USA > Connecticut > Litchfield County > A biographical history of the county of Litchfield, Connecticut: comprising biographical sketches of distinguished natives and residents of the county; together with complete lists of the judges of the county court, justices of the quorum, county commissioners, judges of probate, sheriffs, senators, &c. from the organization of the county to the present time > Part 5
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In September, 1775, we find Warner at the head of his re- giment, during the seige of St. Johns by Montgomery. Gen- eral Carleton, while crossing the St. Lawrence with 1000 men to relieve the garrison at St. Johns, was attacked from the south shore by Colonel Warner with about 300 Green Moun- tain Boys. By a sudden and well-directed fire of musketry and grape-shot, Carleton's force was thrown into the utmost confusion and retreated with precipitation and disorder. In consequence of this defeat, the garrison was left without relief, and Major Preston, the commander, was obliged to surrender. By this surrender, several cannon, a large quantity of military stores, and 600 prisoners, fell into the hands of the Americans.
Warner's regiment having served as volunteers, and the men being too miserably clad to endure a winter's campaign in that severe climate, on the 20th of November Montgomery dis- charged them with peculiar marks of respect, and his thanks for their meritorious services. The gallant officer now re- turned home with his regiment, but instead of enjoying a res- pite from fatigues and hardships, he was called on to return to Canada in the dead of winter. General Wooster, in a letter to him, dated at Montreal, January 6, 1776, after giving an ac- count of the defeat at Quebec, says, " I have sent an express to Gen. Schuyler, to Washington, and to Congress, but you know how very long it will be before we can have relief from them. You, sir, and your valiant Green Mountain Boys, are in our neighborhood ; you all have arms, and I am confident
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ever stand ready to lend a helping hand to your brethren in distress ; therefore, let me beg of you to raise as many men as you can, and have them in Canada with the least possible de- lay, to remain till we can have relief from the colonies, You will see that proper officers are appointed under you, and the officers and privates will have the same pay as the continental troops. It will be well for your men to start as soon as they can be collected. No matter whether they all march together,. * but let them come on by tens, twenties, thirties, forties, or fif- ties, as fast as they can be prepared to march. It will have a. good effect upon the minds of the Canadians, to see succor, coming in. You will be good enough to send copies of this letter or such parts of it as you shall judge proper, to the people below you. I can but hope the people will make a push to. get into this country, and I am confident I shall see you here, with your men, in a very short time." And General Wooster was not disappointed. He did see Warner in Canada, with, his men, even before he anticipated. Probably no revolutionary patriot during the war, performed a service evincing more en- ergy, or a more noble patriotism, than the raising of a regiment in so short a time, and marching it to Quebec in the face of a Canadian winter. The men of this day would shiver at the, thought of it.
The following letter from General Schuyler to Washington, (written only about two weeks after the above call upon War- ner,) shows the promptness with which that call was respond -. ęd to :
Albany, January 22, 1776.
Dear Sir-Col. Warner has been so sucessful in sending men into. Canada, and as a regiment will soon be sent from Berkshire county in Massachusetts, and as I am informed by letter from Congress, that one regiment from Pennsylvania and one from New Jersey will im- mediately be sent to Albany, and put under my command, and as these troops can be in Canada as early as any which your Excellency can send from Cambridge, the necessity of sending on those troops which I had the honor to request you to send, will be superceded.
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I am, sir, with respect and esteem, your Excellency's Inost obedient and very humble servant, PHILIP SCHUYLER.
His Excellency, George Washington.
Warner had advantages in the performance of this service, which no other man possessed. His regiment of Mountaineers had long been armed in self-defence, and were accustomed to rally at his call almost at a moment's warning. As they had hitherto been successful in every enterprise, they had the most perfect confidence in their leader, and they moreover loved him for his moral and social qualities. He sympathised with allclasses, and this rendered him affable and familiar with, them, while at the same time he maintained a self-respect and; a dignified deportment.
