USA > Connecticut > Hartford County > Simsbury > A record and documentary history of Simsbury > Part 2
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34
In the New Haven Colony, at its organization in 1638, no trial by jury was provided for, "because they could find nothing of jury in the Old Testament." All other offices of the towns were created and filled, whenever their circumstances required them, by the major vote of the inhabitants. In Massachusetts, the franchise was limited to Church membership. To be a voter, one must be a member of the Church. At the very first Court of Election in that Colony, a law was passed "that none should hereafter be admitted freemen, or be entitled to any share in the Government or be capable of being chosen Magis- trates, or even of serving as Jurymen, but such as had been or should hereafter be received into the Church as members." When we consider that they had just left their native land for the sake of liberty of conscience and religious freedom, such an Act seems marvelous. Their definition of religious freedom would seem to be, to believe as they believed.
Not so in Connecticut: here all were admitted to these privileges, who had been or should be admitted inhabitants of any town by a vote of the people thereof.
Until 1678 the "Assistants" and "Deputies" sat and acted together as one body; but in that year "the Court ordered that the Council, i.e., the Governor, Deputy Governor and Assist- ants, should sit as a Separate House, and the Deputies as the other, and that laws should be passed only by the assent of both Houses." This arrangement took effect the next year.
8
FIRST CHURCH BUILDING . 168 2
II The United Colonies of New England and Indians
In 1643, the Colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Con- necticut, and New Haven, entered into a perpetual league or combination, offensive and defensive, for mutual aid and pro- tection against the hostile encroachments of their Dutch neigh- bors, and to resist apprehended attacks from the Indians. This confederacy was styled, "The United Colonies of New England".
This was a vastly important measure, promotive of the safety and prosperity of the colonies, whilst it existed, but after- wards formed the basis of the Great Confederacy between the Thirteen United States of America; and which resulted in the present United States Government. Its affairs were managed by a Board of Commissioners, two from each Colony, to whom were entrusted all questions of war or peace; and the general defence and welfare of all the colonies, especially the conduct of the inhabitants towards the Indians. In all these matters, the Commissioners were clothed with plenary powers. Their sessions were held alternately in the several Colonies. In regard to the conduct of the Indians, and their treatment, strict and arbitrary measures were adopted. By its means a general war with the Indians, who, at this time were hostile, was prevented.
The Indians of this region, however, were generally peace- able and friendly, mingling in daily intercourse with their white neighbors. These river Indians, as well as the other Indians of Connecticut, were, numerically, vastly over-estimated. His- torians speak of the "powerful tribes",-"their warriors num- bered by thousands", but nothing definite is known. We are left
9
to be guided by reason, rather than by traditions, which have come down to us without reason and without foundation. Even the staid and usually correct Dr. Trumbull, the early Historian of Connecticut, has made some statements concerning the Indians, in early times, which are not only amazing, but amus- ing. For example, speaking of the number of the Indians of Connecticut, he remarks, "They might possibly amount to twenty thousand". "They could muster, at least three or four thousand warriors. It was supposed in 1633, that the river Indians, only, could bring this number into the field". "Within the town of Windsor only, there were ten distinct tribes or sovereignties." About the year 1670, their bowmen were reck- oned at two thousand. At that time it was the general opinion that, "there were nineteen Indians to one Englishman"! These estimates were made in Massachusetts, before anything was known of Connecticut or its inhabitants with any degree of cer- tainty. It was about this period that people "at the Bay" began to talk of removal to the Connecticut. There was great oppo- sition to this, not only from the early emigrants, but from the Government of the Colony, which very reluctantly, after re- peated refusals, finally granted to those contemplating a re- moval, leave to depart. The danger and hardships of their jour- ney, "the number of warlike Indians", the difficulty of navigat- ing the river, were vividly portrayed, and set before them, in terms of exaggeration,-not to say absurdity. The exagger- ation, however, as well as the absurdity of these statements made to deter those who were meditating a removal from Mas- sachusetts, from accomplishing their purpose, and repeated by the historian as matters of fact without reflection, become easily apparent when we ask ourselves how they were sustained? What did they live on? Animal life cannot be sustained without food. What were their means of supply? Like their race every- where and always, they led an unsettled wandering life, living for the most part on what the forests and streams afforded, rather than on the products of their own labor. These, they pro- cured by a frequent change of base. They roamed over the country in families or clans, within certain limits which they called theirs, and which were recognized as such by other clans
IO
or families. When the fishing or hunting season was favorable, and the game and fish were abundant, they would tarry; when these failed or were consumed, they would-
"Fold their tents like the Arabs,
And as silently steal away."
