USA > Connecticut > Litchfield County > Salisbury > Salisbury Connecticut cannon, revolutionary war > Part 2
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and Council, to its overseer, Col. Joshua Porter, or to its managers, Henshaw and Whiting. The cannon from this famous establishment, its shot, its muni- tions generally, for military and naval use, it fell to him, very often at his own discretion, to dis- tribute, - now to the selectmen of towns, or to posts upon the coast, now to armed vessels in the Sound, or to points of defence out of the State, and now to sell or exchange them, as was sometimes the case, for West India goods that were in demand for workmen or for the soldiery of Connecticut."
The largest cannon cast here during the Revolution were 18 pounders of about a ton in weight. Im- provements had to be made in 1778 so that 32 pounders could be cast for the Navy, as well as for other States. These cannon were cast solid and were bored and tested near Barnet's old sawmill. The method employed for boring and calibering has been searched out and hereinafter recorded, as well as other important questions of mechanics in connection with the care and skill employed to produce the required results.
It is somewhat interesting in reviewing the day- books, ledgers, agreements and correspondence, still extant, to record some of the details of these old accounts so scrupulously kept by Benjamin Prime, the clerk of the Works, during the stress and anxiety of the time. It is not difficult to picture the hardships endured in supplying the needs of the country with the warlike necessities of defence that were so ably provided during the Revolutionary
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conflict. The heavy teaming, poor roads, long dis- tances, hilly country, and slow progress, all formed the tremendous impedimenta that had to be over- come. The specially employed express-rider, William Wheeler, was almost constantly in the saddle between Lebanon and the Salisbury Furnaces with his orders, dispatches and mail for those who were so continu- ously employed and isolated in that wilderness during the trying times of the Revolutionary War. It was at best a two days' journey and sometimes three, of over a hundred miles in those days with stops at Hartford and Winchester for "oating and baiting" and changing of horses. The alternate route by way of Litchfield would sometimes be taken when occasion required; and when the roads were impassable during the winter months, and blocked with snow, the furnaces were oftentimes "stopped" and the workmen hibernated for want of ore, char- coal and limestone. The charcoal which was required in large quantities came from far and near. Many signed agreements, bonds, and contracts for this important supply are found on file. From Cornwall, Stephen Miles, Stephen Miles, Jr., John Miles and Timothy Rowley are recorded as regular sources of supply. From Canaan, Elias Jackson; from Sharon, Thomas Whetten, Zebedee Turner, and Ephraim Bailey; from Sheffield over the Massachusetts border came Samuel Kingman; from Salisbury, Charles and Aaron Owen; from Oblong (N. Y.) Ephraim Jones, Abraham Grimes, John Fox and Seth Calkins. The master colliers at the Furnace were Capt. John
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Welsh and Simeon Strong. Among those rating as "colliers" were Nicholas Porter, William Matthew- son, Ebenezer Calkins, and Thomas Ficks of Cole- brook. The regularly employed teamsters included Benajah Williams, Amos Hanchet, Robert Whit- comb, Joseph Holmes, Ezra Sheldon, Hezekiah Sage, and one Nathaniel Gilbert of Sandisfield, Massa- chusetts Bay. There were many ore-diggers, - among whom was John Pudney. The pattern- makers were Medad Parker and Joel Camp, the former patterning the swivel guns, and the latter the cannon. The chief banksman was Daniel Forbes. The expert employed properly to fill the furnace stack for the blast was Edward Whitcomb; and John Owen kept the boarding house for all the "hands." Among the many whose services were required for cutting and carting wood were Ebenezer Fitch, Benjamin Eggleston, and Thomas Conklin, during the years 1776 and 1777.
The following detailed items which have been taken from the books of account kept by the overseers are given in order to precipitate the investigation and proof of the methods employed in the art and trade of cannon casting at that time. Inborn intui- tion, ingenuity and, as records show, trained iron workers and smiths were relied upon at first crudely to produce the desired weapons of defence to tide over the emergency until more skilled assistance could be obtained.
