USA > Connecticut > New London County > New London > New London's participation in Connecticut's tercentenary, 1935 > Part 9
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Later, the Town of Groton planned for an entire week of events, called Old Home Weck, from August 25 to 31, and then united with New London in celebrating the 6th of September, which anniversary has usually been observed through all the years. Any series of events for the Tercentenary Period would not be complete without a fitting observance of this important local anniversary.
On account of the severe storm on September 6, the Celebration was postponed to Saturday, the 7th. The New London Chairman re- quested Mayor Cornelius D. Twomey to present greetings from New London, and Headmaster Homer K. Underwood of Bulkeley School was asked to make the address of New London's part in the memorable events of September 6, 1781. Likewise, the Groton Chairman invited First Selectman Charles T. Crandall to present the greetings and State Senator C. C. Costello to deliver the address in behalf of Groton's participation.
PROGRAM
CHARLES E. WHITE, Presiding
GREETINGS-Charles T. Crandall, First Selectman, Town of Groton GREETINGS-Hon. Cornelius D. Twomey, Mayor, City of New London ADDRESS, New London on September 6, 1781-Homer K. Underwood ADDRESS, Groton on September 6, 1781 -- Hon. C. C. Costello
Upon the conclusion of the speaking, a band concert was rendered by the 192d Field Artillery Band, followed by fireworks in the evening.
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ADDRESS
HOMER K. UNDERWOOD
The direful events of September 6, 1781; have their particular significance for both Groton and New London. There is also a signifi- cance of imperishable memory, which the consequences of that day have for both towns, and which, even now, apply vitally to the more than sixty million citizens of this great nation.
In every chronological index to the history of the United States that I have ever seen, and in the title of every book or narrative dealing with the Revolutionary War Period in New England, the caption, apply- ing to the events we memorialize today, is expressed in these words : "The Burning of New London and the Massacre at Groton by Benedict Arnold."
What a profound tragedy for a man, to have his name forever associated with such a betrayal of his own country and his own neighbors. However, everyone should realize by now, that nothing can be added to his disgrace, and nothing accomplished toward restoring the precious lives and the property he destroyed, by heaping opprobium upon Arnold's name. It is better, by far, to know about the agony of Arnold's remorse, and to think of him pleading, in his dying moments, for the consolation of seeing his old American uniform, and saying, "God forgive me for ever putting on any other."
The first significance attached to this grim disaster of September 6, 1781, which I would mention, is the grave reality of the interdepend- ence of human lives, the incalculable influence for weal or for wor. which results from what we call the human equation. In addition to the lives of more than 200 patriots, we see homesteads, warehouses, stores, public buildings, and God's House of Prayer, all destroyed because one man's honor and integrity proved counterfeit. To appreciate the fact that the destiny of communities like Groton and New London of carly days, as well as the destiny of great areas of our present population, may depend upon the virtue and stability of but one influential leader, we might recall the example of a contemporary officer of Benedict Arnold. He was the brave and scholarly General Reed, a Pennsylvanian by birth, who directed the attack of the American Army on Trenton, the second passage of the Delaware, and the famous night march upon Princeton. His military skill and valor had also been measured and envied by the British. General Reed, likewise, was approached by British emissaries, similar to those who bought Benedict Arnold. But this true soldier answered them by saying, "I am not worth purchasing;
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but such as I am, the King of Great Britain is not rich enough to buy me."
A careful study of the significance of New London's sad fate when the curtain fell upon the drama of that September day in 1781, sup- ports but one conclusion, namely, that only helplessness and destruction could possibly result from such terrifying surprise. It was about daylight on the morning of September 6, when the British fleet of about 30 vessels was first sighted. The danger alarm of two cannon-shots was promptly sounded. However, the British gunners under Arnold's coach- ing were "standing by" to confuse the interpretation of this signal by instantly firing a third and fourth cannon shot from one of their own ships. To the people of the countryside, the cannonading was under- stood to mean that another good prize was being brought into the harbor by Connecticut privateers.
