, and for other purposes.
When a member of the legislature in 1876 he was noted as one of the most strenuous in his efforts against the passage of special appro- priations. He kept close watch of the treasury, and did everything in his power to keep down expenses. He carried the same spirit into the executive office, holding to it tenaciously throughout.
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The most striking event of his term grew out of an alleged uprising of Ute Indians under Chief Colorow, early in August, 1887. It was very costly, and in some of its aspects supremely ludicrous. There were many who believed the military expedition sent to White River for the repression of the reported disturbance there was without justi- fication. But most of these opinions, unhappily for the participants, were formed after, not before, the facts were developed. It was but one of numerous instances, however, that have marked the history of Indian outbreaks in Colorado, beginning with 1863 and coursing down through the years to 1879, when the removal of the disturbing causes brought an interval of peace and quietude to the isolated ranches.
In the case under consideration it was the charge of horse stealing preferred against two Indians of Colorow's band which precipitated the train of expensive and somewhat bloody consequences about to be related. In tracing its course we follow the official reports and cor- respondence. These reports furnish all essential particulars, from which, after careful reading, the conclusions subjoined have been formed.
To reach an intelligent comprehension of this last conflict with the aborigines, it is necessary to advert briefly to the horrible tragedy of 1879, when Major Thornburg and many of his men were massacred by the Utes under command of Captain Jack, and to the subsequent slaughter of Agent Meeker and his employes, which eventuated in the removal of the White River Indians out of Colorado to a reservation provided for them in Utah. Colorow and his small band of followers were never reconciled to the change. They were herded with the rest, however, and taken across the border despite their remonstrances, but soon escaped and wandered back again. For a long time they were peaceful, committing no depredations. The country being well watered, the lands extremely desirable for farming and grazing purposes, settlers poured in and occupied them. The town of Meeker was established, and a considerable settlement formed, which subsequently (in 1889) became the seat of a new county carved out of Garfield, and called Rio
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Blanco. Stockgrowers brought in herds of cattle, horses and sheep. Ranches were pre-empted and the pursuit of agriculture begun, so that in due course the valley came to be quite populous. Without inquiring into the philanthropic or the humanitarian aspects of the case, we pro- ceed directly to the fact that in the treaty effected by an act of Congress and the Interior Department at Washington subsequent to the Meeker massacre, the Indians surrendered all their rights to that section of country, and all but Colorow's insignificant band accepted the con- ditions and remained upon the new reservation. At a later date Fort Duchesne was established near the Uintah reservation, and garrisoned by Federal troops to hold the Indians in check. An agent was appointed to care for them, therefore the United States exercised supreme control over them. Colorow was a stubborn, ill-tempered, insolent old reprobate, but by those who knew his real character he was regarded as harmless because cowardly, a man whom the really brave warriors of his race held in contempt as an unmitigated nuisance, with scarcely a redeeming quality. From time immemorial, at least since the first lodgment of white settlers upon the soil of Colorado, it had been his practice to wander about among them like a professional tramp demanding food, which he frightened the women into preparing for him by threatening them with instant death if they refused. This was the extent of his bravery, for he was never known to kill or seriously harm any one, although sometimes when hungry,-a chronic condition with him,-he killed beef cattle for immediate consumption. Now the settlers on White River, scattered and isolated, came in time to be sub- jected to Colorow's bulldozing tactics, since he hovered about them, bragging and bullying, levying tribute from them in various forms, going to the reservation agency only when annuities were to be distributed.
WVe come now to the cause of the disturbances that brought the State troops upon him. As near as can be ascertained, some of his Indians were engaged in gambling with a party of cowboys at Meeker, to which place they frequently resorted as a trading point for their
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peltries and furs. All Indians are excessively fond of gaming and horse racing, and are as reckless in both as the most ardent gamesters of the Caucasian race, but lacking their shrewdness. Having staked and lost all they had, but unwilling to surrender without another effort, two of them went out and stole two horses from the white men's herd, which they also staked and lost in the same manner. They were accused of horse stealing, in the courts of Garfield County, indicted for the offense by the grand jury, warrants for their arrest were issued and placed in the hands of J. C. Kendall, sheriff, for service. Kendall gathered a strong posse of cowboys, rode roughly into Colorow's camp and undertook to serve the writs, which was resisted. Hard words, threats and warlike demonstrations ensued on both sides. Finally a gun was discharged by an Indian, whether accidentally or purposely does not appear, but no damage was done. Kendall's posse immediately opened fire upon the Indians, and a number of shots were exchanged, but the savages soon disappeared in the mountains by swift retreat. Upon this needless and ill directed expedition, hinged all subsequent reports and movements, resulting in claims against the State amounting in the aggregate to about $100,000, and in the loss of several lives.
