USA > Connecticut > New London County > A modern history of New London County, Connecticut, Volume I > Part 10
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He was ordered to prepare for the death march. He asked for a clergy- man, but his request was refused. The line of march took him through a vast crowd of men and women to the place of execution in Colonel Rutger's apple orchard. Hale, clothed in white, with his arms bound behind him, was preceded by a file of soldiers. The soldiers formed a hollow square, with an apple tree in the center. Underneath the tree the grave had been dug. The hangman placed his ladder against a limb of the tree and adjusted the rope. Four negroes placed the coffin beneath the hanging noose. Hale was ordered to stand upon the coffin. While the final preparations were being made, he stood with his manly form erect and his beautiful face illuminated with the glow of courage and heroism. Even the hardest of the soldiers were awed by the sight. Cunningham hoped to destroy the impression produced by the sublime spectacle and called to Hale to make his last confession.
The martyr, whose face had been turned upward in prayer, after casting
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upon Cunningham a look of unutterable contempt, turned his eyes to the spectators. The women were sobbing and the men had turned away their faces. All became silent and his voice, strong, full, and ringing with the energy of courage and patriotism, uttered these immortal words: "I only regret that I have but one life to lose for my Country!" The provost was stunned. His rage almost choked him. As soon as he could collect himself he roared, "Swing the rebel off !"
Noble, heroic death! Thus passed away the martyred patriot spy, but his name will live forever and furnish us with an inspiration for great and noble deeds.
The battle of Groton Heights has often been described. But the account found below, by Jonathan Rathbun, has been out of print for fifty years :
I was born in Colchester, Connecticut, in 1765. When 16 years of age, I joined as a volunteer a company of militia, belonging to my native town, and marched to the relief of New London, intelligence having just reached us of an attack on that place by the British under the conduct of the traitor Benedict Arnold. We left home to the number of about one hundred men early in the morning of the 7th of September, 1781, the day after the battle. On our arrival in New London we witnessed a scene of suffering and horror which surpasses description. The enemy were not to be found, but they had left behind them the marks of their barbarism and cruelty. The city was in ashes. More than one hundred and thirty naked chimneys were standing in the midst of the smoking ruins of stores and dwelling houses. Very little property had escaped the conflagration except a part of the shipping which, on the first alarm, was sent up the river. But though the city was destroyed, it was far from being deserted. Numerous companies of militia from the neighborhood were pouring into the town; and the inhabitants, who had fled from their burning dwellings, were returning to gaze with anguish on the worthless remains of their property. Women were seen walking with con- sternation and despair depicted in their countenances, leading or carrying in their arms their fatherless and houseless babes, who in a few short hours had been bereaved of all that was dear on earth. Their homes, their pro- visions and even their apparel, were the spoils of the enemy or lay in ashes at their feet. Some were inquiring with the deepest distress for the mangled bodies of their friends, while others were seen following the carts which bore their murdered fathers, husbands or brothers to the grave. More than forty widows were made on that fatal day. Never can I forget the tears, the sobs, the shrieks of woe which fell from the kindred of our brave countrymen who then gave their lives to achieve our national independence. It was my melan- choly duty to assist in the burial of the dead, which brought me directly into the midst of these heart-rending scenes where the wife first recognized her husband, the mother her son, the sister her brother, in the body of a mangled soldier, so disfigured with wounds and clotted with blood and dust as to be scarcely known! Often on my visits to New London have I walked near the spot where I helped to inter my slaughtered countrymen; and, though many years have since rolled away, the recollection is still fresh in my mind, awak- ening anew the strong feelings of sympathy I then felt, and rousing into activity the love of my country.
I recollect several interesting facts connected with the capture of Fort Griswold and the burning of New London, which I believe are not mentioned in the narratives of Messrs. Avery and Hempstead.
After the capture of the fort and the massacre which followed, the enemy
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laid a line of powder from the magazine of the fort to the sea, intending to blow up the fort, and complete the destruction of the wounded within and around it. Stillman Hotman, who lay not far distant, wounded by three strokes of the bayonet in his body, proposed to a wounded man near him to crawl to this line and saturate the powder with their blood, and thus save the magazine and fort, and perhaps the lives of some of their comrades not mortally wounded. He alone succeeded in reaching the line, where he was found dead lying on the powder, which was completely wet with his blood. I do not find his name among the killed in the list of Mr. Avery.
