A modern history of Windham county, Connecticut : a Windham county treasure book, Volume II, Part 16

Author: Lincoln, Allen B
Publication date: 1920
Publisher: Chicago : S. J. Clarke publ. co.
Number of Pages: 960

USA > Connecticut > Windham County > A modern history of Windham county, Connecticut : a Windham county treasure book, Volume II > Part 16

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

Affinche' io possa essere leale all' Americ, io vivro' secondo l'ideale Americano.

Io obediro' la Legge: l'America e' una Repubblica, dove la Legge e' Signora; un governo di popolo, sottoposto alla Legge, per il benessere generale. Ogni cittadino deve essere leale, altrimenti il governo popolare fa in lui cattiva prova. Ogni violatore di legge e' un traditore del proprio governo, e di peso ai proprii concittadini.

Io amero' teneramente la mia famiglia: L'Americano leale, nella sua vita quotidiana, prende buona cura della propria famiglia; mantiene netta e salubre la propria abitazione; e' onesto nel suo compito giornaliero; vive secondo i proprii mezzi; paga puntualmente le sue spese; ha riguardo per il proprio carattere; ed e' un buon vicino.

Quale Cittadino il mio primo pensiero sara' il bene pubblico; agiro' onestamente ed equamente coi miei compagni, non faro' mai, conscientemente, cosa che possa danneggiare

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alcuno. Terro' come sacro il mio diritto al voto, e votero' in ciascuna elexione per quegli uomini e per quelle misure che io credero' migliori per la citta' lo stato e la nazione.

Rispettero' il Dio dei miei antenati: la Fede in Dio e' state sempre l'ispirazione del patriotta. Da Colombo, lo scopritore, fino ad oggi, i nostri grandi uomini Americani sono stati dei fedoli. Ciascuna corte Americana usa la preghiera: "Che Dio mi aiuti!" L'america difende la liberta' religiosa, donde proviene una piu' vasta, piu' profonda fede; percio' inevitabilmente, la Fratellanza umana, pensiero fondamentale della repubblica, mena alla Paternita' di Dio.

POLISH VERSION PRZYRZECZENIE OBYWATELIE NOWYCH Mae Piechak

Ku czci ojczyzny mej, bębę wierny memu krajowi nowemu przybranemu-mej własnej Ameryce!

Ameryko jest Krajem Sposobnosci-Krajem wolnych i mieszkaniem odwažnych.

Wolność nie oznacza własne samolubstwo, przewagę; lecz oznacza równe prawo do zastug,-spradwiedliwość dla wszystkich.

Poszukiwanie za własnym powodzemem nie oznacza odwagę, ješeli to jest kosztem i ciezarem dla mych obywateli-towarzyszy. Prawdziwa odwaga jest zawsze sprawiedliwa; przywilej specyalny jest niesprawiedliwym-nie wedtug pojęcia Amerykanskiego.

Aby być wiernym Amerycę będę więc żyt według Amerykanskich ideałow.

Będę postuszny Prawom: Ameryka just Republika; prawa jej są rozkazem Króla: naród stanowi rząd wedlug praw, ku wspólnemu dobrobytu, Każdy obywatel powinien być wiernym, inaczej ludu rzad zawiedzie się na nim. Kazdy przestępca prawa jest zdrajcą własnego rządu i ciężarem wspót braci.

Będę Uwielbrał mój Dom: Wierny Amerykanin każdego dnia swego žycia, dogląda starannie swą rodzine, utrzymuje swe mieszkanie czysto i zdrowotnie, prawdziwym jest wzgledem swych dochodow, placi swe dlugi w czas; uszanewanie ma do swej własnej oso- bistości i jest doskonalym sąsiadem.

Jako obywatel będę wpierw myślał o Dobru Publicznym: Będę sumiennie i spra- wiedliwie obschodzit się z wzspoł-braćmi moimi i nie powinien z swiadomościa siebie krzywdzic nikogo. Prawo głosu będę uważal za najswietsze i damglos przy każdym wyborze za tych ludzi i projekty, które będę uwazal za najlepsze dla miasta, stanu i narodu.