Rumors of war spread on every side, reaching all towns and ranches, causing general excitement and alarm among the settlers who dis- covered in these proceedings the beginning of a general massacre. A thousand exciting tales were told; all the dreadful particulars of the slaughter of Agent Meeker and his employes in 1879, with the seizure and inhuman treatment of the women then made captives, were rehearsed over and over again until a universal panic was created. When such reports take wings it is impossible to check them. It may be likened to a cry of "Fire" in a crowded theater. Reason gives way to fear, and the people become ungovernable. The ranchmen hurried their families out of their homes into the principal town, and put guards about them. Demands for immediate assistance were made upon the Governor, who reported the matter to the authorities at Washington, and to the commander of this military department, asking that Colorow
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and his Indians be compelled to return to their. reservation. Had these appeals been rightly considered and promptly acted upon, the entire difficulty could have been adjusted in twenty hours without the loss of life or property. But, as usual, action was not taken until too late, when measureless censure was visited upon the Governor and the militia of the State, for taking the matter into their own hands. It is an old story; the records of Colorado are full of similar cases.
Says Governor Adams in his well considered summary, "So alarming became the reports, so urgent the demands for assistance from the officials and citizens of Garfield County, so imperative seemed the necessity of State aid to enforce the law and protect citizens and property, in the opinion of the Adjutant General, and others in whom I had confidence, that it seemed my clear and bounden duty to use the power of the State to sustain the majesty of the law, and prevent the massacre of settlers in the White and Bear River country, which would no doubt have been the result of Sheriff Kendall's campaign, had not the State sent troops to enforce peace and protect the people." As a matter of fact his office was literally deluged with telegrams, letters and petitions, and however reluctant he may have been to act upon them without more definite assurance of adequate reason, finding the Federal authorities so indifferent that no assistance could be hoped for from that quarter, he was compelled to move promptly and decisively. What- ever his private opinion of Sheriff Kendall's rash and possibly un- warranted raid among the mountains may have been, apprehensions of war and massacre had been incited, and the people demanded protection. This fact was potent, and could not be ignored. The same Indians had been engaged in the slaughter of 1879 on the same spot, and there was reason to fear a repetition of that awful tragedy. His first step was to dispatch Adjutant General George West to Glenwood Springs, with instructions to penetrate the root of the difficulty, and report his findings. This officer, after measuring the situation, concluded from the reports that a war with the Utes was inevitable and, supported by all county and town officials, recommended that the State troops be
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ordered to White River, which was done. Three troops of cavalry and one company of infantry took the field under command of Brigadier General Frank M. Reardon, arriving at Meeker August 22d, where headquarters were established. Kendall and his cowboys were still ranging through the country in search of the Indians, but without find- ing them. Reardon began by dividing Major Jesse L. Pritchard's company of scouts into two detachments, sending one to the north- ward in search of Sheriff Kendall, and the other to the southward to ascertain if possible, where the Indians were secreted. On the 23d Major Gavin Leslie was directed to take three troops of cavalry and proceed to the Blue Mountains where it was assumed that Colorow might be found, and if found to hold the Indians until the arrival of Kendall. In the meantime, be it remembered, not a human being had been killed, shot at or threatened, except in the first instance when Ken- dall attempted to serve his writs, long prior to the events now being traced, not a settler molested, not a solitary indication of war upon the horizon save the possibilities of such an outbreak lying in the course of Kendall's wild raiding.
At the outset General Reardon and all the officers under him had been explicitly instructed by the Governor that they were not there to make war, but simply to aid the Sheriff of Garfield County in executing the writs he held against the two Indians charged with horse stealing; to protect life and property, nothing more. If attacked they were to defend themselves, but to give no cause for attack. They were to dis- regard all importunities and schemes on the part of settlers who might desire a war, and hold strictly to the letter of their orders from the Commander-in-Chief.