In seed-time, they would plant a little patch of corn, or beans,-but not in sufficient quantities to sustain the dense population which historians have assigned them.
Speaking of their number in Windsor, in 1670, Dr. Trum- bull says,-"At that time it was the general opinion, that there were nineteen Indians, in that town, to one Englishman! ! ! " The absurdity of this statement is clearly and conclusively made to appear by Dr. Stiles in his "History of Ancient Windsor", which, as it has a bearing upon the question of the aboriginal population of Connecticut Valley, is here transcribed. He says: "We have in the Old Church Record a list of the number of births and deaths in Windsor from its settlement, in 1635, down to 1677. Supposing, as undoubtedly was the case, that the deaths in that period did not exceed the number of original settlers, and those who subsequently immigrated into the town, then the number of whites living in Windsor in 1670, was between 6 and 700. Multiplying this by 19 would give us from eleven to thirteen thousand Indians in Windsor alone, or as many as-according to the best estimates-the whole colony of Connecticut held at that time."
Now what became of these Indians? They were not cut off by war, nor by pestilence. Famine would seem to be the legiti- mate and most probable mode of their "taking off",-but of such a disaster we have no account. Some doubtless at the time of Philip's War emigrated to the Housatonic river and hung about Salisbury and Stockbridge. Of these there were but few. In 1786, the united remnants of the Connecticut river tribes, by invitation of the Oneidas, removed to Stockbridge, Mass., where, on a track three miles long, by two miles wide, which the hospitable Oneidas granted them, they, with a number from the Mohegan and other tribes of Connecticut, formed a tribe, called the "Brothertons". In 1834, they again removed to a
II
reservation of two townships, each six miles square, granted them by the United States Government, bordering on Lake Winnebago in Wisconsin, where, admitted to citizenship, they have become a civilized and prosperous community.
12
FIRST CHURCH
BUILDING .1683
III The Pioneers- John Griffin and Michael Humphrey
As yet the settlers of the Colony had nothing to export from the product of their farms, or the labor of their hands, which would bring them money. Indeed so many of their men had been withdrawn from labor to engage in the war with the Pequots, during the year following their arrival, and so much of their labor, afterwards, was required in clearing and prepar- ing their lands for cultivation, that all the provisions they could raise were in no measure adequate to the supply of their neces- sities. Trade with the natives was restricted, and, even if there had been a surplus, exportation was prohibited; and they had no money.
Just then relief came. A way was opened to them by which money could be obtained for their labor. The typical Connecti- cut Yankee had arrived. Pitch and tar were articles greatly used and in demand for the British navy, and for shipbuilding gener- ally, commanding high prices and a ready sale abroad. With a knowledge of these facts, young John Griffin-where he was from is not known-introduced and began their manufacture in Windsor. In him was foreshadowed that spirit of invention and enterprise which, from that time to the present through the in- tervening centuries, has characterized the inhabitants of Con- necticut. Clearly discerning the advantages their manufacture would afford, he plunged into the forest and commenced laying under contribution its majestic pines, and by his labor and skill
13
collecting from them remuneration and profit. By cutting and piling pine wood, in the manner hard wood is put up for burning charcoal, covering the mound with earth so as to partially exclude the air, and setting fire to the heap, a slow combustion takes place, the liquid constituents or sap of the wood separate and collect at the bottom. By making this concave, the liquid collects and is drawn off through an opening or trough into a reservoir. This liquid is tar. By the distillation of tar, the oil or spirits of turpentine is obtained, and the residue is pitch. By these simple processes valuable products were obtained.