Będę czcił Boga mych Ojców: Wiara w Boga byla zawsze podnieta patryotow. Poc- zawszy od Kolumba-Odkrywcy, do czasów obecnych nasi najwieksi Amerykanścy prze- wodnicy buly ludźmi z wiarą. Kąždy sąd Amerykanski zaprowadzit pacierz, "Niech me tak Bog dopomoze!" Ameryka obstawa za religijną wolnoscią, przezco powoduje obszer- niejszą i glębszą wiarę; niechybnie więc Braterstwo ludzi, które jest fundamentalną myšla Republiki doprowadzi do Ojcowstwa z Bogiem.

THE SLAVIC VERSION SLUB NOVÉHO OBČANA

Rev. Gaspar Panik

Pre česť mojej otčiny, budem verný mojej novej vlasti mojej vlastnej Ameriky. "Amerika je priležitost"-"Zem Svobody a Domov Hrdinov."

Svoboda neznamená len moj sobecký prospech. To znamená rovnakú priležitosť; rovnopravnost pre každého.

To neni hrdinné vyhledávat moj vlastný úspech na úkor lebo tarchu mojho spolu občana. Opravdivá hrdinskosť je vždy otvorená. Zvláštne privilegia 'sú neopravnené, ne-Americké.

Aby som mohol byt verným Amerike, budem žiť podľa Amerických Ideálov.

Budem zachovávat zákony: Amerika je Republika, kde Zákon je Král; panovanie ludu, pod tým zákonom, pre všeobecný blahobyt. Každý občan musí byť verným, ináč ludově panovanie zmarf sa v ňom. Každý lomičzákona je zradca krajiny svojej a tarchou svojho hližneho.

Budem milovať svoj domov: Verný Amerikán, v každodennom živote, svedomite stará sa o svoju familiu; svoj domov udržuje v čistote a v zdraviu; je verný v svojich denných povinnostiach; žije si dla svojho stavu; riadne platí si výdavky; váži si svoju čest; je dobrým súsedom.

Jako občan, budem brať do ohľadu najprv verejné blaho: Svedomite a čestne budem zaobchádzat so vsojími spoluobčanmi a nikdy nikoho ne chcem vedome urazit. Právo mojho hlasovania budem držať za sväté a pri každej volbe oddám svoj hlas takému mužovi a záujmom, jaké budem povazovať za najprospešne jšie pre mesto, stát a národ.

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Budem velebit boha mojich otcov: Viera v Boha vždy bola vnuknutím národovca. Od Kolumbusa, Obhájcu Novej Zeme, až po dnes naši velkí Americkí Vodcovia boli a sú mužovia viery. Každý Americký súd vyžaduje túto proshu: „Tak mi Bože pomáhaj, "So help me God." Amerika je za svobodu náboženstva a odtiaľ volnejšia a hlbsia viera; lebo, bez pochyby toto Bratstvo človečensva, základná myšlienka tejto Republiky, vedie k Otcovstvu Pána Boha.

THE GERMAN VERSION DAS NEUE BÜRGER-GELÜBDE Rev. Otto Koenig

Meinem Vaterland zu Ehren-will ich treu zu meinem neuen Adoptivlande AMERIKA, dem Lande meiner Wahl, stehen.

"Amerika bedeutet Gelegenheit," es ist "das Land der freien und mutigen Männer." Freiheit bedeutet aber nicht die Wahrung selbstischer Vorteile, sondern sie steht vielmehr für Gleichberechtigung und Billigkeit anderen gegenüber.

Es verrät Keinen Mut, den eigenen Vorteil und Erfolg auf Kosten und zum Schaden meiner Mitbürger im Auge zu haben. Wahrer Mut iste nie rücksichtslos. Sonderinteresen zu verfolgen ist darum ungerecht und unamerikanisch.

Um treu zu Amerika zu stehen, will ich amerikanische Ideale erstreben und pflegen.

