USA > Connecticut > New London County > Groton > Groton, Conn. 1705-1905 > Part 21
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"I then desired him to step into Mr. Waits office who could inform him respecting the law. When Esq. Wait acquainted him with the Governors Proclamation and the law with regard to the affair, Mr. Robinson Mumford in- formed us both that he only wanted to drive the cattle to Point Jude to pasture, but as the law was against his driv- ing them he would only drive them to the first pasture and then stop & in the morning he said he would go to his Ex- cellency Governor Trumbull and get a permit to drive them out of the State. But the evening following I was informed that there was a plan laying to drive the cattle and sheep- that had gone on before the cattle-off.
"I then saw Lieut. Denison with directions to call upon any of the authority and assist in stopping the cattle and sheep until I could have time to inform some of the author- ity of the Town respecting the affair, which I did the next morning. I wish it were in my power to wait on your worship at this time, but am obliged at this critical time to attend close to the department allotted me. I am with all due respect your worships
"Most obedient servt (Signed) "Wm. Ledyard"
"N. B. I am informed that Mr. Robinson Mumford thinks I stoped the cattle out of a 'peake' to him but so far from that, I never knew that he had any concern in the cattle until after they was ordered to be stoped and as far as I know myself, I dont mean to know any one person more than another, that is a transgressor of the good laws of the State.
"W. L."
"I was desired by the Commissary and others to stop the cattle and sheep."
"W. L."
"To Benadam Gallup Esq."
"At a Town Meeting legally warned held in Groton Mar. 26, 1780 Col. Benadam Gallup Moderator-
"Voted-That this town accept and approve of the
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method proposed by the Committee in order to engage the quota of men to be furnished by this town to serve in the Continental Army during the war. viz: Having fully con- sidered the true intent and meaning of our appointment as above mentioned and the necessity of engaging the Quota of men required to serve in the Continental Army during the war, do Give it as our Opinion that in order to engage our Quota as above that a bounty of three pounds be given in addition to all other bounties offered to each soldier (who) shall enlist and three pounds, yearly during the time they serve in the Continental Army the whole to be paid in solid coin to (or?) that which is equivalent, and we further give it as our opinion that it will be necessary in order to induce the soldiers to engage as above, they have the permit of the town that their wages during the time they shall serve, shall be made good, equal to solid coin, yearly, agreeable to an Act of the Honorable General Assembly of the State.
"William Ledyard "Nathan Gallup "Abel Spicer "Elijah Avery."
One of the tragedies of the war was the loss of the privateer "Eagle." Although fitted in New London a large part of her crew were from Mystic. Her captain was Ed- ward Conkling from Long Island but at that time living in Mystic. The vessel had made a very successful cruise as far east as Martha's Vineyard and had captured six prizes in one day, manning which had so far depleted her crew that but eleven men besides the captain remained on board.
Of these John Palmer, John Sawyer, Adin Wilbur and Adam Elliott were of Groton. Captain Conkling was a brave man and, over-confident of his strength, allowed a portion of his prisoners (of whom he had a large number on board) to remain unbound. One of these men named Murphy planned an uprising. Unbinding the other pris-
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oners, he arranged that at the word "rise" they should fall upon the crew and recapture the vessel. At dinner, during which the wine flowed freely, Murphy proposed a toast to General Washington, and suggested that they "rise" and drink it.
At the word the slaughter began. Murphy killed Captain Conklin, Adin Wilbur was beheaded, John Sawyer was killed by a marlinspike driven through his head from ear to ear. The captain's brother, a deaf mute, swung a broad axe right and left, dealing death to all about him, until, his feet slipping in the gore upon the deck, he fell under his antagonists and was slain. Only one of the crew was spared-a colored man from New London.
During the mêlée the halyards were cut, letting the main- sail down by the run, under which this man was concealed and he was not discovered until after the fight was over, and so his life was spared. He afterwards returned from New York to Mystic, giving an account of the massacre, although the first news of it came from Lieutenant Daniel Eldredge, who in one of the prizes was within sight, but was unable to render any assistance. The "Eagle" was taken to New York and while fitting for an English letter of marque was destroyed by the accidental explosion of her magazine, by which Murphy and several others lost their lives.