Arnold knew full well that Fort Trumbull was untenable if attacked from the rear. He, therefore, landed a division of 800 troops, half the British force, at a point near the old lighthouse, enough removed at that time from the town to make the debarkation an effective piece of strategy. It would require considerable effort and imagination, too, for us to get the picture of the New London settlement of that time. Swamps and woods covered the greater part of the tract which now comprises the area west from the line of the present Willetts Avenue. Fort Nonsense, so named because it was nothing more than a crude barrier of sods simulating the appearance of a fort, was located on the north side of our present Ocean Avenue, about midway between Alger Place and Perry Street.
From Arnold, the English also learned about the location and instability of this outpost, and immediately after landing a strong detach- ment of troops was sent up the road to seize Fort Nonsense, as well as to anticipate any American defenders arriving from the outlying districts in the north. The fort with its six small cannon was easily taken. A detachment was then sent up Blackhall Street to seize the six-pounder cannon which stood on Manwaring Hill. The main body, under cover of an advanced post, commanded by General Upham, fol- lowed a course from Town Hill to Vauxhall Street, and thence through Hempstead Street to the elevation known as Prospect Hill. Arnold, who accompanied this main body, now saw the successful completion of his plan to enter his troops at both ends of the town. A mound in Ye Town's Ancientest Buriall Ground near Hempstead Street marks the exact spot where Arnold stood to observe the action of the British forces. both in New London and at Fort Griswold.
While these operations were in progress, the capture of Fort Trum- bull was achieved in a victory by the power of four companies of regular
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British troops, augmented by one company of refugees against just 23 New London patriots. There could have been no other sequel to this land attack, even if the defenders had numbered 20 times as many men, for the fort was only a block of batteries facing the water on three sides.
The example of these 23 heroes who relinquished a hopeless situa- tion to take boats and cross the river, under the fire of the enemy's ships, to join the defenders of Fort Griswold, will forever redound, not only to their personal honor, but to the credit of our City of New London. In this episode of the invasion, we also find a profound significance in the spirit of comradeship of the two towns, and in the dedication of their lives to the mutual enjoyment of liberty and independence. I mention this because there are persons who have spoken in disparage- ment of the conduct of New London people during these hours of turmoil. Such detractors have failed to appreciate the contingencies of the occasion. The British were landing troops before the townspeople were generally aware of what was impending. The picture of the confusion, the touching scenes of families -- some of them with members who were sick or aged-fleeing from their homes and frantically trying to save their chattels; this has all been so graphically portrayed in the account of that day by Miss Caulkins in her History of New London. that no fair minded person could ever find justification for impugning the valor and patriotism of these men and women. It is true there were some Royalists among the inhabitants, as there were Royalists in Groton and in every New England town. Men who were not assisting their wives and children in finding places of safety, were ready to dispute every inch of ground with the advancing Red Coats, but they were unorganized, and they were without any recognized leader.
Another significance belonging to this day, so fateful in local history. was the fact that, while the English had set out with one great objective, they were also exactly informed regarding the execution of their plans. The objective was to capture our ships and their cargoes in the harbor, and to pillage or destroy the storehouses near the river bank. I think most persons will agree, that New London's defense is creditably reflected in the fact that the English failed in the major part of their objective, and had to resort in their frenzy to pitiless arson.
And what an orgy of braggadocio and revenge was the result. The division under Arnold and General Upham, which we have mentioned, followed the route from Manwaring Hill through Hempstead Street to Prospect Hill. "The torch of destruction," to quote Miss Caulkins, "was first lighted at the Town Mill. From thence a detachment of the enemy went on to Winthrop's Neck, scouring the whole point, destroying the battery, shipping, warehouses, and family homesteads. Buildings and homes on both sides of Main Street met a similar fate. On the cast side
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of the street the custom house, various shops of merchandise, mechanic shops and warehouses, with all the boating and lumber, were involved in a long line of destruction. On the Parade all was destroyed. The market wharf, the old magazine and battery, the Court House, jail, the Episcopal Church, shops and dwelling houses, were soon a heap of ashes."
At the south end of the town, the burning was probably started simultaneously by the division of the enemy's troops under Captains Beckwith and Stapleton, which had taken Fort Trumbull. "Through the whole of Bank Street," writes Miss Caulkins, "where were some of the best mercantile stands and the most valuable dwelling houses in the town, the torch of vengeance made a clean sweep. No building of any importance was left on either side of the street."