Ich will die Gesetz respektieren, denn Amerika ist eine Republik, in der allein das Gesetz regiert. Es ist eine Volksregierung, die unter dem Gesetz die Wohlfahrt aller Bürger erstrebt. Jeder Bürger mus darum treugesinnt zu ihr stehen, sonst geht er der Vorteile derselben verlustig. Jeder Übertreter wir zum Verräter seiner Regierung und fällt seinen Mitbürgern zur Last.

Ich will mein Heim hegen und pflegen. Der rechte Amerikaner sorgt voll Hingabe für seine eigene Familie, hält auf Reinlichkeit, geht treu seinem täglichem Berufe nach, lebt nicht über sein Einkommen hinaus, kommt gewissenhaft seinen Verbindlichkeiten nach, wahrt sich seinen eigenen guten Ruf und beweist sich alls "getreuer Nachbar."

Als Bürger will ich vor allem die allgemeine Wohlfahrt im Auge haben, im Verhehr mit den Mitmenschen aufrichtig und ehrlich sein und nicht wissentlich jemand übervorteilen. Mein Stimmrecht soll mir unactastbar und heilig sein; meine Stimme werde ich bei jeder Wahl nur solchen Männern und Masnahmen geben, welche zum Wohle der Stadt; des Staates und des Landes gereichen.

Ich will den Gott meiner Väter verehren. Gottesfurcht und Gottvertrauen haben von jeher wahre Patrioten erfüllt. Von der Entdeckung Amerikas durch Columbus bis auf die Gegenwart waren alle grossen Führer unserer National Glaubenshelden. Jeder ameri- kanische Gerichtshof beruft sich auf Gott bei dem Eide: "So wahr mir Gott helfe." Amerika steht ein für allgemeine Religions-Freiheit und darin wurzelt sein tiefes religiöses Leben, denn die Verbrüderung der Menschen, auf der die Republik basiert, führt notge- drungen zur Verwirklichung des erhabenen Gedankens, dass Gott unser aller Vater ist.

CHAPTER XXXVIII INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES STORIES OF CHILDREN-BRE'ER PELHAM

Bre'er Pelham was a well-known colored lay preacher of marked individ- uality, thirty or forty years ago, and well remembered by many now living in Willimantic. Many instances are cited to show the original character of his thinking.

He was fond of using big words in his sermons and in his prayers. On one occasion, Rev. W. C. Norris had agreed to address the colored congregation, and as they had only a small mission, they were much pleased that a man of his attainments would come over and talk to them. Bre'er Pelham was called on to make the prayer before the sermon. "Oli, Lawd," he cried, "bress de speaker of de afternoon; Thou knowest he am an illitrate man."

On another occasion, Bre'er Pelham attended a meeting of the local Reform Club. It was one of those "Anti" associations so prevalent in New England communities in those days, where kindred radical spirits would gather every Sunday afternoon at 4 or 5 o'clock and spend an hour or two together in denounc- ing all wickedness. The several speakers would rise between hymns and attack the enemy.

The speeches were directed against rum, tobacco, Masonry, "popery," pol- itics, etc., and often the local churches would come in for a share of criticism. The speakers rarely agreed, and often would direct their attacks upon each other with a fierceness that made the meetings very interesting to a considerable crowd of curious spectators.

Bre'er Pelham used to attend these meetings, and often tried to pour oil upon the troubled waters. He somehow felt the utter impracticability of the whole thing, but did not know how to express it. One afternoon the subject as announced was, "The Evils of Compromise," and this was a topic upon which all the radicals were agreed, except that each speaker felt and implied that the others were daily compromising with all other evils except the one which each denounced. One speaker reiterated the scriptural injunction, "Come ye out and be ye separate," and he himself had so far exemplified that injunction that he would not attend any church or party caucus or even school district meeting for fear of compromising himself; and this particular reform meeting was the only gathering he would attend.

Towards the close of the meeting, as the debate and disagreement waxed hotter and hotter, Bre'er Pelham felt that the time had come to pour his oil. He rose and said, in substance: "I hab listen' patiently to de gemmen on de ebils ob compermize. It seems to me de gemmen doan no what dey're saying. How's you gwine to git anywhar if you doan go somewhar? Now, I specks compermize is a good thing, but I doan think you bredderen knows how ter do it. I can tell you, bredderen, dat you can't get nowhar onless you does com-

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permize; and de only way to do is to compermize and compermize and comper- mize, 'til you gits de victry !"