This winter campaign in Canada proved extremely dis- tressing. The troops were in want of comfortable clothing, barracks, and provisions. Most of them took the small pox, and many of them died. At the opening of spring, in May 1776, a large body of British troops arrived at Quebec to relieve the garrison, and the American army, in their distressed situ- ation, were compelled to make a hasty retreat. Warner took a position exposed to the greatest danger, and requiring the utmost care and vigilance. He was ever in the rear during the retreat, picking up the wounded and the diseased, assisting and encouraging those who were least able to take care of themselves, and generally keeping but a few miles in advance of the British, who closely pursued the Americans from post to post. By calmly and steadily pursuing this course, he brought off most of the invalids, and with this corps of the dis- eased and infirm, arrived at Ticonderoga a few days after the main army had taken.possession of that post.
Highly approving of these extraordinary exertions, Congress resolved to raise a regiment out of the troops who had served with so much reputation in Canada, to be commanded by a Heutenant-colonel. Of this regiment, also, Warner was ap-
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pointed lieutenant-colonel, and Samuel Safford major. Most of the officers of the regiment were persons who had been dis- tinguished by their opposition to the claims and proceedings of New York. By this new appointment, Warner was agair placed in a situation perfectly suited to his genius, and, in con- formity with his orders, he raised his regiment and repaired to Ticonderoga, where he remained until the close of the cam- paign of 1776:
On the 16th day of January, 1777, the convention of the New Hampshire Grants declared the whole district to be a free sovereign and independent State, by the name of Vermont. The provincial congress of New York was then in session, and, on the 20th of the same month, announced the transac- tion to the continental congress, complaining in strong terms of the conduct of Vermont, denouncing it as a dangerous re- volt, and at the same time remonstrating against the appoint- ment of Warner to the command of a regiment independent of the Legislature of New York, " especially as this Col. War- ner hath been constantly and invariably opposed to the Legis- lature of this State, and hath been on that account proclaim- ed an outlaw by the late Government thereof. It is absolute- ly necessary to recall the commission of Warner, and the of- ficers under him, to do us justice." No measures were taken by Congress, at this time, to interfere in the civil concerns of the two States, or to remove Warner from his command. Still anxious to effect this purpose, the Legislature of New York, on the 1st of March following, wrote again on the subject, and among other things declared, that " there was no probability that Warner could raise such a number of men as would be an object of public concern." Congress still declined to dismiss so valuable an officer from their service. On the 23d of June following, Congress was obliged to take up the controversy between New York and Vermont, but instead of proceeding to disband Warner's regiment, on the 30th of the same month,
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they resolved, " that the reasons which induced Congress to form that corps were, that many officers of different States who had served in Canada, and who, as was alleged, might soon raise a regiment, but who were then unprovided for, might be retained in the service of the United States."
Fortunately, Governeur Morris was the only member pres- ent from New York, when Congress acted upon this subject ; and he was too true a patriot and too honorable a man to vote to recall Warner's commission, even though he knew he was incurring the displeasure of his constituents by not doing so.
While Burgoyne was on his way up Lake Champlain in the summer of 1777, Col. ,Warner addressed the following letter to the Vermont State Convention, then in session at Windsor ;
Rutland, July 1, 1777.
Gentlemen : Last evening I received an express from the General commanding at Ticonderoga, advising me that the enemy have come up the lake, with 17 or 18 gun-boats, two large ships, and other craft, and lie at Three Mile Point. The General expects an attack every hour. He orders me to call out all the militia of this State, of Mas- sachusetts and New Hampshire, to join him as soon as possible. I have sent an express to Col. Simonds. Col. Robinson and Col. Wil- liams are at Hubbardton, waiting to be joined by Col. Bellows, who is with me. When the whole are joined, they will amount to 700 or 800 men. I know not to whom to apply except to your honorable body, to call out the militia on the East side of the mountain. I shall expect that you will send on all the men that can possibly be raised, and that you will do all in your power to supply the troops at Ti- conderoga with beef. Should the seige be long, they will be abso- lutely destitute, unless the country exert themselves. If 40 or 50 head of beef cattle can be brought on by the militia, they will be paid for by the commissary, on their arrival. The safety of the post de- pends on the exertions of the country. Their lines are extensive and but partially manned, for want of men. I should be glad if a few hills of corn unhoed should not be a motive sufficient to detain men at home, considering the loss of such an important post might be irre- trievable.
I am, gentlemen, with the greatest respect, your obedient and very humble servant, SETH WARNER.
