USA > Connecticut > Connecticut as a colony and as a state; or, One of the original thirteen, Volume II > Part 14
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The vote of Tolland County was II yeas to 5 nays; the delegates from the towns of Hebron, Somers, and Ellington, being in the minority. In the Windham County delegation, there was one town unrepresented; the vote was 15 yeas to 7 nays, the latter cast by the delegates from Pomfret, Mans- field, and Woodstock, with Lebanon divided. The total vote of Litchfield County was 36; there was one delegate absent. Of her thirty-five votes twenty-six were in the affirmative; the towns of Barkhamsted, Cornwall, Harwinton, New Hartford, Norwalk, Sharon, and Torrington casting nine votes opposing the ratification.
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CHAPTER XVI IN THE DAYS OF WASHINGTON
T HE Constitution having been ratified by New Hampshire in June 1788, this making the ninth State, and the Continental Congress having received legal notification, a resolu- tion was passed to make it operative. The first Wednesday in February was designated for the electors of the respective States to assemble and cast their ballots for President and Vice-President of the new republic.
George Washington was the unanimous choice for Presi- dent; and John Adams, receiving the next highest number of votes, was declared Vice-President. Connecticut cast two of her votes for her favorite son, Samuel Huntington. Con- necticut's first electoral college consisted of Samuel Hunting- ton, Erastus Wolcott, Oliver Wolcott, Thaddeus Burr, Rich- ard Law, Jedediah Huntington, and Matthew Griswold.
The first Wednesday in March was named as the day on which Congress should convene. Connecticut selected her delegates to the Constitutional convention, Oliver Ellsworth · and William Samuel Johnson, to represent her in the first Sen- ate of the United States. On the opening day of the session, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Pennsylvania were the only States represented by a full delegation. A quorum was not obtained until the 6th of April. On the following day, in the formation of the body, Oliver Ellsworth was made chair- man of a committee of eight members, to formulate a judicial system for the new nation. His legal lore and brain were exemplified in the organization of the National Judiciary, in which there has been no material change up to the present day.
Connecticut was assigned five representatives to the lower house of Congress. At their head was Roger Sherman; his colleagues were Jonathan Trumbull, Jonathan Sturges, Ben-
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jamin Huntington, and Jeremiah Wadsworth. On the sec- ond day of the session of the House of Representatives, the entire Connecticut delegation was present, though a quorum of the body was not obtained until the first of the following month. The important matters first deliberated upon by that branch of the new government from which all appropriations were to originate, were the consideration of a substantial revenue, and the adjustment of the individual State debts against the general government.
It was on the 8th of April, 1788, that the first tariff bill was considered by a committee of the whole in the House of Rep- resentatives. Sherman, thinking it better to raise taxes on im- ports rather than impose direct taxation, advocated in debate a high duty on rum and other fermented and distilled liquors, and a protection for the iron industries. He was opposed to a high duty on tonnage, thinking it would cause foreign coun- tries to retaliate on American shipping. His colleague, Mr. Wadsworth, who was dubbed the "Astor of Connecticut," differed from the New Haven members. He thought rum and other liquors should be favored with a low tariff, as they entered into the food supply of the American laboring classes ; and too high a duty would prohibit their use. To this state- ment Sherman objected. He estimated, that by the tariff bill, then under consideration, the aggregate revenue would be two millions of dollars; this he judged insufficient to meet the wants of the government, and said he would "prefer a reduc- tion on anything else rather than ardent spirits, the impor- tation of which does not deserve encouragement from any part of the world." On the final passage of the bill, May 16, Roger Sherman again made an eloquent appeal for a high tariff, asserting it would be better for the welfare of the coun- try than a direct taxation; and would also act as a stimulus,
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by promoting the industry and economy of her citizens. The bill, however, was passed by a large majority; Roger Sher- man, with seven other members of the House, voting in the negative.