On the 24th Reardon was advised by dispatches from Major Leslie and Captain Pray of Pritchard's scouts that they had encountered Col- orow's band near the mouth of Fox Creek, and that Pray, after skir- mishing with them for position, whatever this may mean, had nego- tiated for a truce in the hope of being reinforced, and then capturing the entire band without a fight. Pray, it will be seen, was a masterful
et J Blige
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strategist rather than a soldier. But a terrific storm arose soon after- ward, during which the Indians broke the truce and decamped. When the storm had passed Leslie and Pray followed in pursuit, having in the meantime been joined by Kendall, who took the supreme direction of affairs and at length came upon Colorow's camp, which they charged. The Indians fled to the bluffs, and commenced firing. In the so-called battle that ensued, Lieutenant Folsom of Aspen, Private Caffrey of Leadville, Dr. DuMont of Glenwood and Private Stuart were wounded and their horses killed. Jasper Ward of Kendall's posse was slain. Bullets flew about briskly for a time, but these were the casu- alties on our side. It is said that seven Indians were killed, and some wounded. They lost also a large number of horses and other live stock captured and stolen, Reinforcements arriving, the Indians fled, and nothing more was seen of them until their arrival at the Uintah reservation. The troops retreated to the small town of Rangely, where the wounded were cared for and the dead interred. Here Lieutenant Folsom passed away, and was buried on the field.
On the 25th, General Reardon upon the approval of Adjutant Gen- eral West, telegraphed Governor Adams asking him to come to Meeker at once, as Major Leslie had met Colorow, who refused to confer or treat with any one but the Governor himself. Adams wired the acting Secretary of the Interior that the old chief had signified a desire for a meeting, and that he was going to Meeker for that purpose. Answer was returned that Indian agent Byrnes and General George Crook would meet the Governor at the point indicated. Adams, accompanied by Hon. G. G. Symes, Member of Congress, Attorney General Alvin Marsh, and Wm. N. Byers proceeded to the battle ground, where they met General Crook and the agent, but did not see Colorow nor any of his band. General Crook ordered U. S. troops from Fort Duchesne. The State troops were immediately withdrawn by the Governor's orders, and thus terminated this very extraordinary episode in border warfare. The story, omitting unimportant details has been told, and the reader is left to form his own conclusions. It is unquestionable that the State
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forces were well handled by their officers, that they endured great hard- ships and fought as bravely as the most experienced veterans could have done, under like circumstances. They obeyed orders. There seemed to be no good reason for believing that any of them would have been injured by the Indians had not Sheriff Kendall been unjustifiably rash and reckless. As to the primary cause, it is not established that any well grounded reason existed for indicting the Indians, nor for the rough attempt made by the sheriff to serve the writs. That Colorow ought to have been expelled from the valley is not disputed, but he should have been removed by the government in whose charge he was, when his escape from the reservation was made known. That Governor Adams acted judiciously upon the facts presented to him is indisputable, for although in the sequel it appeared that no reasonable cause for the expedition existed, had a single murder been committed, he would have been held accountable for neglect to furnish protection.
Next came the expense bills. There being no funds in the treas- ury applicable to such purposes, they had to be met by the issue of " certificates of indebtedness." Claims accumulated in ever increasing volume. The military board met and audited vouchers to the amount of $80,314.72. We have the statement from the Governor that "the board exercised the greatest vigilance in passing upon claims, denying some entirely, cutting down others. While every caution was observed, I have no doubt that many claims were passed at inflated values. As this expense was made necessary by the neglect and failure of the general government to keep the Indians upon their reservation, and through its delay in responding to our demand that the Indians be driven from Colorado, the general government should repay the outlay, and a demand should be made accordingly."
To the credit of the National Guard it may be stated that when the order came to march, the officers in command moved with commendable celerity. The first detachment of troops left Denver at 8:30 P. M. of the same day, were joined by one company of cavalry at Colorado Springs en route, by a company of mounted infantry at Canon City and
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a second of cavalry at Leadville. Leaving the uncompleted Rio Grande Railway at Gypsum, they marched thence sixty miles to Glenwood Springs, arriving there the morning of the third day. Here their equipments were completed, wagon transportation supplied, and they left at 1:30 next morning for Meeker, sixty miles from Glenwood, arriving there as hereinbefore related. While the whole affair may be termed a ridiculous fiasco, it nevertheless cleared that country once for all of these very troublesome Indians, and permitted its extensive development, which may be said to have compensated for the cost.
Chief Colorow died at his camp at the mouth of the White River near the Uintah Reservation, December 11th, 1888,-regretted by nobody.
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CHAPTER III.
POLITICS AND STATESMANSHIP-ANALYSIS OF SOME LAWYERS AND POLITICIANS- HENRY M. TELLER-N. P. HILL-T. M. PATTERSON, C. S. THOMAS, MAJOR E. L. SMITH, W. F. JOHNSON, HUGH BUTLER, BELA M. HUGHES, JAMES B. BELFORD, AND GEORGE G. SYMES.