Both Arnold and Sir Henry Clinton, in official reports to England, admit the great losses inflicted by fire with the excuse, however, that such devastation was really not intended, but resulted from the explosion of gunpowder in storehouses as well as from a change of wind which was responsible for spreading the flames. Charles Allyn, in his collection of official reports, enumerates and identifies a total of 143 buildings that were destroyed by fire, including 31 stores, 18 shops, nine public buildings, and 65 homes containing 97 families. The actual value of property losses in this fire, as recognized by State authority in 1792, amounted to $20-4,697.
It was late in the afternoon when the English returned to their ships. The rising sun, which had shone upon these peaceful neighboring towns, was sinking low in the western sky, leaving a scene of bitter anguish and desolation for night to cover with her kindly shroud of darkness. It is important for us, who are so long removed from this closing scene, to catch the true meaning of the eight or nine hours, which, in outward form and fury, left only the evidence of defeat and death. We shall not find this lesson in the moaning of the wounded and dying heroes in Fort Griswold, nor in the smoking ruins of New London, unless we see in these experiences the exemplification of the noble ideals which these soldier-citizens defended even unto death, thus making their suffering and their sacrifice the inspiration for posterity to carry on, with still greater zeal, in the reconstruction of these towns, and the safeguarding of their civic institutions.
We can picture the gray-haired men and women, who had been taken to places of safety, returning to New London the next morning, to join the company of surviving stalwart youth, and uniting with them in a solemn rededication of their minds and their bodies, to this work of rebuilding their homes, and restoring their community life and government. To find the true significance of the burning of New Lon-
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don of 1781, we need only to look with our eyes and our minds upon New London of 1935, regarded as the most beautiful city in Connecticut, noted for its artistic homes, its civic advancement, and above all, as a city of happy progressive Americans, devoted to the principles and
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MAP OF FORT GRISWOLD
1. Magazine. 2. Sallee-Port, et cetera. 3. Ditch leading to battery below. t. Embrazine where Major Montgomery fell. 5. Barracks. 6. Well. 7, 8, 9. Points where the light company of the 40th entered. 10. Guns that harrassed the enemy. 11. Ravelin. F. A rock not cut away, which gives an entrance into the work. From E to F round the sides D, C, and B the work is fraised. On the curtain A to the angle F was a barbette battery. H is at the southeast corner. F is at the southwest corner.
ideals which are the precious legacy of the patriots who died in the defense of Groton and New London 15-1 years ago.
Speaking as the representative of New London on this anniversary program, may I pay a final tribute to the memory of the 23 brave defenders of Fort Trumbull, who crossed the river under shot and shell to fight with your valiant heroes here in Fort Griswold. All of them were comparatively young men. Ten of them, including Captain Shapley, were killed in the Groton Fort. I cannot help but think how the keenest mental torture was added to their physical suffering, as dying they must have turned their eyes toward their home town across the river, only to see the sky still dark with smoke, and to realize that even their homes were in extreme peril. A firm belief in immortality was
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their last consolation, as it is our present assurance in thinking of them as supremely happy in their life eternal. And are we not justified in cherishing the thought, on this anniversary evening of their triumphant death, that they are just now looking down from paradise upon this fairest city of the State, which was once their own New London?
ADDRESS HON. C. C. COSTELLO
I understand that my part on the program is to give a recital of events occurring in Groton on September 6, 1781. The story of the Battle of Groton Heights has often been told, and the different historical recollections differ very little in the recital of facts. It has been referred to as the darkest day in the history of Groton, and the deeds of heroism, as exemplified by the gallant defenders of the fort, parallel the other great deeds of history.
Events were shaping themselves in a manner which was big with fate for the town. The British fleet arrived at a point off the Long Island shore, opposite New London, on the evening of September 5, but owing to the unfavorable wind, the ships were compelled to so maneuver that they were unable to reach New London until after daylight on the morning of September 6:
At the break of day, the lookouts at the fort discovered a fleet of 24 ships heading up to the mouth of the harbor, and alarm guns were immediately fired to warn the militia in the surrounding towns. Colonel William Ledyard, who was in command of the forts in the district, was in New London carly in the morning and sent couriers, first to Governor Trumbull at Lebanon, telling him of the danger, and then sent word to the commanders of the different militia organizations in the vicinity, calling for aid.