When Ticonderogo was evacuated, on the night of the 6th
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of July, 1777, the main body of the American army took the road through Hubbardton and Castleton. When they arrived at Hubbardton, the rear guard was put under the command of Warner, with orders to follow the main army, as soon as those who were left behind should come up, and keep about a mile and a half in the rear. The retreat of the Americans was no sooner discovered by the British, than an eager pursuit was begun by Fraser, with the light troops, who was soon fol- lowed by Reidesel with the greater part of the Brunswick re- giment. Frazer continued the pursuit through the day, and learning that the rear guard of the American army was not far distant, he ordered his men that night to lie on their arms. Early on the morning of the 7th, he renewed the pursuit, and about 7 o'clock commenced an attack on the Americans un- der Warner. Warner's force consisted of his own regiment, and the regiments of Colonels Francis and Hale. Hale, for some reason retired, leaving Warner and Francis with only seven or eight hundred men to dispute the progress of the en- emy, The conflict was fierce and bloody. Warner charged the enemy with such impetuosity, that they were thrown into disorder, and gave way, but they soon recovered, formed anew. and advanced upon the Americans, but were again brought to a stand. At this critical moment, Reidesel arrived and joined Fraser, with his troops, and Francis fell, fighting bravely at the head of his regiment, which then gave way, and the fortune of the day was decided. The Americans fled into the woods in all directions: Those of Warner's regiment, who heard the order to that effect, repaired to Manchester, the others, with Francis's regiment, followed and joined the main army, and marched to Fort Edward.
Warner was soon after stationed with his troops at Man- chester, where, by order of the Council of Safety, Herrick's regiment of Rangers was placed under his command.
Many of the inhabitants the present county of Rutland were
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what were termed "tories," or friends of the Crown. Some of them, in consequence of being so near the Canadian fron- tier, were led to seek British protection more through fear than from principle. These men were very offensive to the Whigs, particularly because of their furnishing the British troops with large quantities of fresh provisions. In consequence of the "aid and comfort" thus afforded to the enemy, Gen. Schuyler directed Warner to sieze and bring in all the property north of Manchester which might be liable to fall into the hands of the British, and to arrest the tories and cause them to be sent into the interior. These orders were promptly and thoroughly ex- ecuted. Large droves of cattle were driven into Bennington, and sold under the direction of the Council of Safety, who held a perpetual session in that town during the summer. Many of the protectionists escaped and joined the enemy ; others were taken and brought before the Council of Safety, and all declared that they took the oath of allegiance to his Majesty by compulsion, that they did not consider themselves bound by it, and were ready to take the oath of allegiance to the Uni- ted States. After taking this oath, they were discharged. Most of them soon after fought bravely in the battle of Ben- nington.
Through the whole of this unpleasant business, the magna- nimity and humanity of Warner were conspicuous. Only one person was killed or injured by the scouts during the summer, and that one was killed through a misapprehension.
About the first of August, Stark arrived at Manchester with some 800 New Hampshire militia, on his way to the seat of war on the Hudson: By General Schuyler's order, these ve- ry militia were to be stationed at Manchester, under the com- mand of Warner, but the Government of New Hampshire had given Stark the command of the militia of that State, indepen- dent of the Continental officers. Situated as Stark and War- ner were, men of narrow minds, influenced by the mere love
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of personal glory, would have come in collision at once. But they, actuated by higher motives, were ready to serve their country in any station in which they could be most useful. They therefore acted together cordially, manifesting a high degree of respect for each other, and in the Bennington battle they in fact commanded jointly, so that if the result had been disastrous, Congress would have censured Warner for yielding the command to Stark.
Though Warner had assisted Stark in planning the battle of Bennington, his regiment (which had been left behind at Man- chester,) did not arrive on the battle-ground until the Ameri- cans were beginning to fall back. Disappointed that they had not been in season for the first engagement and shared in the glory, they now advanced and attacked the enemy with great spirit and resolution. The British troops, who had just been exulting in the prospect of an easy victory, were now brought to a stand, and more of the scattered militia being brought forward by Stark and Herrick, the action became general. The combat was maintained with great bravery on both sides. until sun-set, when the enemy gave way, and were pursued till dark.