The stability of the new government being firmly estab- lished by the provision of a permanent revenue, the moment- ous question then was, to determine the outstanding indebted- ness of the republic. The Continental Congress never had a system of financial legislation. The funds for the prosecu- tion of the Revolutionary War had been furnished largely by the different States, which had also received moneys from the central government, derived from foreign loans. The adjustment of these State claims was a perplexing problem for Congress to solve. Some of the States had suffered from war devastations, while others had been partially reimbursed by confiscation of loyalist estates and by territorial acquisi- tions. The State debts were estimated at about $25,000,000. Early in 1790 they became the subject of debates. The orig- inal creditors had parted with their certificates at a great dis- count, and there was a feeling amongst the national legisla- tors that the domestic indebtedness should not be paid in full by the general government. The debts due the several States were very unequal. Those of Massachusetts and South Caro- lina amounted to more than $10,500,000. These differences in amounts caused invidious comparisons, much to the dis- credit of Congress.
The first proposition adopted in a committee of the whole of the House of Representatives, was for the general gov- ernment to assume the entire debt. This was afterwards neg- atived by the seating of the representatives from North Carolina, and the subject was recommitted. Those in favor of assumption argued that in justice, as well as from policy,
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the general government should assume the State indebtedness, since the debts were incurred for services rendered, supplies furnished, or loans made, not for a particular State, but for the benefit of the common cause of the Union; that while one State could discharge its indebtedness without its being burdensome, for another, equally meritorious but destitute of resources, it would be a hardship for its citizens. The debts had been contracted when the United States had but little if any credit; and as the Constitution transferred to Congress the principal funds that the States relied upon for liquida- tion, in justice the debts should follow the funds. It was also argued, that as the United States had exclusive power to lay imports, the individual States had no way of raising a revenue except by direct taxation on landed property. This, on account of the inequality of the debts, would make the taxes in the different States unequal, thereby causing jealousy and dissatisfaction, likewise emigration from one State to another, to obtain lower taxes; and would also encourage smuggling : while the consolidation of the debts would pro- mote domestic industry and improvement throughout every part of the Union.
The opponents of assumption were no less decided in their opinion, that a general or a partial assuming of the debts was unjust and impolitic. They contended that a public debt was a public evil, and that the assumption of the obligations of the States would increase and perpetuate the evil; that the United States, and the individual States together, could liqui- date the debts sooner than the former alone; that some of the States had paid a greater proportion of their debts than others, and it would be unjust to compel them to contribute towards the debts of the delinquents. They thought it would make State creditors more dependent on the general govern-
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emnt, and would lessen the influence and importance of the States, and tend to consolidate the Union. The assumption of any of the State debts by the general government appeared to be hopeless, when the question of a permanent location for the National Capital came before Congress. The attitude taken, and help given in decision, by friends of the assump- tion, caused two of the members of the opposition to favor an amendment, that the general government should assume $21,000,000 of the State debts ; this to be apportioned among the individual States. This was carried in the Senate by a majority of two; the House concurring with a majority of six. That these two important decisions were reached by a compromise does not tend to elevate, in the public mind, the standard of the early legislative bodies of the United States. Connecticut's apportionment of the sum was $1,600,000; the amount being exceeded by that allowed Massachusetts, South Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and North Carolina. Connecticut's expenditures during the war were $9,285,737 .- 92; with the assumption of debt, and the sums advanced by the general government, there had been received $3,436,- 244.92 ; making her expenditures, net, $5,849,493.
At the same session of Congress, a board of commissioners was appointed to make a final and conclusive settlement with the States. They reported in 1793, and the United States was found to be debtor to Connecticut for the sum of $619, 12I.
The adjustment of the balances due to and from the indi- vidual States is a matter of national history.
To strengthen the administration, and to recuperate his health, Washington in the fall of 1789 decided to make an extended tour of the New England States, with the exception of Rhode Island, which was not at that time a member of the Union. He left the city of New York, then the seat of gov-
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ernment, on the morning of the 15th of October; journeying in his own carriage, accompanied by his secretaries, Mr. Lear and Major Jackson; and with four attendants on horseback. The presidential party was escorted to the outskirts of the city by Chief Justice Jay, and the Secretaries of War and Treas- ury; dinner was had at a tavern near King's Bridge, and the night was spent at a hostelry in Rye.