On the 2nd of July, 1776, a letter from Jonathan Fitch of New Haven to Col. Joshua Porter, states
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that he was sending up 514 pounds of black lead,- which was used for smearing the exterior of gun patterns so they would not stick to the mold or matrix when removed.
On the 2nd of December, 1776, George Marsh was allowed credit on his account for the use of tools :--- 8 files, a chaplet (a wrought iron stud for holding a core rod in position within the mold), a large band for the Boring Mill shaft, for 96 pounds of best London steel, and for boring some 4 pounder and 6 pounder guns and 3 swivels.
On February 7, 1777, a settlement was made with Joel Camp amounting to £56-4-10 for sundries including the making of gun patterns.
On April 12, 1777, Timothy Bliss received 12 shillings for the use of his tools "last winter" for boring of guns.
On June 2, 1777, Benajah Williams was paid for carting one gun pattern from Joel Camp's; and on June 19th for carting others to the furnace, from the same source.
On June 2, 1777, Aaron Swetland was engaged by the overseers Henshaw and Whiting to cut off the sprues of all cannon cast at the furnace during "the present blast," - for 12 pounders, 9 pounders, and 6 pounders taken together at 7 shillings each ; for 4 pounders and 3 pounders together at 4 shill- ings, and find his board, - the Managers to find the tools to cut the sprues (the metal which fills the "sprue-gate" after solidification).
On June 12, 1777, Thomas Ficks of Colebrook
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was paid £3-12-0 for 18 days' work about the Molding house, and for his attendant mason.
On June 17, 1777, Medad Parker was allowed £2-5-0 for making a swivel pattern and £1-0-0 for making rollers for the Boring Mill.
On June 26, 1777, the Council of Safety at Lebanon voted :- "That the overseers of the Furnace at Salisbury remove the mill erected for the boring of cannon to some more convenient place."
On July 23, 1777, Robert Whitcomb was allowed £1-10-0 for himself and team hauling timber for the Boring Mill.
On September 27, 1777, Ezra Sheldon was allowed 9 shillings for carting 6 cannon to the New Boring Mill to the place of "Proving," and on December 8, 1777, he was paid £5-0-0 for carting 25 cannon from Boring Mill to Furnace Lot.
On September 6, 1777, Amos Hanchet received £1-11-6 for carting 9 cannon to the New Boring Mill.
On October 5, 1777, Capt. James Holmes was paid £18 for drawing cannon from the Boring Mill.
On October 31, 1777, Thomas Chipman received £9-11-3 for boarding Timothy Bliss and his boy for boring guns and for labor of sundry other hands while the New Boring Mill was building.
From a perusal of some of these items it is quite evident that improvements had been inaugurated,- due perhaps as a result of Col. Jedediah Elderkin's
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errand to Salisbury as a member of Governor Trumbull's Council, by vote of that body April 4, 1777. At that time it was arranged that Col. Elderkin was to make all due inquiry at Boston and elsewhere concerning the newest and best model of cannon of 18 pounders and under, and any other dimensions, and also the newest and best method of boring them, and, in general, of everything relat- ing thereto which might be useful to be known and for the best interest of the American cause; and all gentlemen concerned and acquainted with such matters were requested to communicate to Colonel Elderkin any knowledge they might have, and to assist him in gaining any assistance and skill in the premises.
In addition to the blast furnace it is certain from the foregoing entries, that there was a "molding house," and a "Boring Mill," and that in accordance with a vote of the Council the original Boring Mill was removed to a more convenient location and was then called the "New Boring Mill." There was also a "Furnace barn," a "Bridge house," and the "Upper Dam" according to the orders issued by the officer of the guard, Benjamin Prime. There was also a "Guard House."