The darkest day in the history of Groton was September 6, 1781. Events elsewhere were shaping themselves in a manner which was big with fate for the town. Washington had commenced his march to Yorktown, having completely outwitted Sir Henry Clinton, who, hoping by a movement in New England to compel the return of a part or the whole of the Continental army, set on foot an expedition against New London. Several reasons were supposed to have gov- erned his selection of this port as the point of attack.
New London had been the rendezvous for a large num- ber of very successful privateers, and many valuable prizes had been sent in there. Just at this time the ship "Hannah," said to have been one of the richest prizes of
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the Revolution, was unloading her cargo at a wharf in the town. It was thought that the place was very poorly de- fended and that not much effort would be required in its capture. It is probable that Sir Henry had contemplated a movement of this kind before Washington's march to the South, in order to relieve the pressure upon New York, for on the day after the receipt by him of the news of the movement of the American forces, a fleet of twenty-four ships carrying sixteen hundred troops sailed from New York through Hell Gate into Long Island Sound.
The command was given to the renegade Benedict Arnold, who had not long before returned from a marauding ex- pedition to Virginia. It is not known certainly whether the task was one of his own seeking or whether he was chosen by Sir Henry Clinton on account of his knowledge of the neighborhood, Arnold having been born and raised in Norwich.
General Hawley in his Centennial oration quotes :* "The tory Judge Jones (vol II, p. 208) says: 'This plundering expedition (Arnold's) was a project of Smith's if the letters from New York are to be depended upon. "It was," says one of them, "planned and the execution of it warmly solicited by Mr. Smith, the chief justice of New York, who has gained great credit by its success, and is a convincing proof of his loyalty and attachment to his sovereign, though an American." '"
The utmost secrecy was observed and the plan was well carried out. The fleet arrived at a point off the Long Island shore opposite New London on the evening of September 5th. Here occurred the first slip in the programme. The wind, which usually after a hot day blows steadily from the south, on this night changed about midnight to north- west, compelling the ships to beat up so that they were unable to reach New London until after daylight. At the break of day the lookouts at the fort discovered a fleet of twenty-four ships heading up to the mouth of the harbor, and alarm guns were immediately fired to warn the militia 1: Battle of Groton Heights, Allyn, p. 351.
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in the surrounding towns. Two guns fired at regular inter- vals were the danger signal, three guns indicated the arrival in the harbor of a prize. The British were acquainted with this signal so that when the alarm guns were fired a third was added from one of their ships, thus making confusion in the minds of those who were to have been appraised of danger.
Colonel William Ledyard, who was in command of the forts in the district, was in New London early in the morn- ing, and sent couriers first to Governor Trumbull at Lebanon telling him of the impending danger and then to the commanders of the various militia organizations in the vicinity calling upon them for aid. He then crossed the river to Fort Griswold, where in command of one-hundred and fifty-five brave men he awaited the assault of nearly four times that number. As he embarked on the boat at New London to cross to Groton, he remarked to friends: "If I must to-day lose honor or life, you who know me well know which it will be." About 9 a. m. Arnold landed with a por- tion of his forces at a point near the lighthouse below New London, and marched to the town with slight opposition.
Captain Adam Shapley with twenty-three men held Fort Trumbull, but as this was only a water battery, open on the land side, it was incapable of prolonged defence, and on the near approach of the enemy Captain Shapley withdrew his garrison and in three boats started to cross the river to Fort Griswold. He had lingered so long, however, that six men in one boat were captured and some men in the others were wounded.
At about the same hour a force of eight hundred men consisting of the 40th and 54th regiments, British regulars, and the 3rd battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers, with a detachment of Yaggers and artillery, all under command of Lieutenant Colonel Eyre, was landed at Eastern Point. The troops were quickly put in motion and by 11 o'clock the column commanded by Colonel Eyre had reached a point under the shelter of the rocky height about one hundred and thirty rods from the fort, near the present burying
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ground, and that under Major Montgomery was similarly sheltered a short distance to the northeast. A flag was sent to the fort demanding an unconditional surrender. This flag was met about forty rods from the fort by one sent out by Colonel Ledyard, to whom the demand was submitted. After conference with his officers he returned the reply that the fort would not be given up. Soon after a second demand was made, coupled with the threat that if they were com- pelled to take the fort by storm, they should put martial law in force. Colonel Ledyard's answer to this was, that he should not give up the fort, let the consequence be what it might.