With one or two exceptions. the Executive Chair has been filled worthily, by men zealously devoted to the public interests. The State is much too young to have developed the higher order of statesmanship, which involves not only political genius in the better sense, but intimate familiarity with the science of government, the art of governing not too much nor too little, but well,-the preservation of peace, order and safety; the augmentation of its strength, the largest possible utilization of its resources, the protection of its people, the maintenance of its credit, the enforcement of its laws and intelligent watchfulness of the works of its law makers to the end that no unwise measures may become fixed statutes.
In the matter of age, Colorado is only an admirably constituted, well knit, remarkably precocious and virile youngster of fourteen years, still under the guidance of its tutelary goddess. In the fifteen years of Territorial vassalage it had no opportunity to develop statesmen, no use for them. Broad statesmanship is not merely inborn fitness to govern, but the result of mature experience in conditions that enlighten, expand and render useful innate forces of character, chiefly from long acquaint- ance with congresses, parliaments and cabinets which nationalizes them. One man may be endowed with all the requisite craft of the politician, and yet be wanting in capacity to govern a State or a nation ; another
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may attain lofty rank among statesmen without the ability to conduct a political canvass in his own State or county. For example, it will hardly be questioned that Jerome B. Chaffee was the most accomplished organ- izer and manager we have known, but it is doubted if he would have been equally noted as a legislator, even though the remainder of his life from the expiration of his term in the Senate had been passed in that august council. Henry M. Teller, on the contrary, possessing a gen- eral knowledge of politics, but lacking the power which his colleague displayed in such eminent degree as to bring him national renown, has by years of experience in the Senate and the Cabinet become one of the leading statesmen of the country. Nathaniel P. Hill. a business man- ager of extraordinary ability; learned in the sciences, a financier of the first rank, a conspicuous figure among men, but an unsuccessful poli- tician, during his term of six years in the Senate delivered some of the ablest addresses suggesting advanced reforms in important national questions that have lately been presented there. His speeches, always read from manuscript, because like so many others he has not acquired the habit of thinking consecutively or arguing clearly upon his feet, evinced great care in preparation, great mastery of details, a natural avidity for statistical data, accuracy of narration, succinct and logical deduction. These are more than ordinary evidences of statesmanship.
It is a singular fact, but nevertheless a fact, that in the entire period of our political existence, while we have produced many distinguished financiers, lawyers, doctors, preachers, scientists and business men, with perhaps a greater number of millionaires who have carved vast fortunes from local enterprise than any other State between the Missouri River and the Pacific slope, only two eminent political chieftains have been evolved, - Jerome B. Chaffee and Thomas M. Patterson. In all the campaigns from 1874 down to 1886, these two were periodically arrayed against each other in the most animated political warfare, and with a single ex- ception the former was triumphant. Notwithstanding, they were for the most part warm personal friends. Mr. Chaffee's life, character and works
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have been portrayed in the course of our history, and it is now proper to dispassionately analyze those of his contemporary.
It may be said, not to the disparagement but rather to the credit of both, that they have been the subjects of more abuse and villification than any others of their time. But, said Edmund Burke to Fox, "Ob- loquy is a necessary ingredient of all true glory ; calumny and abuse are essential parts of triumph." It has been written also that " men's weak- nesses and faults are known from their enemies, their virtues and abilities from their friends, their customs and lives from their servants."
Thomas M. Patterson sprang from County Carlow, Ireland, No- vember 4th, 1840, therefore at this writing he has just reached the meridian of life, and possibly the zenith of his fame. He was brought to New York by his parents in 1849, attended the public schools for a time, and at the age of fourteen became a clerk in a business house. In 1855 he, with the family, removed to Crawfordsville, Indiana, where he served two years in a printing office, after which, his father being a jeweler, he began an apprenticeship to that trade under paternal direction. At the outbreak of the civil war in 1861, when regiments of ninety days' men were called for, young Patterson enlisted, served his time and then was discharged on account of physical disability for the service. Returning to his father's shop he worked with him until 1863, when, strongly imbued with desire for the study of law, he left the work- shop to begin a course of instruction, first in Asbury University at Greencastle, and next in Wabash College at Crawfordsville. At the end of two years he entered the law office of M. D. White as a student, remaining until the fall of 1867, when he was admitted to practice in the Circuit and Supreme Courts of Indiana. Thenceforward until 1872, he ardently pursued the new profession and acquired a large and lucrative business. In December of that year he located in Denver, opened an office, and soon became prominent at the bar, and in local politics. In the spring of 1874 he was elected City Attorney, and in the summer following was nominated for Delegate in Congress by the Democratic party, in which he had within two years from the date of his arrival in
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