Connected with these manufactures was the gathering of candlewood and turpentine. The former was simply the heart of pine logs and roots, whose exterior sapwood was decayed, leav- ing only the heart, which was saturated with turpentine, and thus rendered almost imperishable. This was very inflammable, and being cut in suitable lengths and split fine, was almost universally used for lights for domestic use, even into the pres- ent century. Candlewood was in common use in some families. But in the early settlement of the country it was an article of great importance and value. In the inventories of the estates of the first inhabitants the item of candlewood, with its appraised value, is often found. The wood prepared for making tar was sometimes called candlewood. Crude turpentine was also gath- ered in large quantities. This was collected mostly from the white pine, whilst tar, pitch and candlewood were procured from yellow, sometimes called pitch-pine. Turpentine was ob- tained by "boxing" the tree, i.e., by cutting a deep gash into the side of the tree in such a manner as to retain the resinous sap, as it dripped from the cut surface. In this manner large quan- tities were procured and shipped abroad.
As early as 1643, a petition was presented to the General Court, "concerning the making pitch and tarre." In 1644, liberty was granted to Richard Lyman to engage in the busi- ness, in like manner with John Tynker and his partners, "pruided they gather not their wood within halfe a myle one of another", showing that the General Court had supervision, and that at that time several persons were thus occupied. In 1653, the business was carried on by so many persons, and to such an
I4
Col. Rec. Ib. 91 Ib. 114
extent in and about Windsor, as to become a nuisance; and the inhabitants made complaint to the General Court, as its Rec- ords show: "This Court desires the Magistrates and Deputyes of the Courte in Windsor to consider of the Complaint of some there, about the burning of tarr in or neare unto the towne, to their offence and preiudice, & to order the same as they judge meete, for the preventing of inconvenience for the future." From this time the business seems to have been carried on at places more remote. In 1645, John Tynker is found residing at "Poquonoc", near the present "Daniel Buck Place", and his lands extending to the two ponds on the plain, between which is a marsh known to this day as "Tinker's swamp", and in the old Simsbury Records mention is often made of "Griffin's brook", at the foot of the hill east of St. Andrew's Church, at Scotland, on the extreme western border of Windsor, which leads to the belief that, for a time, Griffin carried on the tar business at that location. A grant to John Williams, in 1674, described as being "on the playn, as soon as one comes over the Brook commonly called Griffin's Brook, up the hill, where were some old Tarre kills", is an indication of this. This record, with the facts that "Griffin's path" is a still existing landmark, and that the hills in the vicinity are called "Griffin's hills", strengthens the proba- bility that before settling in Massaco, John Griffin tarried awhile, and carried on the business of tar-making at that point. It has been represented and heretofore generally believed that John Griffin and Michael Humphrey commenced the manufac- ture of pitch and tar, and settled at Massaco as early as 1643. But the "old Church Records" of Matthew Grant, as well as the Windsor Town Records, show that these two men, at that time, and for years afterwards, were residing at Windsor. They show that in 1647 Griffin married Anna Bancroft and resided at or near the Old Stiles place, where six or seven of his ten children were born, and that in 1659 he was living there.
That he was the first to introduce and engage in the manufac- ture of tar there is no doubt. His claim to this distinction was recognized by the General Court, as shown by their Grant to him in 1663, recorded as follows: "John Griffen haueing made appeare to this Court that he was the first ( ) the Art
Col. Rec. Ib. 248
Col. Rec. Vol. 1 P. 410
I5
of making pitch and tarre in these parts, doe Order that the (said) Griffin shall have Two hundred acres of land (where he can find them), between Massacoh and Warranoake, whereof there may be forty acres of (meadow), if it be there to be had, and be not prejudiciall to a plantation, and not (formerly) granted."