On the return of this answer the enemy moved at once to the assault. Coming on in solid column, they were met by a charge of grape, which made havoc in their ranks and caused them to separate into divisions, one bearing off to the south and west, the other to the northeast. Colonel Eyre, in command of the former, was wounded during the fighting in the ditch before the troops had effected a lodge- ment on the walls. His men fought bravely, finally forcing an entrance into the southwest bastion.
The defence was heroic, cannon and musket being used until the enemy broke through the overhanging pickets, when boarding pikes and clubbed muskets were employed as weapons. It is related that Samuel Edgecomb hurled eighteen-pound shot amongst the assailants with fearful effect. Major Montgomery, second in command, was killed by a thrust through the body just as he was scaling the wall of the southwest bastion. Meanwhile the other division had moved to the attack on the east and north front of the fort. The fire of grape cut great gaps in their ranks but they finally succeeded in forcing an entrance through the gate on the north just about the time that entrance was gained at the south. This placed the garrison between two fires, and seeing the hopelessness of further defence some of them took refuge in the magazine, others in the barracks, while still others continued the fight within the walls.
GROTON MONUMENT AND INTERIOR OF FORT GRISWOLD Old well on left. Spot where Col. Ledyard was killed on right.
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Stephen Hempstead* in his account of the battle says: "During the attack a shot cut the halyards of the flag and it fell to the ground, but was instantly remounted on a pike pole. This accident proved fatal to us, as the enemy supposed it had been struck by its defenders, rallied again, rushing with redoubled impetuosity, carried the southwest bastion by storm." The fort was carried within forty minutes after the attack began.
As the British entered the gate on the north side of the fort, Colonel Ledyard, seeing that further resistance was useless, approached the officer in command with his sword in his hand, with the hilt extended towards the officer in token of surrender. The officer demanded to know "Who commands this fort?" to which Ledyard replied : "I did, but you do now." The officer, accepting the proffered sword, plunged it into Ledyard's breast and he fell forward dead. Who the officer was that committed this dastardly deed re- mains in doubt until this day. It is generally believed that it was Major Bromfield of the British Army, who succeeded to the command on the death of Major Montgomery, though tradition ascribes it to Captain Beckwith of the New Jersey Loyalists. "Some of the British officers knew the guilty man. They did not punish him even by the shame of publicity. Let them share the dishonor." **
All accounts agree that up to the time of the death of Colonel Ledyard the loss of the defenders of the fort had been trifling, not more than five or six killed and twenty wounded, but that event started an indiscriminate slaughter. The troops, marching in at the gate, commenced firing by platoons upon the unprotected garrison, who understood that the fort had surrendered and who for safety were fleeing to the barracks and magazine. One or two volleys were poured into the wounded and dying who had taken refuge in the magazine and another was stopped by Major Bromfield, who, sword in hand, commanded a cessation of the firing on account of the danger of blowing up the fort.
* Battle of Groton Heights, Allyn, p. 49.
Hawley's oration, Battle of Groton Heights, Allyn, p. 359.
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Meantime the work of destruction was being carried on all over the enclosure. The wounded were bayoneted as they lay upon the ground, Captain William Seymour* of Hart- ford, a nephew of Colonel Ledyard, receiving as many as thirteen bayonet wounds, although he had already received such a wound in his leg as to necessitate its amputation next day.
Miss Caulkins says :** "Slaughter and havocnow filled the fort. Three platoons in succession discharged their mus- kets upon the terrified garrison, who, crowded together on one side of the parade, threw down their arms and vainly cried 'Quarter! Quarter!' Others of the soldiery fired into the barrack windows upon those who sought shelter there: twice a file of the enemy discharged their guns at those who fled to the magazine for refuge, thoughtless of the ruinous explosion that might take place. The sword and bayonet were also at work. In vain did the bewildered garrison plead for mercy, clasping their hands as suppliants, falling down on their knees and adjuring the conquerors as they hoped for Heaven to spare them. In vain they sought to escape butchery by feigning death or by leaping from the walls. Everywhere they were beset and pursued with curses, knocked down with the butts of muskets and trampled to death, or pierced with the bayonet. Amid the shrieks and groans of the victims resounding shouts and cries were heard: 'Cut down the Yankees! kill the rebels! No quarter!' accompanied with yells and fearful oaths.