He then crossed the river to Fort Griswold, where, in command of 150 men, he awaited the assault of nearly 800. As he embarked on the boat at New London to cross to Groton, he remarked to friends, "If I must today lose honor or life, you, who know me well, know which it will be." About nine o'clock in the morning Benedict Arnold landed with a portion of his forces at a point near the lighthouse below New London, and marched to the town with slight opposition.
The command was given to the renegade Benedict Arnold, who, not long before, returned from a similar expedition to Virginia. It is not known whether his leading the attack on New London and vicinity was one of his own seeking, or whether he was chosen by Sir Henry Clinton, on account of his knowledge of the neighborhood.
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Captain Adam Shapley was the commander at Fort Trumbull, but this was only a water battery, manned by only 23 men, and on the approach of the enemy, Captain Shapley withdrew his garrison, and, in three boats, started to cross the river to render aid to Fort Griswold.
At the same time, a force of 800 men, all under command of Lieutenant Colonel Eyre, was landed at Eastern Point. The command to advance was given, and at 11 o'clock the column commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Eyre had arrived under the shelter of the Rocky Height, a short distance from the fort, near the present burying ground, and the column under Major Montgomery was located at about the same distance from the fort, to the northeast.
A flag was sent to the fort, demanding unconditional surrender. This flag was met a short distance from the fort by one sent out by Colonel Ledyard, to whom the demand was submitted. After a con- ference with his officers, he returned the reply that the fort would not be given up.
Soon after, a second demand came, coupled with the threat that, if they were compelled to take the fort by storm, they would put martial law in force. Colonel Ledyard's answer to this was that he would not give up the fort, let the consequence be what it might. Upon receiving this answer, the enemy moved at once to the assault. The defenders of the fort met the assault with a charge of gunfire, which made great havoc in their ranks, and caused them to separate into different divisions. Colonel Eyre, in command, was wounded during the fighting in the ditch, before the troops had effected a lodgement on the wall.
Through superior numbers, they finally forced an entrance into the southwest portion of the fort; the defense was heroic, but on account of the difference in numbers, it was only a question of time before the enemy would force their way over the wall.
Major Montgomery, second in command, was killed as he was scaling the wall over the southwest corner. Meanwhile, the garrison was caught between two fires, the divisions of the enemy entering on the north side just about the same time that entrance was gained on the south.
Colonel Ledyard, seeing that further resistance was useless, ap- proached the officer in command with his sword in his hand, the hilt extended towards the officer in token of surrender. The officer demanded, "Who commands this fort?" to which Ledyard replied: "I did, but you do now."
The officer, accepting the proffered sword, plunged it into Ledyard's breast, and he fell forward dead. Who the officer was that committed this dastardly deed remains in doubt until this day. It is generally believed that it was Major Bromfield of the British Army, who succeeded
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to the command on the death of Major Montgomery, though tradition ascribes it to Captain Beckwith of the New Jersey Loyalists. "Some of the British officers knew the guilty man. They did not punish him even by the shame of publicity. Let them share the dishonor."
Up to the time of the death of Colonel Ledyard, historians agree that the loss of the defenders of the fort had been not more than five or six killed and 20 wounded, but the death of Colonel Ledyard started unrestricted slaughter. The wounded were bayoneted as they lay upon the ground, some knocked down with the butts of muskets and trampled to death. Everywhere was death and destruction.
Both Stark's History of Groton and Miss Caulkin's History of New London testified to the butchery carried on by the invaders, and it was only through the efforts of the British officers in command that they were able to stop the slaughter. When at last the slaughter and havoc were over, 81 of the garrison lay dead and more than half of the remainder was severely wounded. Scarcely one was left that had not received some sort of injury.