Bre'er Pelham meant to be "orthodox" in his preaching, and had little use for the "higher criticism" of the Bible which was then just coming into vogue. The Rev. Samuel R. Free, the "unorthodox" pastor of the First Congre- gational Church, whose career in Willimantic is referred to elsewhere, had a keen sense of humor, and he greatly enjoyed the following incident. Mr. Free, and Bre'er Pelham were very friendly in a personal way, but Bre'er Pelham had no use for the preacher's theology-or lack of it. One fine morning Bre'er Pelham met Mr. Free in front of the local post office, and the following con- versation ensued :

Minister : "Good morning, Brother Pelham!"

"Mornin', Brother Free, beautiful mornin', dis mornin'!"

"Yes, Brother Pelham, this is one of the most beautiful mornings that God ever made."

"Humph! Didn't spose you'd 'mit much as dat!"

One Saturday morning Bre'er Pelham was trudging downtown with a wheelbarrow and on it a burlap bag. "Where're you going, this bright, pleas- ant morning, Bre'er Pelham?" asked a white neighbor, who met him. "Oli, I'se gwine after a rooster for ma Sunday dinner," was the reply.

"Well, I don't like that," promptly said the white neighbor, who liked to "jolly" the old darkie to hear him talk.

"Why don't you like it?" inquired Bre'er Pelham.

"Because it ain't fair for a big man like you to go and grab a poor innocent rooster and eat him up-do you think it's fair yourself ?"

"Well, mebbe not, mebbe not," said the old man, somewhat doubtful, "I hadn't tho't ob dat." He knew his white neighbor was quizzing him. and he didn't see how to keep his end up. Just then a bevy of sparrows alighted in the street, near where the two men stood talking. "There," said the white man, "see those pretty little sparrows. Now, Bre'er Pelham, if you saw a cat coming across the street after those birds, you'd say, 'scat, you cat !' wouldn't you ?" "I spec' I would, sah, I spec' I would," was all Bre'er Pelham could say. "Well, now," continued his critic, "you know what that good Bible of yours which you preach from says about the sparrows-not one of them falleth to the ground but our Heavenly Father cares; and it's just the same about the rooster, isn't it?"

The old man looked puzzled for a moment; then a radiant look shot across his face and he cried out, in triumph : "No, sah! No, sah! I know what dat good Book say better'n you do, sah; it say all dat about de sparrow, but it doan say nott'n about de rooster; he done got to look out for hisself !".

MONEY IN POLITICS

Political corruption, meaning particularly the use of money to buy votes, is not as open as it used to be, though sometimes it may be obvious without direct evidence. The latter-day method is to buy the service of capable men on behalf of special interests. But time was when the active buying of votes was not uncommon, and as a boy in Willimantic when the voting place was in the Methodist Episcopal vestry, I recall seeing a well-known politician stand- ing in the crowd right in the vestry and only a few feet from the ballot box, with a big roll of bills in his left hand. Perhaps no one actually saw the money

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pass, as a sympathetic crowd would surround the transaction; but everybody knew what was going on and there was apparently no public sentiment at that time sufficient to stop it.

One election day, about 4 P. M. (the polls would close at 5), I was passing the Atwood (later Holmes and now Alling) Block, opposite Railroad Street, and saw two "floaters" in conversation midway on the steps leading to a saloon in the basement. Said the one coming up the stairs to the one going down, "Have ye woted yet ?" "Yis, I just woted." "Phwat did yez git?" "Two dollars.". "Be gorry, I think I'll wait awhile."