Resuming the journey at sunrise the following morning, the highways skirting Long Island Sound were traversed. Cross- ing the line into Connecticut, the party breakfasted at Stam- ford; the noon meal was taken at Norwalk, the night spent at Fairfield. Soon after the breakfast, the tour was resumed; after breakfasting at Stratford, where an attempt was made to receive the party with a military parade, the journey was continued, and New Haven reached in time for dinner. The General Assembly was in session at this place, and having been notified of the approach of the President and his party, a committee, escorted by the Governor's Guards, received the distinguished visitors at the entrance to the city. The remainder of the day was spent by General Washington in receiving visits from the executive officers of the State and the civil authorities of the city, and in replying to addresses from the Assembly and the resident Congregational clergy.
The next day being Sunday, Washington attended the morning service of the Episcopal Church; in the afternoon the Congregational church was visited. He entertained at dinner, given at a tavern kept by Mr. Brown, the State execu- tives, the Mayor of New Haven, the Speaker of the House, Mr. Ingersoll, and General Jedidiah Huntington; in Wash- ington's diary, this dinner is pronounced "good." During the evening, many officers of the disbanded Continental Army paid their respects to their late commander-in-chief.
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At day dawn on Monday, the presidential party began its journey northwards. The first meal of the day was taken at Wallingford; passing through the village of Durham at about ten o'clock, Middletown was reached in time for din- ner; leaving the latter town about the hour of three, a route was taken passing the town of Wethersfield. Here the party was met by a large number of citizens from Hartford, having as an escort the Governor's Guard, a company of light-horse soldiery in their elegant uniforms, commanded by Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth. The sun was just disappearing in the western horizon, when the city limits were reached. Wash- ington and his party were supplied with quarters at Bull's tavern. The following day, accompanied by the Honorable Oliver Ellsworth, Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth, and Colo- nel Jesse Root, the tourists visited the woolen factory, where General Washington ordered broadcloth for a suit of clothes for himself and a whole piece to make breeches for his servants. Various other points of interest were visited, and after partaking of dinner and tea at the residence of Colonel Wadsworth, the President held a public reception in the even- ing, for the citizens of Hartford.
The hospitable capital city was left the following morning for Springfield, Massachusetts; an hour en route being spent by the President at the residence of Oliver Ellsworth in Wind- sor. The Massachusetts authorities vied with those of her sister States in extending State and civic honors to the presi- dential party. Washington's journey from Springfield to Boston was like the triumphal procession of one of the ancient Roman Consuls. The metropolis of New England was reached in the middle of the week; the 28th of the month was passed in visiting the sailcloth and card manufactories of that city. He was given a reception, with all the honors
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accorded the Supreme Magistrate of a Sovereign Nation, on the flagship of the French squadron in Boston harbor. The President arrived at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, the east- ern terminous of his tour, on the last day of October, and was entertained in a gala manner. On his return trip he reached Uxbridge, Massachusetts, on Saturday, Nov. 7. After breakfasting at Thompson, at a well-known house half way between Boston and Hartford, kept by one Jacobs, he proceeded to Pomfret.
It was the intention of Washington to pay a visit to his paralytic comrade-in-arms, Israel Putnam; but as it involved an extra journey of some six or eight miles, it was abandoned. We can picture in our minds the delight of that sturdy old hero, his eyes glistening with martial ardor, as he again beheld his old commander. It would seem that the Father of his Country might have so changed his plans as to enable him to visit this old patriot, who was so soon to be called to his eternal home. Possibly the mental condition of Putnam would have made the visit painful and of no comfort to either.