In the two engagements at Bennington, the Americans took four brass field pieces, four ammunition wagons, and above 700 prisoners, with their arms and accoutrements. The number of the enemy found dead on the field was 207, their number of wounded not ascertained. The loss of the Ameri- cans was 30 killed and about 40 wounded.
The following letter from General Gates to the President of the Massachusetts Council, renders it probable that Warner was present with his regiment at the capture of Burgoyne ---
Albany, 25th November 1777.
Dear Sir-This letter will be presented to the Hon. Council, by Colonel Seth Warner, an officer of merit. His business at Boston, is to solicit your Hon. Board to give order for a supply of clothing, for the regiment under his command. Having experienced the good be-
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havior of this corps during the summer campaign, I cannot but recom mend them to your good offices, for the supply they so much want, and the more especially as I have in view a service of much importance in which Colonel Warner's regiment will be very actively concerned.
I am, sir, with respect, your most humble and obedient servant, HORATIO GATES.
It is very certain, that after this Warner was able to perform but very little active service. His constitution, naturally strong and vigorous, gave way under the fatigues and hardships which he endured in the service, particularly in his winter campaign in Canada. It has been seen that in the year 1776, Congress gave Warner the command of a regiment with the rank of lieutenant colonel. He held the same rank at the battle of Bennington, but soon after was appointed colonel, and Safford lieutenant colonel. In a return of his regiment, made Novem- ber 10, 1777, Colonel Warner was returned sick at Hoosic. He recovered from this sickness, but was never afterwards able to perform any active duty in the war, and of course re- ceived no farther promotion. He however continued in com- mand of his regiment, residing with his family in Bennington, to the end of the year 1781. In the mean time, the number of men in the regiment had been greatly reduced by the loss- es sustained in several hard fought actions, and by the capture of Fort George, by the enemy, in October, 1780, which was garrisoned by about 70 of Warner's regiment, under the com- mand of Captain John Chipman,
On the first of January, 1781, the regiment was reduced, under a resolution of Congress, and some of the officers were transferred to other regiments. Chipman was promoted to the rank of Major in the New York line.
In the year 1782, Warner returned with his family to Rox- bury, his native town, in the hope of obtaining relief from the painful disorders under which he was suffering ; but his hopes proved fallacious, and he gradually wasted away till the 26th
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of December, 1784, when death put an end to all his earthly sufferings.
His funeral serman was preached by the Rev. 'Thomas Can- field, from Samuel 1, 27. " How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of War perished."
Seth Warner was over six feet in height, erect and well pro- portioned, his countenance, attitude and movements indicative of great strength and vigor of body and mind, of resolution,. firmness and self-possession. His commanding appearance, and known character, undoubtedly saved him from many an attack by the New Yorkers. In one instance only, during the long controversy with New York, did any one attempt to ar- rest him single-handed. He pursued his public and private business among the settlers in the different towns, with appar- ent unconcern, and yet he was always prepared for defence:
He was for so long a time and so ardently engaged in the public service, that his attention seems to have been wholly diverted from his own private concerns. He had been so long engaged in maintaining the rights of property, that a disposition to acquire it seemed to be wholly eradicated ; and the mode- rate estate which he inherited having been spent in the service of his country, he left his family destitute. The proprietors of several townships gave him tracts of land of considerable val- ue, as a reward for his services in defence of the New Hamp- shire grants, but the greater part, if not all of them, were sold for taxes, and his heirs never received any considerable bene- fit from them. In October, 1787, the Legislature of Vermont generously granted his heirs 2000 acres of land, in the north- west part of the county of Essex. It was then supposed that this land would become valuable by a settlement of that part of the county, but it was subsequently found that the tract was of little or no value, and it yet remains unsettled.
The following inscription is on the tablet erected over his grave in the Roxbury burying-ground ----
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In memory of COL. SETH WARNER, ESQ., Who departed this life, December 26, A. D. 1784, In the 42d year of his age.
Triumphant leader of our armies' head.
Whose martial glory struck a panic dread,
Thy warlike deeds engraven on this stone Tell future ages what a hero's done.
Full sixteen battles he did fight For to procure his country's right.
Oh ! this brave hero, he did fall
By death, who ever conquers all.