At another election several years later, the republican and democratic head- quarters were only a few doors apart on Church Street, and not far outside the 150-feet limit from the polls, beyond which it was lawful to hand out bal- lots. The so-called secret ballot had recently come into use, and the vote-buyers had to adopt new tactics. It was said that they would get around the law in this way : get hold of a ballot and fix it up for the purchasee, and depend upon him to put it in the envelope. It was a bit hazardous, for of course they had to depend upon the honor of the vote-seller to do as he agreed. One such was heard to remark that he had got $10 from both republican and democratic town committees and then voted as he pleased. At another election, after many dubious experiences at former elections, it was reported that a certain town committee called in some of those who had learned how to buy up floaters in "blocks of five" or more, and told these leaders to tell the boys that there was "nothing doing before election" this year, but to get the names of those who would promise to vote "our way," and if the town went that way, "come around after election and we will distribute $5 each to all who so promised." There were many promises, and it so happened the town went that way, and it was an expensive experience for the committee. At all events, for these and similar reasons, the "good old days" of individual vote-buying are gone by, and as said above, the dependence of corrupt interest nowadays is upon high cost expert persuaders of men, in the legislature or in the lobby, or more espe- cially in fixing the caucus nominees beforehand.

In the "good old days" above referred to, an amusing experience was reported from prohibition headquarters. At this particular election it was understood that very little money was available, but that a democratic vote was worth a "whiskey check," while a republican vote could command a "beer check"; all of which was attractive to some of the floaters, in lieu of anything better. Willard D. Pember was in charge of prohibition headquarters, a faith- ful worker whose loyalty to the cause in precept and practice was never ques- tioned; while his son Willard F. Pember was loyal to his father and was dis- tributing prohibition ballots. Willard the younger had a keen sense of humor, and when he was approached by a floater who didn't fully understand how to go at it and was seeking information, Willard, Jr., told him how to approach the respective "whiskey" and "beer" opportunities, advised him to visit both places and get what he could, "and then," he added, "you go up to my father at prohibition headquarters and perhaps you can work him for a chaser!"

About thirty years ago there was a live young reformer occupying the Congregational pulpit at South Coventry ; and he invited four or five budding prohibition orators from Willimantic to drive up and help him out on a cam- paign meeting on the Friday evening before a presidential election. The spell- binders had unloaded their eloquence upon the local audience which packed

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the Methodist Episcopal vestry, and the young clergyman arose to make fitting close to the meeting. He waxed warm concerning the corruption of the old parties and the need of a new party, and finally startled his audience of parish- ioners and neighbors by declaring: "There is shameful corruption threatened in this very town. Some of you know that a big corruption fund has been brought into this town within the last twenty-four hours, and something ought to be done to stop the use of it. Some of you people right here before me know about it, and I appeal to you to take action." There was evident sensation in the audience; and one of the Willimantic orators whispered to another : "Say, we are going home, but that fellow has got to stay here over night; he'd better be careful what he's saying."

It is worth while to add here another corruption-fund story of still earlier days, reaching back to the time when the Whig party was still in action. It is related that the postmaster at Willimantic was also chairman of the Demo- cratic Town Committee, and from state headquarters in Hartford they sent him $800 cash-a big sum in those days-to help out the democratic cause at the approaching election, and with instructions to "put the money where it would do the most good." The election came and the democrats lost, and nothing had been heard of the $800 sent to the postmaster. Later he was questioned about it, and it is reported that lie said, in the high squeaky voice which was characteristic of him: "Wal, thay tol' me to 'put the money whar 'twould do the mos' good'; an' I had a mortgage comin' due on my place about that time, an' I tho't 'twould du's much good thar's anywhar, so I put her in."

AN INTERESTING SUGGESTION

One of the instances of the lively campaign which was conducted on behalf of the national prohibition party in various towns of Windham County in 1888 is a series of meetings addressed by the late Col. R. S. Cheves of Kentucky, was his significant allusion to the "late unpleasantness" between North and South. Colonel Cheves was an officer in the Confederate army. He spoke one evening in Franklin Hall, Willimantic, which was packed to the doors. He was a man of distinguished bearing, pleasing address, and a winning smile. He began his address something after this fashion, after being warmly greeted by the audience in recognition of the fact that the feelings between North and South were no longer strained, but cordial :

"It is a peculiar pleasure, my good friends, to receive such a greeting at your hands. It is true that I fought in the Confederate army and I think your soldiers will agree that we put up a good stiff fight for the cause which we then believed in. But I wish to say frankly that you licked us soundly and we had to accept it, although we didn't like it very well. Since that time we have come to see that it was far wiser not to disrupt the Union, and that it was a good thing that the instituion of slavery was done away. We could not see it in that light then. We were unwilling to give up what we thought was our reliance upon that institution, and you had to come and help us to let go of it. It was an awful thing, such fratricidal strife, but there seemed to be no other way out of it. We acknowledge frankly the verdict, and rejoice with you that today we live together in harmony in the Union of the United States of America, and that slavery, African slavery, is a thing of the past.