Another fact of a different character was currently reported at the time and deserves to be recorded to the deeper disgrace of the infamous Arnold, He had a sister living in New London, with whom he dined on the day of the battle, and whose house was set fire to, as is supposed, by his orders, im- mediately afterwards. Perhaps he found her too much of a patriot for his taste, and took this step in revenge.
The next year, 1782, I was led by the spirit which the scenes I had wit- nessed in New London had fanned into a flame, to leave my father's house and the peaceful pursuits of agriculture, and to enlist as a private in the Connecticut State troops. Never shall I forget the impressive circumstances under which I took the soldier's oath. With five others of my townsmen who enlisted with me, I was marched into the meeting house on the first Monday in April, it being Freeman's Day, and there in the presence of a large con- course of people we swore to discharge our duty faithfully. We were ordered to Fort Stanwich, in Stamford, Connecticut, where I remained during all but the last month of my term of service. Here I was subjected to the usual hardships of military life. Many a time have I been out for several days on scouting parties, sometimes to the distance of twenty-five miles. These were not only attended with fatigue, cold and hunger, but with no little peril of life. On one occasion a rifle ball passed through my hat and cut away the hair of my head, but a kind Providence protected me.
A party of fourteen men under Lewis Smith were surprised by a body of mounted troops to the number of sixty, by whom they were ordered to surrender. Lewis Smith, perceiving the hopelessness of resistance against such an overwhelming force, inquired of the British officer in command whether if they should surrender they would be treated as prisoners of war. The answer was, "Yes," but no sooner had they lowered their muskets than the enemy shot them down.
As a specimen of the hardships to which the private soldier in time of war is constantly liable, I may mention the following: One evening the orderly sergeants passed around among the men and with a whisper com- manded us to equip ourselves without noise; and then we were marched out of the fort to a woods two miles distant and ordered to lie down on the frozen ground, where we passed a bitter cold night with only a single blanket and our overcoats to protect us. We afterwards learned that this step was taken to avoid the enemy, who it was reported were that night to attack the fort with an overwhelming force. From such exposures and hardships as these my constitution received a shock from which I have never recovered. The sickness of my father was considered a sufficient reason for giving me a dis- charge; and after eleven months' service I left Stamford for Colchester. On reaching home I was immediately taken sick, and for six months was unable to do any business. From that time mingled mercies and misfortunes have attended me. The infirmities thus contracted in the service of my country disabled me from arduous manual labor, and much of my life has therefore been spent in trade and other light employments. My heaviest misfortune,
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however, has been the sickness of my excellent wife, who for forty years has been confined to her bed, and for whose medication and comfort, with the other expenses of my family, the earnings of my industry have proved in- sufficient, especially since the infirmities of old age have come upon me. But of none of these things do I complain. They are wisely appointed, and have been greatly alleviated by the kindness of a generous community. I mention them for the sole object of interesting my countrymen in my present effort to supply my wants through this little book.