The first knowledge we have of Michael Humphrey is, that in 1647, then a young man, he married Priscilla, the daughter of Matthew Grant, the model town Clerk of Windsor. Previous to his marriage, and perhaps for some time afterwards, he was probably engaged with Griffin and others in the tar business. He afterwards bought a house in Windsor and engaged exten- sively in business as a merchant; having goods consigned to him by his brother Samuel, and his partner Henry Rose, who were merchants at St. Malo, across the English Channel, on the Coast of France. From papers found in "Court Records", etc., Vol. I., in the State Library at Hartford, it appears that he continued in the mercantile business in Windsor, taking occa- sional voyages to the Barbadoes and England, till 1668, as shown by numerous invoices and consignments of goods shipped to him by Humphrey and Rose. Having failed in business, in June of that year he assigned his estate, including a certain tract of land at Massaco, to Henry Rose, in settlement of his claims. This deed of assignment shows that in former years he was in the tar business, with others, in Windsor, and that he was still a resident there. It is as follows:
"Michall Humphrey of Windsor on Connecticutt, who, with some other, now divers years past, were encoraged by the Courtt to set about making of tarr out of Candallwood as likely to redound to a publique Benefite, as well as their owne privat, that should put it in practise, and after they had transineded in their worke to the laying out of many pounds in labor and cost that went with it; some Ill disposed Indians fireing their candle- wood, and being persued to make satisfaction, and haueing no better way in their hands, resigened up all their Indian right in the land within the limits of Masaco, and After the Court had taken the matter into consideration, did alow the sd Michall free liberty to take up fiftie accres of medow Land for his part
16
Sims. Rec. Red Book P. 190
within the afforesd Masaco where it might be beneficiall to him, and now have set out upon the bounding of it,-
(Here follows a description, as measured by Matthew Grant in 59-60) :
"I say, I Michall Humphies do hereby mak it over to Mr. Henry Rose, his heirs and assigns for ever, upon the account of the Agreement made in Court, May the 8th '68 bettwen me Michall Humphries and Mr. Henery Rose:
"In Witness hereof I have hereunto set my hand, this year 1668, June 18th. Delivered in the presence and Witness of us Matthew Grant recorder, Michael Humphries." John ffyler
This is the same land granted to him by the Court in Windsor, referred to in the following Record: "The Court give Michael Humphrey 50 acres of meadow, in compensation for losses to himself and others, of the firing of their Candlewood by the Indians in former years."
Three days after his assignment, as above, the Massaco Committee, in June 22, 1668, set out to Michael Humphrey twenty acres "at the place where he desired", at Massaco, to which he removed soon after.
These records show that these two men, Griffin and Hum- phrey were engaged at an early period in the manufacture of Pitch and Tar in Windsor; but that they did not remove to Massaco till twenty years, or more, after they have been repre- sented to have been there-that it was in Windsor, and not at Massaco, that their works were destroyed by the Indians.
Sims. Rec. Red Book P. 190
Windsor Rec.
Windsor Records
I7
FIRST CHURCH BUILDING . 1683
IV
First Purchase from the Indians
Trumbull Hist. of Conn. P. 161
Though as has been stated, the intercourse of the River Indians, with their white neighbors, was peaceable and friend- ly, there was a clan occupying the country about Southwick ponds and Westfield, who, about 1646, became troublesome, and committed depredations on the settlement about Windsor. These were the Warranokes,-"They did much damage to the people of Windsor; burning up their tar and turpentine, and destroying their tools, and instruments, to the value of a hundred pounds or more" .- There was a law passed in 1638, directing, that, "where any Company of Indians doe sett downe neere any English plantacons, they shall declare whoe is their Sachem or Cheife & that the saide Cheife or Sachem shall paye to the saide English such trespasses as shall be comitted by any Indian in the saide plantacon adioyninge, either by spoilinge or killinge of Cattle or Swine either wth Trappes, dogges or ar- rowes & they are not to pleade that it was done by Strangers, Vnlesse they cann prduce the p'ty and delivr him or his goodes into the Custody of th' English; and they shall paye the double if it were voluntarily done". Under this law, the magistrates at Hartford issued a warrant and apprehended the Indian, whom they supposed to be guilty; but the Indians rose and made an assault upon the Officers, and rescued the criminal from justice.
Col. Rec. Vol. I, P. 19
The Commissioners of the United Colonies met at New Haven, and, upon complaint and evidence of these misdemean- ors, passed an Order, that in case of "Wilfull & hostile practices against the English, together with the enterteineing, protecting
18
Col. Rec. Vol. I P. 146
or rescueing of offenders," ... "the Magistrates of any of the Jurisdictions might, at the Charge of the plaintiffs send some convenient strength of English, &, according to the nature & vallewe of the offence & damage, seize & bring away any of that plantacon, of Indians that shall entertaine, protect or rescue the offender, though it should be in another Jurisdiction". "And because it will be chargeable keeping Indians in prison, & if they should escape, they would prove more insolent & dangerous after, it was thought fitt that upon such seysure, the delinquent or satisfaction should againe be demanded of the Sagamore or Plantation of Indians guiltie or accessory as before ;- and if it be denyed, that then the magistrates of the Jurisdiction deliver up the Indians seised to the party or parties indamaged, either to serve or to be shipped out and exchanged for negroes as the cause will justly beare".