Leaving Pomfret, the party proceeded on its journey, stop- ping at Ashford. The following day was the Sabbath; and in deference to the established habits of Connecticut, the intol- erable condition of the roads, and the horses requiring rest, the President decided to refrain from travel on that day. Accommodations were secured at Perkins' Hotel, which was stigmatized by General Washington as "not a good one." Adjacent to the tavern was a meeting-house, where the Rev- erend Enoch Pond officiated; the distinguished visitors. attended both morning and evening service, but it would seem: that Washington was not much impressed with the force of
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From the original painting by Stuart, in Yale College.
G) Humphreys
CONNECTICUT AFTER THE REVOLUTION
the religious discourses, for he criticises them in his diary as being "very lame."
The homeward journey was continued on Monday, break- fast being taken at a tavern in North Coventry, where one Brigham was the host. Hartford was reached at nightfall. On the following morning at about seven o'clock, the presi- dential party left Hartford, journeying through the town of Berlin, breakfast being served at Worthington; the horses were baited at Wallingford, and at sundown New Haven was reached. President Washington was anxious to reach the national capital, so on the followingmorning an early start was made. After breakfasting at Milford, the horses were refreshed at Fairfield, and the night spent at Major Mar- vin's, some nine miles west of the last stopping place. Stam- ford was designated as the place where breakfast would be served the following morning; it was the intention to reach New York that day, but owing to the lameness of the horses, the night was spent at Rye. The next day, the 13th of November, breakfast was taken at a tavern west of King's Bridge; between two and three o'clock in the afternoon the party arrived in New York, where the President was received with all the honors due his office. A Federal salute was fired from the Battery.
The first legislative act toward the abolishment of slavery in Connecticut was passed in 1771, when the importation of slaves was prohibited. There is nothing to prove that there were separate organized volunteer companies of negroes dur- ing the Revolutionary War, though some historians contend that General Humphrey accepted the command of a company of colored soldiers after several had refused the honor. Slaves were offered their freedom by their masters, if they would join the American army; that many accepted this
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means of gaining their liberty is evidenced by the number of Revolutionary pensioners scattered throughout the State, after the war. The ceaseless agitation of the anti-slavery question by the clergy, coupled with the scarcity of labor for the white freemen and the poor remuneration for it, were the direct cause of the abolishing of human bondage. The legislature was petitioned as early as 1770 to emancipate the slaves, and a bill was drafted in 1780, but it was not passed until some four years later. The bill provided that no negro or mulatto child born after March 1, 1784, should be held as a slave after reaching the age of twenty-five. It also com- pelled slave owners to file a certificate of the births among their property; a failure to do so was subject to a fine of seven dollars for each delinquent month.
Connecticut was among the first of the thirteen original States to acknowledge anti-slavery sentiments. She was pre- ceded by Massachusetts, who abolished the evil in 1780, and Pennsylvania, who began a gradual emancipation in the same year. There were more human beings held in servitude in Connecticut in 1790 than in all the other New England States combined; Rhode Island having 952 slaves, New Hampshire 158, and Vermont 17. Connecticut's slave population was 2,764, 1.17 per cent. of her total inhabitants. This was mate- rially reduced in the next decade, as there were but 95 1, only 0.38 of her total population.
The emancipation law was amended in 1797, freeing at twenty-one all born in bondage after Aug. I in that year. The States of New Hampshire and Vermont contained only free population at the taking of the census in 1810; but there were slaves in Rhode Island and Connecticut in 1840. When in 1848 the latter abolished slavery forever in the State, there
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were but six slaves to receive the benefit of the final emancipa- tion act.
There was a peculiar custom, among the negroes of Con- necticut, that began before the Revolution. The liberality of the democratic government of the Commonwealth may have been the cause of its foundation. The inauguration of the Governor was the occasion of great festivities at the capital; these included military parades, and the formation of a gay procession to hear the election sermon. This attracted people of distinction from all parts of the State, who were attended by their negro servants. The love of the black man for show and finery, joined with his instinctive power of imitation, led them to elect a Governor for themselves, who was chosen for his superior physical strength. He was eligible as a candi- date, until failing health or old age warned him not to enter the list as a competitor. He was an absolute monarch, his will was law, there was no appeal from his decision. He was assisted in the discharge of his duties by a Lieutenant-Gov- ernor; this constituted the entire staff of the slave govern- ment. The first historical evidence there is of the existence of such a custom is the record of one Governor Cuff, who in 1766 resigned in favor of John Anderson, after having held the office ten years.