The following narrative by Rufus Avery, orderly sergeant under Captain William Latham, containing an account of the transactions at New London and Groton on the 6th of September, 1781, is in his own words:
I had charge of the garrison the night previous to the attack. The enemy had not yet appeared near us, nor did we expect them at this time more than ever ; but it is true "we know not what shall be on the morrow." About 3 o'clock in the morning, as soon as daylight appeared, so as I could look off, I saw the fleet in the harbor, a little distance below the light house; it con- sisted of thirty-two in number-ships, brigs, schooners and sloops. It may well be imagined that a shock of consternation and a thrill of dread appre- hension flashed over me. I immediately sent for Capt. William Latham, who was captain of said fort, and who was near by. He came and saw the fleet, and sent notice to Colonel Ledyard, who was commander of the harbor, and also of Forts Griswold and Trumbull. He ordered two large guns to be loaded with heavy charges of good powder, &c. Captain William Latham took charge of the one which was to be discharged from the northeast part of the fort, and I had to attend the other on the west side, and thus we as speedily as possible prepared to give alarm to the vicinity, as was to be expected in case of danger, two guns being the specified signal for alarm in distress. But a difficulty now arose from having all our plans communicated by a traitor ! The enemy understood our signal was two regular guns, and they fired a third, which broke our alarm, and caused it to signify good news or a prize, and thus it was understood by our troops, and several companies which were lying back ready to come to our assistance in case of necessity were by this measure deterred from coming. The reader may well suppose, though time would not permit us to consider or anticipate long, that the sense of our kelplessness without additional strength and arms was dreadful; but the try- ing events of the few coming hours we had not known! Colonel Ledyard now sent expresses from both forts, to call on every militia captain to hurry with their companies to the forts. But few came; their excuse was that it was but a false alarm, or for some trifling alarm. The enemy's boats now approached and landed eight hundred officers and men, some horses, car- riages and cannon, on the Groton side of the river, about 8 o'clock in the morning; and another division on the New London side, below the light house, consisting of about seven hundred officers and men. The army on Groton banks was divided into two divisions. Colonel Ayres took command of the division southeast of the forts, consisting of about half, sheltering them behind a ledge of rocks about one hundred and thirty rods back; Major Montgomery, with his division about one hundred and fifty rods from the fort, behind a high hill. The army on New London side of the river had better and more accommodating land to march on than that on Groton side. As soon as their army had got opposite Fort Trumbull, they divided, and one part proceeded to the city of New London, plundered and set fire to the shipping and buildings, the rest marched down to Fort Trumbull. Captain N.D .- 1-5
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Adam Shapley, who commanded, seeing that he was likely to be overpowered by the enemy, spiked his cannon and embarked on board the boats which had been prepared for him in case of necessity; but the enemy were so quick upon him that before he and his little handful of men could get out of the reach of their guns, seven men were badly wounded in the boats. The remaining ones reached Fort Griswold, where, poor fellows, they met a mortal blow.
Ayres and Montgomery got their army stationed about 9 o'clock in the morning. When they appeared in sight, we threw a number of shots among them, but they would immediately contrive to disappear behind their hills. About 10 o'clock they sent a flag of truce to demand the surrender of the fort. When the flag was within about forty rods from the fort, we sent a musket ball in front of them, and brought them to a stand. Col. Ledyard called a council of war to ascertain the minds of his officers and friends about what was best to be done in this momentous hour, when every moment indicated a bloody and decisive battle. They all agreed in council to send a flag to them. They did so, choosing Capt. Elijah Avery, Capt. Amos Staunton, and Capt. John Williams, who went immediately to meet the British flag and receive their demand, which was to give up the Fort to them. The council was then inquired of what was to be done, and the answer returned to the British flag was that "the Fort would not be given up to the British." The flag then returned to their division commanded by Ayres, but soon returned to us again; when about a proper distance our flag met them and attended to their summons, and came back to inform Col. Ledyard that the enemy declared that "if they were obliged to take it by storm, they should put the Martial Law in full force," that is, "what they did not kill by ball, they should put to death by sword and bayonet!" Col. Ledyard sent back the decisive answer that "we should not give up the Fort to them, let the consequences be what they would."