"It was all the work of a few minutes: so great was the frenzy of the British soldiers that their officers sought to restrain them by threats and force. They ran to the front, caught hold of the infuriated men and with drawn swords ordered them back, exclaiming: 'Blood enough! Blood enough ! For Heaven's sake stop!' One of these officers threw himself between his men and their victims, crying in agony : 'No more blood! Spare them! Spare them! My soul cannot bear it!' Often in after days was the hoarse
* Hawley's oration, Battle of Groton Heights, Allyn, p. 53.
** Stone Records of Groton, p. 42 et. seq.
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cry and the thrilling expression of the English captain, 'My soul cannot bear it,' recalled to mind and repeated by the few survivors of that terrible massacre. The excite- ment was at length calmed. Eighty-one of the garrison lay dead and more than half of the remainder were severely wounded. Scarcely one was left that had not received a heavy blow, a gun shot or a sabre cut. When the enemy made good their lodgement upon the fort and Ledyard gave the orders for resistance to cease, only six men had been killed and eighteen or twenty slightly wounded, though not disabled for action.
"After the massacre plunder followed. The dead were stripped nearly naked and thrown into a heap on one side; the wounded were left without having their wounds dressed or water furnished to quench their thirst. It was in truth all that the enemy could do to take care of their own wounded men and convey them with the plunder of the fort and the prisoners they had taken, to their vessels. They were forced to work in hot haste lest the alarmed country should pour its outraged population upon them before they could escape with their booty. They had at least a hundred wounded men, many of whom could not walk, to be trans- ported singly on barrack doors and boards by carriers, four to a man, from the height on which the fort is situated down a rugged, precipitous descent, nearly half a mile to the water side."
The British dead were hurriedly buried, and only the grave of Major Montgomery is positively known. The others were buried outside the walls of the fort and no marks were left to indicate the place of their interment. Such of the prisoners as were able to walk were marched to the river bank, where their names were taken and they were then sent on board the transports lying close at hand. The wounded were loaded into a large ammunition wagon, which the British soldiers attempted to guide down the hill, but the load proved too much for them and, the wagon be- coming unmanageable, the men jumped aside, leaving it to pursue its wild course down the hill, until striking a
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tree several of its occupants were thrown out and the others suffered untold agony.
The survivors were carried into the house of Ensign Ebenezer Avery near by and were there left, Ebenezer Ledyard being taken as a hostage. The house was set on fire in several places by the British soldiers before they left the town, and it was with great difficulty that the flames were extinguished and the suffering inmates saved from further torture. At least a dozen other houses were fired, including most of those whose owners were known for their loyalty to the cause of the Revolution. "There were burnt at Groton at the same time 1 school house, 4 barns, 2 shops, 2 stores and 12 dwelling houses."*
The following names of the owners of houses burned are from a list in the papers of Colonel Benadam Gallup:
Elihu Avery, Benjamin Chester, Elijah Avery, Esqr. (Ebenezer) Ledyard, Youngs Ledyard, Jason Chester, Captain (William) Leeds, Captain (Frederick) Moore, John Chester, Mica Jefford, Edward Jeffors, Doctor (Amos) Prentis, Esqr., (Thomas) Mumford and Ensign (Charles) Eldredge, Jr.
The sufferings of the prisoners were not ended when they embarked for New York. The small vessels were crowded far beyond their capacity. Some of the men were confined below deck in a vile atmosphere, unfit for human beings to breathe, and they were in some instances sub- jected to indignities from brutal officers.
Rufus Avery's Narrative ** says: "They rowed us down to an armed sloop commanded by one Captain Thomas, as they called him, a refugee Tory, who lay with his vessel within the fleet. As soon as they put us on board the sloop they shut us down in the hold of the vessel, where they had a fire for cooking, which made it very hot and smoky. They stopped up the hatchway, making it so close that we had no air to breathe. We begged that they would spare our lives and they gave us some relief by opening the hatch-
* Battle of Groton Heights, Allyn, p. 28.