Such of the prisoners as were able to walk were marched to the river bank, and then sent aboard the British transport. Survivors were carried into the house of Ensign Ebenezer Avery and were left there, Ebenezer Ledyard being taken as a hostage.
The loss of the defenders of Fort Griswold was: 88 killed, 52 wounded; 140 out of 156. The loss of the British has never been ascer- tained. Arnold's official report acknowledged a loss of 48 killed and 145 wounded. This number testifies to the brave and stubborn defense given by the defenders of the fort.
For many years the anniversary of the battle of Groton Heights was celebrated with sad solemnity, and finally public sentiment crystallized to a point that a monument, or some enduring memorial, be erected to the heroes of the Battle of Groton Heights.
A lottery for the purpose was granted by the Legislature. The corner stone was laid September 6, 1826, the monument completed in 1830. In the centennial year 1881, alterations were made to the monu- ment, enclosing the top and increasing the height to 134 feet. A suitable inscription explains the object of the memorial, and a marble tablet gives the list of men who fell at Fort Griswold, September 6, 1781.
Time does not permit the giving of the names of all those gallant defenders, but their names are inscribed upon the archives of time, and no words of mine could pay proper tribute to those brave women, old and young, who assisted in caring for, and rendering aid to the wounded and the dying. And their names, while not upon any marble tablets, are inscribed forever upon the tablets of love and memory. And so it is proper and fitting that we pay all due honor to the heroes of
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that time, and for their contribution to the State of Connecticut, as a part of its 300 years of glorious history.
And I can only close by stating a part of the original inscription that was on the monument: "These names deserve to be perpetuated in history and will serve as an inspiration to generations yet unborn." These men counted their lives not dear when the liberties of their country were at stake, but freely gave their all in defense of their homes and families. All honor to them !
--- Courtesy of Mr. Eller N. Watrol
New London County Court House, 17844, Huntington Street, opposite the Library.
The U. S. Navy's Contribution to Connecticut's Tercentenary
SEPTEMBER 16-21, 1935
T HE State Tercentenary Commission, through its. Director of Celebration, Albert R. Rogers, requested the U. S. Navy Depart- ment to send some warships to Connecticut in the State's Tercen- tenary year, so that citizens of the State could visit the ships, and asked that the ships come to New London for this City's chief celebration on June 6. There were no warships on this coast at that time, but later the U. S. Navy contributed to the State's Tercentenary by sending three destroyers to New London to remain here for the week of September 16 to 21.
As the officers and crews of these ships were the guests of the State, the New London Chairman immediately communicated with Director Rogers, asking the wishes of the Commission and stating that heretofore New London committees had successfully handled like situa- tions when ships from the Navy officially visited this port. The Service Relations Committee of the New London Chamber of Commerce, headed by O. Pomeroy Robinson, Jr., was designated by Ezekiel Spitz, President of the Chamber, to take charge of the necessary entertainment in behalf of the State Commission. The other members of the Committee were William L. Apley, William Brill, Frank V. Chappell, Waldo E. Clarke, Thomas B. Congdon, Allan D. Colvin, Cornelius C. Costello, Richard R. Morgan, Samuel M. Prentis, L. Tracy Sheffield, Arthur H. Shurts, and Thomas E. Troland. This Committee met with General Chairman Rogers of the local Tercentenary Committees and Mr. Albert R. Rogers of Hartford, and made plans for the entertainment of the guests.
The State Commission, through Mr. Albert R. Rogers, invited the officers to Hartford for luncheon with the Governor, members of the State Commission, and a reception committee of New London residents, on Thursday, September 19. The party left this City at noon in private automobiles. Lieutenant Commander W. D. Sullivan, the ranking officer, and Mrs. Sullivan were the guests of Mr. and Mrs. Ernest E. Rogers. Other officers in the party included Lieutenant R. C. Strong, Jr., and Lieutenant P. F. Heerbrandt from the Tillman; Lieutenant Commander S. H. Hurt, Lieutenant H. C. Hamilton and Ensign D. R. Stephan from the Bad ger; and Lieutenant Commander R. W. Fleming, Lieutenant D. W. Johnston, Lieutenant C. C. Hoffner, Lieutenant W. F. E. Loftin, M.C.,
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