While these flags were passing and repassing, we were exchanging shots with the British at Fort Trumbull, as they had got possession of it before the battle commenced in action at Fort Griswold. We could throw our shot into Fort Trumbull without any difficulty, but the British could not cause theirs to enter Fort Griswold, because they could not aim high enough. They had got possession and in use some of our best pieces and ammunition, which were left in Fort Trumbull, when Captain Shapley left it and retreated. About II o'clock in the morning, when they perceived what we were about to do, they started with both their divisions, Colonel Ayres advancing with his in solid columns. As soon as they reached the level ground and in a proper range, we saluted them with an eighteen-pounder, then loaded with two bags of grape shot. Capt. Elias H. Halsey was the one who directed the guns, and
took aim at the enemy. He had long practiced on board a privateer, and manifested his skill at this time. I was at the gun with others when it was discharged into the British ranks, and it cleared a very wide space in their solid columns. It has been reported by good authority that about twenty were killed and wounded by that one discharge of grape shot. As soon as the column was broken by loss of men and officers, they were seen to scatter and trail arms, coming on with a quick step towards the fort, inclining to the west. We continued firing, but they advanced upon the south and west sides of the fort. Colonel Ayres was mortally wounded. Major Montgomery now advanced with his division, coming on in solid columns, bearing around to the north, until they got east of the redoubt or battery, which was east of the fort, then marching with a quick step into the battery. Here we sent among them large and repeated charges of grape shot which destroyed a
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number, as we could perceive them thinned and broken. Then they started for the fort, a part of them in platoons, discharging their guns; and some of the officers and men scattering, they came around on the east and north side of the fort. Here Major Montgomery fell, near the northeast part of the fort. We might suppose the loss of their commanders might have dis- mayed them, but they had proceeded so far, and the excitement and deter- mination on slaughter was so great, they could not be prevented. As soon as their army had entirely surrounded the garrison, a man attempted to open the gates; but he lost his life in a moment, before he could succeed. There was hard fighting and shocking slaughter, and much blood spilt before another attempt was made to open the gates, which was at this time successful; for our little number, which was only one hundred and fifty-five, officers and privates (the most of them volunteers), were by this time overpowered. There was then no block house on the parade as there is now, so that the enemy had every chance to wound and kill every man. When they had overpowered us and driven us from our station at the breastwork into the fort, and Colonel Ledyard saw how few men he had remaining to fight with, he ceased resist- ance. They all left their posts and went on to the open parade in the fort, where the enemy had a fair opportunity to massacre us, as there were only six of us to an hundred of them! This, this was a moment of indescribable misery ! We can fight with good hearts while hope and prospects of victory aid us; but, after we have fought and bled, and availed nothing, to yield to be massacred by the boasting enemy "tries men's hearts!" Our ground was drenched with human gore, our wounded and dying could not have any attendance, while each man was almost hopeless of his own preservation ; but our country's danger caused the most acute anxiety. Now I saw the enemy mount the parapets like so many madmen, all at once, seemingly. They swung their hats around, and then discharged their guns into the fort, and those who had not fallen by ball they began to massacre with sword and bayonet. I was on the west side of the fort, with Capt. Edward Latham and Mr. C. Latham, standing on the platform, and had a full view of the enemy's conduct. I had then a hole through my clothes by a ball, and a bayonet rent through my coat to the flesh. The enemy approached us, knocked down the two men I mentioned, with the britch (breech) of their guns, and I expected had ended their lives, but they did not. By this time that division which had been commanded by Montgomery, now under charge of Bloom- field, unbolted the other gates, marched into the Fort, and formed into a solid column. I at this moment left my station and went across the parade towards the south end of the barracks. I noticed Col. William Ledyard on the parade stepping towards the enemy and Bloomfield, gently raising and lowering his sword as a token of bowing and submission; he was about six feet from them when I turned my eyes off from him, and went up to the door of the barracks and looked at the enemy, who were discharging their guns through the windows. It was but a moment that I had turned my eyes from Col. L. and saw him alive, and now I saw him weltering in his gore! Oh, the hellish spite and madness of a man that will murder a reason- able and noble-hearted officer, in the act of submitting and surrendering! I can assure my countrymen that I felt the thrill of such a horrid deed more than the honorable and martial-like war of months! We are informed that the wretch who murdered him exclaimed as he came near, "Who commands this fort?" Ledyard handsomely replied, "I did, but you do now," at the same moment handing him his sword, which the unfeeling villain buried in his breast! The column continued marching towards the south end of the parade, and I could do no better than to go across the parade before them,