This Order of the Commissioners was confirmed and adopt- ed by the General Court of Connecticut, at its October Session of that year, and thus became a law of the Colony.
Not long afterwards, other disturbances occurred. One day Manahannoose, an old Indian, belonging to the clan dwelling on the Tunxis River, either at Massaco or Poquonnoc "did wittingly kindle a fire" which consumed a large quantity of candlewood and tar belonging to John Griffin. For this the Indian was arrested and brought before the Court, under the provisions of the laws above recited; and found Guilty, and in default of the payment of 500 fathom of Wampum, awarded as damages, he was delivered over, by the Court, to Griffen, "either to serve, or to be shipped out, as the cause will justly beare". For the purpose of relieving their "friend", and to enable him to escape the penalty of the law, "the Indians, the proprietors of Massaco came together and made tender of all the lands in Massaco, for the redemption of the Indian out of his hands; being they were not able to make good the payment of 500 fathom of Wampum for the satisfaction".
But as the record of these transactions, with attendant circumstances, shows not only the settlement of an Indian trouble, but also the nominal purchase of Massaco, it is here transcribed in full; though not in strictly chronological order.
19
"The Deposition of John Griffen March 14th '61-62 in Court". "This Depont saith: that having an old Indian delived by the Coart unto me: that had don me Damage in Tarre and Candlewood by burning it, and haveing him in posession, the Indians, the propeietors of Massacoe came together and made Tender of all the Lands in Massacoe, for the redemption of the Indian out of my hands; being they were not able to make good ye paymt of 500 Fathom of Wampum for the Satisfaction; and they declared that all the land from the foot of the Hills on both syds the Riv' up to the brok that is now called Nod Meadow, they would mak oue to mee, And those three Indians, - that all the Indians which wer present to the Number of 20: and Upwards, did owne and declare that they wer the True ownrs of all those Lands :- I say those three Indians did declare: that they did mak ov' all the Lands to ye aforesayd Brook: and they Told mee that Thither Tunixes: came: and Mamanto: came aft" wards to mee, and desired mee to graunt him Liberty to plant two or three acres in Weatauge Meadow."
Sims. Rec. Red Book P. 43
Sims. Rec. Red Book P. 43
Recorded with the foregoing, and confirmatory of it, is the affidavit of Thomas Allyn, with other following: "Thomas Allyn tests that I was present at my father's House, when the Indians came together to redem the old Indian from Jnº Griffin; & I heard Mamanto, the old Capt. Mamoquequam; and severall others yt were p'fent declare that they made over all their rights: and ther wer noe more yt owned Lands there".
The first formal Deed of Massaco was given to John Griffen by Manahannoose himself, in consideration that the grantor had kindled a fire which had consumed a large quantity of pitch and tar belonging to Griffen. This deed bears date 1648, and conveys all the right and interest of the Grantor, in all the lands at Massaco, and is recorded in the Windsor Town Records.
Another Deed,-or rather the promise of a Deed, was given by three other Indians-probably the three referred to in the statement of John Griffen-in the same year, in these words:
"These present writing shows that we, Pacataco and Pana- tacount and Youngcowet, Indians and owners of Massaco, Friends to him that burnt John Griffen's Pitch and Tarre, -- we
20
Sims. Rec. Red Book P. 43
doe hereby declare our inability to make satisfaction for the said losses, any way, but by the giving up our right in the land at Massaco, unto the said John Griffen; and in regard the said offender being resigned and delivered up now to us, and fully acquitted for all his miscarriageto the said John Griffen. Wee, the aforesaid Indians do hereby promise to come at any time or times, to Court or Courts to passe over all our rights in all the lands at Massaco, only the named Indians do reserve two acres of land, and will themselves fence it in, and maintain it :- and what writing John Griffen shall cause to be made, all we, the aforesaid Indians doe promise to confirm it by our hand and seals freely set thereto, as we have come to this present writing, this 28th June 1648.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.