When this you see, remember me,
NATHANIEL CHIPMAN.
The common ancestor of all those bearing the name of Chipman in North America, was John Chipman, born in Barn- stable, England, A. D. 1614. He emigrated to America in 1630, at the age of 16, and married a daughter of John How- land, one of the pilgrims who landed from the May Flower upon the Rock of Plymouth. He settled on a farm in Barn- stable, Massachusetts, on which his descendants have ever since resided. He was made a freeman by vote of the town, in December 1662. His son, Samuel, was born at Barnstable, August 15, 1661-married Sarah Cobb, and had ten children, one of whom was John Chipman, born in 1691, graduated at Harvard College, was ordained minister at Beverly, Mass., in 1715, and died in 1775, aged 84. He had fifteen children. Their descendants are very numerous in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, among whom is the Hon. Ward Chipman, one of the Commissioners under the Treaty of Ghent for settling the North Eastern Boundary.
The eldest of the ten children of Samuel Chipman, was Thomas, born November 17, 1687. He settled in Groton, Connecticut, and had five sons, Thomas, John, Amos, Samuel and Jonathan. In 1740, be removed with these sons to Salis- bury, in the present county of Litchfield. In the following year, the town was organized, and he was chosen the first Representative to the Legislature. When the county of Litch- field was organized, in 1751, he was appointed a Judge of the county court, but died before the first term. His son Samuel married Hannah Austin, of Suffield, Conn., and had six sons,
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Nathaniel, Lemuel, Darius, Cyrus, Samuel and Daniel-the eldest and first named being the subject of this sketch.
NATHANIEL CHIPMAN, LL. D., was born in Salisbury, Nov. 15, 1752. In 1772 he commenced his studies prepara- tory to entering college, and, after spending only nine months with his books, he became a member of the freshman class in Yale College, at the age of twenty-one years. He immediate- ly took a high stand in his class, which he maintained through- out his collegiate course. Although he had a peculiar taste for the languages, he had the reputation of a universal scholar. In consequence of the systematic course pursued by him in his studies, he was enabled to devote a certain portion of every day to general reading, and writing. Several pieces of his po- etry, written during this period and subsequently, are preser- ved in his Memoir, edited by his brother, the Hou. Daniel Chipman-which evince a true poetic taste, and a remarkable facility at versifying.
During his senior year -- in the spring of 1777-the subject of this notice received a Lieutenant's commission in the revo- lutionary army, which he accepted and at once entered the service of his country. The succeeding winter and spring he spent at Valley Forge ; and afterwards participated in the battles of Monmouth and White Plains. In a letter dated, "Camp, at Fredericksburg, October 3, 1778," to Mr. Fitch, (afterwards President of Williams College, ) he writes, "I shall spend the winter in Salisbury, Connecticut, in the study of law. Winter quarters are now in agitation. Litchfield is talked of for this division. Where they will be is uncertain as yet. I think, from all appearances, we may reasonably con- clude that the glorious contest draws near a glorious conclu- siou, when, with the blessing of heaven, we may enjoy the sweets of liberty in peace." He resigned his commission soon after, and, as intimated above, commenced his legal studies in his native town. At the annual commencement of Yale Col,
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lege in 1777, while he was absent in the army, the degree of Bachelor of Arts was conferred upon him, and his name was enrolled among the regular graduates of that institution.
In a letter to the same gentleman, dated at Salisbury, Janu- ary 1, 1779, he writes in the following strain of prophetic pleasantry -- " I have not yet taken the attorney's oath, but expect to take it in March, and then I shall probably settle in Bennington, where I shall indeed be rara avis in terris, for there is not an attorney in the State. Think, Fitch, think what a figure I shall make, when I become the oracle of law to the State of Vermont !" On the 20th of March following, he writes to the same friend, informing him that he has been admitted to the bar, and in a few days shall start for Vermont. He then faceciously adds, "Ha, ha, ha ! I cannot but laugh when I think what a flash we shall make, when we come to be members of congress. And then again I am vexed when I think how many steps there are by which we must mount to that pinnacle of happiness. Let's see: First an attorney, then a selectman, a huffing justice, a deputy, an assistant, a mem- ber of congress. Is not this a little vexing ? However, we must make the best of it."
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