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amid their fire. They discharged three platoons, as I crossed before them at this time. I believe there were not less than five or six hundred of the British on the parade, and in the Fort. They killed and wounded every man they possibly could, and it was all done in less than two minutes! I had nothing to expect but to drop with the rest; one mad looking fellow put his bayonet to my side, swearing, "by Jesus he would skipper me!" I looked him earnestly in the face and eyes, and begged him to have mercy and spare my life! I must say, I believe God prevented him from killing me, for he put his bayonet three times into me, and I seemed to be in his power, as well as Lieut. Enoch Staunton, who was stabbed to the heart and fell at my feet at this time. I think no scene ever exceeded this for continued and barbarous massacre after surrender. There were two large doors to the Magazine, which made a space wide enough to admit ten men to stand in one rank. There marched up a platoon of ten men just by where I stood, and at once discharged their guns into the Magazine among our killed and wounded, and also among those who had escaped uninjured, and as soon as these had fired, another platoon was ready, and immediately took their place when they fell back. At this moment Bloomfield came swiftly around the corner of the building, and raising his sword with exceeding quickness, exclaimed, "stop firing! or you will send us all to Hell together!" I was very near him when he spoke. He knew there must be much powder deposited and scat- tered about the Magazine, and if they continued throwing in fire we should all be blown up. I think it must, before this, have been the case, had not the ground and everything been wet with human blood. We trod in blood ! We trampled under feet the limbs of our Countrymen, our neighbors and dear kindred. Our ears were filled with the groans of the dying, when the more stunning sound of the artillery would give place to the death shrieks. After this they ceased killing and went to stripping, not only the dead, but the wounded and those who were not wounded. They then ordered us all who were able to march, to the N. E. part of the parade, and those who could walk to help those who were wounded so bad as not to go of them- selves. Mr. Samuel Edgcomb Jr. and myself were ordered to carry out Ensign Charles Eldridge, who was shot through the knee joints; he was a very large, heavy man, and with our fasting and violent exercises of the day, we were but ill able to do it, or more than to sustain our own weight; but we had to submit. We with all the prisoners were taken out upon the parade, about two rods from the Fort, and ordered to sit down immediately, or they would put their bayonets into us. The battle was now ended. It was about I o'clock in the afternoon, and since the hour of eight in the morning, what a scene of carnage, of anxiety, and of loss had we experienced !
The enemy now began to take care of their dead and wounded. They took off six of the outer doors of the barracks, and with four men at each door, they brought in one man at a time. There were twenty-four men thus employed for two hours, as fast as they could walk. They deposited thern on the west side of the parade, in the Fort, where it was the most com- fortable place, and screened from the hot sun which was pouring down upon us, aggravating our wounds, and causing many to faint and die who might have lived with good care. By my side lay two most worthy and excellent officers, Capt. Youngs Ledyard, and Capt. N. Moore, in the agonies of death. Their heads rested on my thighs, as I sat or lay there. They had their reason well and spoke. They asked for water. I could give them none, as I was to be thrust through if I got up. I asked the enemy, who were passing by us, to give us some water for my dying friends and for myself. As the well was near they granted this request; but even then I feared they would
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put something poison into it, that they might get us out of the way the sooner ; and they had said, repeatedly, that the last of us should die before the sun set ! Oh what revenge and inhumanity pervaded their steeled hearts! They effected what was threatened in the summons, sent by the flag in the morning, to Colonel Ledyard, "That those who were not killed by the musket, should be by the sword," &c. But I must think they became tired of human butchery, and so let us live. They kept us on the ground, the garrison charged, till about two hours had been spent in taking care of their men; and then came and ordered every man of us that could walk, to "rise up." Sentries were placed around with guns loaded, and bayonets fixed, and orders given that every one who would not, in a moment, obey commands, should be shot dead or run through! I had to leave the two dying men who were resting on me, dropping their heads on the cold and hard ground, giving them one last and pitying look. Oh God, this was hard work. They both died that night. We marched down to the bank of the river so as to be ready to embark on board the British vessels. There were about thirty of us sur- rounded by sentries. Captain Bloomfield then came and took down the names of the prisoners who were able to march down with us. Where I sat, I had a fair view of their movements. They were setting fire to the buildings and bringing the plunder and laying it down near us. The sun was about half an hour high. I can never forget the whole appearance of all about me. New London was in flames! The inhabitants deserted their habitations to save life, which was more highly prized. Above and around us were our unburied dead, and our dying friends. None to appeal to for sustenance in our ex- hausted state but a maddened enemy-not allowed to move a step or make any resistance, but with loss of life- and sitting to see the property of our neighbors consumed by fire, or the spoils of a triumphing enemy !
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