"Tonight I am here to speak to you of another great evil which is far more damaging to the social order than even human slavery was. But now the tables

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seem to be turned. The Southland is steadily driving-out the institution known as the legalized liquor traffic, and the public policy of prohibition is making great headway in the southern states. But up here in the northern and eastern states, and especially right here in Connecticut, you people seem to be as much involved in the twin evils of liquor selling and the monopolies of special priv- ilege, as ever we of the South were in slavery. The object of these meetings is to arouse the public sentiment of Connecticut to a realization of these con- ditions. We appeal to your sense of right, to your patriotism, to withdraw your political support from the policy of license, and to set the laws of state and nation against the liquor traffic. But unless the northern and eastern sec- tions of this country, and especially the great cities of the eastern and central states, shall become aroused on this great issue, there is some reason to say that the steadily growing prohibition sentiment of the South and West may put the action of those regions so much in advance of your own as to become significant. We sincerely hope that it may not become necessary for the people of the South and West to come over here and help relieve you of your difficulty as you helped us out of ours. I cannot believe that things will ever come to that pass; but certain it is that you of Connecticut cannot remain under the power of these corrupt interests and conserve your own welfare. For these reasons, I esteem it a peculiar privilege and opportunity to make an appeal to you on behalf of National Prohibition."

Colonel Cheves then went on to deliver an address concerning the liquor question. Remember, this address was delivered in 1888, thirty-two years ago!

. OPTIMISM AND PESSIMISM

Some persons seem constitutionally pessimistic, and as Mrs. Partington said, she had "enjoyed poor health for forty years," so there are those who find a sort of comfort in always looking on the dark side of life.

"Aunt Lizzie," as one good old Windham County dame was called, lived in daily fear of dying and stuck it out until age seventy-nine. Nothing was ever quite right. One day her nephew called attention to an item in the Hartford Courant, telling of a resident of Woodstock who had just celebrated his arrival at 101. He had told the reporter that he attributed his longevity in consider- able measure to the habit of "always looking on the bright side of life."

"Don't you think that's a pretty good plan, Aunt Lizzie ?" said the nephew. "Well," was the reply, "we are not all constituted alike, and I don't want to live as long as that, anyway !"

The late Michael Hickey was an opportunist. He lived from day to day, but always rather curious as to the meaning of life and prone to talk about it. Two or three years after I had moved to New Haven I met him one afternoon on the trolley from Norwich to Willimantic. He seemed glad to meet an old friend, and fell into a reflective mood. "I knew your father well, Allen, and the men of his time, John Tracy, Whiting Hayden, Allen Burleson and all those, and they're all gone along. I know what it means-my own time is coming. I don't like it very well, but there's nothing we can do about it, and it's all right. But do you know, Allen, the more I think about, the more I think I'd rather stay around where I'm acquainted !"

The late George W. Burnham of Willimantic became an optimist after he reached age seventy. He was a young man of tremendous physical vigor, over

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six feet tall and of Abraham-Lincoln-like stature; but in middle life, as he told me, he had a constant apprehension that he would not live long. When he reached age forty, he said, the reflection came upon him that his best days were gone by ; at fifty he felt sure it would be all over soon; at sixty he began to wonder how he could last so long.

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A modern history of Windham county, Connecticut : a Windham county treasure book, Volume II, Part 16

Author: Lincoln, Allen B Publication date: 1920 Publisher: Chicago : S. J. Clarke publ. co. Number of Pages: 960

Author: Lincoln, Allen B
Publication date: 1920
Publisher: Chicago : S. J. Clarke publ. co.
Number of Pages: 960