** Ibid, pp. 42-3.
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way and letting one or two of us come on deck at a time during the night, but with sentries with guns and bayonets to watch us. They did not give us anything to eat or drink for about twenty-four hours and then only a mess made of hogs' brains that they caught on Groton bank with other plunder. While we were on board Thomas's sloop we had nothing to eat or drink that we could hardly swallow. This continued about three days.
"There were a number of weapons of war where we were placed in the vessel and some of the prisoners whispered together that there was an opportunity to make a prize of the sloop. This somehow got to the officers' ears and they immediately shut us all down in the hold of the vessel. I felt very certain that we would have to suffer, for they seemed so enraged that they appeared to have an intention to massacre us all. They soon got ready and began to call us up on deck one by one. As I came up they tied my hands behind me with strong rope yarns, binding them together and winding the rope yarn so hard as to nearly bring my shoulder blades to touch each other.
"Then they had a boat come from a fourteen-gun brig commanded by a Captain Steel, by name and nature. I was ordered to get over the side of the sloop without the use of my hands, the bulwarks above the deck being all of three feet in height, and then I had to fall into the boat that was to carry us to the brig, and was made to lie down under the seat on which the rowers sat, as though we were brutes about to be slaughtered. After we were put on board the brig we were ordered to stand in one rank beside the gun- wale of the vessel, and a spar was placed before us, leaving about one foot space for each man to stand in, with a sentry to nearly every man, with orders to bayonet or shoot any one that offered to move. They kept us in that situation about two hours in the rain and cold, with very thin cloth- ing upon us, and then gave us liberty to go about the main deck, and we were obliged to lie on the wet deck without anything to eat or drink for supper. We were on board the brig about four days and then put on board a ship
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commanded by Captain Scott, who appeared very friendly to us prisoners."
Upon their arrival in New York they were placed on board the prison ships, veritable charnel houses! Disease and death was the almost certain fate of all who entered there. The loss of the defenders of Fort Griswold was, according to Allyn (p. 266), eighty-eight killed and fifty- two wounded, one-hundred and thirty out of one-hundred and fifty-six. Twenty-eight were carried away as pris- oners, including Ebenezer Ledyard, Esq., taken as hostage and Captain William Coit, captured on the New London side. The loss of the British has never been ascertained. Arnold's official report acknowledged a loss of forty-eight killed and one-hundred and forty-five wounded, of which number three officers are reported as having later died. One-hundred and ninety-three! If of this number twenty- five were killed or wounded on the New London side, it leaves one-hundred and sixty-eight lost in the assault or twelve more than the total number of the garrison, a tribute to the brave and stubborn defence.
Among the gallant defenders old age and youth stood side by side. In the monumental records of Allyn* we find the name of James Comstock, aged 75, and Daniel Williams in the 15th year of his age. Miss Caulkins tells us :** "Thomas, son of Lieutenant Parke Avery, aged seventeen, was killed fighting by the side of his father. Just before he fell, his father, finding the battle growing hot, turned and said, "Tom, my son, do your duty.' 'Never fear, father,' was the reply, and the next minute he was stretched upon the ground. ''Tis in a good cause,' said the father, and re- mained firm at his post." William Latham, Jr., a boy of twelve, was allowed to go free.
Sixty widows were made in Groton that day and it is said that so many members of the Congregational Church perished that not enough men were left to administer the communion service at its next celebration.
* Battle of Groton Heights, p. 211.
** History of New London, Ist ed., p. 568.
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To quote again from Miss Caulkins :* "The anniversary of the massacre at Groton fort was celebrated for many years with sad solemnity. Within the enclosure of the old wall of the fortress where the victims had been heaped up and the blood flowed in rivulets, sermons were annually preached and all the details of the terrible event rehearsed. In 1782 the preacher was Rev. Solomon Morgan of Canter- bury; in 1785 Rev. Samuel Nott of Norwich (that part of Norwich which is now Franklin, where the preacher died May 26, 1852, aged ninety-eight years and four months) and in 1786 Rev. Paul Parke of Preston.
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