The inaugural ceremonies of the Black Governors were held at Hartford until 1800, when they were removed to Derby.
The first Governor from Derby was a native African named Quosh; he held the office a number of years. Juba Weston, a negro belonging to General Humphrey, was also an incumbent of the office. Governor Quosh's only son Ros- well was one of the Governors, as well as Governor Weston's sons Nelson and Wilson; the latter being the last to hold the
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office, which he did until within a few years of the late civil war.
The morning of election day was devoted to the selection of the Governor; when this was decided, the formalities of his induction into office took place. The negroes retired to the limits of the town, and formed a procession as an escort for their newly chosen chief; and marched through the prin- cipal streets. First came the Governor on horseback, accom- panied by his body guard, uniformed, in all kinds of fantastic garbs, carrying swords and guns. There was shouting, laugh- ing, singing and all kinds of clownish antics. The procession marched to the principal tavern, where the Governor was duly sworn in, after which he delivered an address; this was followed by a dinner and dance which continued until noon of the next day. There is a great difference to be observed in the notices for these gatherings: the early ones read "negro men"; while in those of later date, this is changed to "colored gentlemen."
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CHAPTER XVII MANUFACTURES AND INVENTIONS
T was with prophetic vision that the Connecticut dele- gates asserted, at the Constitutional Convention, that they represented a manufacturing State. The Revo- lution checked the internal development of the Com- monwealth. This in manufactures had been confined to household weaving, fulling mills, bloomery forges, and the production of nails and small iron utensils. In fact, there was nothing in Connecticut, at the dawn of peace, to which the modern term "manufacture" could be applied. The State in 1787 had an estimated population of 202,000; and although by the method of hand weaving as high as 700 yards of cloth were made in one family in a year, and an overplus of nails and other iron products accumulated, this gave but a small surplus above the needs of home consump- tion. But it laid the foundation for the development from an agricultural to a manufacturing State, and the population was gradually transformed from tillers of the soil to the mechan- ics of the present day.
The exigencies of warfare had made a demand for muni- tions. The Assembly in every way encouraged the manufac- ture of implements and ammunition. This is evidenced by a close scrutiny of the colonial and State records. The legisla- tures were in favor of offering every inducement, by granting subsidies and rebating taxes, to encourage all enterprises tending towards making Connecticut a manufacturing centre. We quote a few instances from the many, as illustrations of the liberal propositions offered to prospective individual industries. Additional time was granted to Samuel Hall, in which to fulfil his contract for 200 guns at £36 each, which had been delayed by his apprentices having to perform militia duty. A number of citizens were granted a monopoly for the manufacture of glass; and John Shipman had the
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exclusive right to operate a grist mill by tide-power. As early as 1775 the Assembly, by a money subsidy, encouraged Nathaniel Niles in his manufacture of wire, which was deemed necessary as an important adjunct to the production of woolen and cotton goods. The citizens of Branford were engaged in making salt, for which the Assembly paid £80 for 500 bushels.
One of the earliest manufacturing industries of Connecti- cut was that carried on about 1740, in what is now the town of Berlin. An Irishman named Patterson, by trade a tinner, began the manufacture of household utensils from tin, and retailed them from house to house in a basket. His trade increased, and wagons drawn by one, two, and four horses were substituted for the basket. The Yankee tin peddler finally traveled throughout New England, and even into the Southern climes and Western wilderness. The breaking out of the war prevented the obtaining of raw material; but at the close of hostilities the business was revived, and carried on successfully by young mechanics who had learned the trade from Patterson.
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