Hundreds of cannon and tons of shot were cast at this place during the Revolution as shown by the multitude of orders emanating from the Council of Safety. They found their way into many ships commissioned both for the State and for the priva- teers of which there were some three hundred vessels
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first and last, from Connecticut alone. 10 Many of the cannon were used as field pieces and in the various forts and batteries erected along the Con- necticut coast. Depots for their reception from the Furnace were maintained at Hartford, New Haven, Norwich, New London and Middletown. The car- riages for both field and ship mounts were made by various artificers, the more prominent of whom were William Lax of Norwich and Stephen Ranney of Middletown.
The extreme importance of the Salisbury cannon foundry was depicted at different times by the General Assembly as well as by the Council of Safety in the form of Resolutions, one of which was enacted at the adjourned session of the Assembly holden by the Governor and Company at Middletown December 18, 1776, as follows :
"Whereas, the article of cannon is of great impor- tance and indispensibly necessary in warlike prepara- tions for offence and defence and much of ours has in the last campaign fallen into the hands of our enemies so as to render them scarce and this state is also applied to by the Honorable Continental Congress for a large number to be sent to the northern fronts and for the ships, and they are also needed for our more immediate defence, and there appears no way to obtain them but by our Foundry at Salisbury, and there is danger that the furnace will soon be blown out and stopped unless effectual measures are immediately taken to continue the blast, and the manufacturing and casting of cannon as long as possible, therefore Resolved : by this Assem-
10 Maritime Connecticut During the Revolution, 2 vols., 1925.
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bly, That Benjamin Henshaw be and he is hereby appointed and directed to repair forthwith to Salisbury and apply to Colo. Joshua Porter, manager of said foundry, and afford him all the assistance in his power, to enquire into the circumstances of said furnace and foundry, and to see what is necessary to be done, and use his utmost endeavour in conjunction with said Porter to remove every difficulty and obstruction in the way of continuing said furnace in blast and assist in providing as soon as may be needful all necessary workmen, materials and implements of every kind requisite for carrying on said business; and they are to leave nothing practicable and reasonable unattempted to promote, carry on and continue the casting of can- non there of such size and dimensions as shall from time to time be directed by his honor the Governor and Council of Safety; and to continue there as long as shall appear needful, and to make report of what he shall find and do to this Assembly in their present Session or in their recess, to the Governor and Council of Safety."
Other laws were enacted empowering others to take the care and oversight of various details in connection with cannon casting. William Whiting was added to the committee of management, the hiring of additional men, their billeting, pay, pro- tection by armed guards in the neighborhood, exemp- tion from military or naval duty while employed in the performance of this work, so that no obstacles might be encountered. Forests had to be com- mandeered to provide wood. Additional wood cutters, colliers, teams and tools had to be supplied, as well as shelter and subsistence, and from the many orders drawn on the Pay-Table, it is evident that these
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furnaces at Salisbury responded to the demand and furnished the gruesome wherewithal to a marked degree in output as well as in quality. The working force was as follows:
Managers and clark 3
Founder, firemen and mongers
10
Draftsmen, patternmen & turners 3
Borers of cannon 2
Dressers of cannon
2
Clay spankers & gutterman
2
Fillers 2
Banksman 1
Ore burner 1
Ore pounder
1
Ore wheeler
1
Carpenter
1
Colliers & ore diggers
30
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Total 59
Records indicate that the original furnace was built by the John Hazelton, Samuel Forbes and Ethan Allen partnership in 1762, its daily output being two and one-half tons of iron, requiring three tons of ore and 250 bushels of charcoal per ton of iron. Its blowing apparatus is said to have consisted of a pair of leather bellows driven by a water wheel. The entire equipment was somewhat crude. A ruined portion of one of the furnaces is still standing in Salisbury. They were usually constructed exter- nally of stone, enclosing two truncated cones forming a cavity some 20 or 30 feet high. The upper end of the shaft or cavity would be some 3 or 4 feet in
All exempt from war service
AN 18th CENTURY BLAST FURNACE AND FOUNDRY
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NYC.
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diameter, widening outward and downward to about 7 or 8 feet of diameter, which point of the structure was called the "bosh." The lower cone, inverted, led to the "hearth," a round or cylindrical space at the bottom where the molten metal was deposited ready for the run. The capacity varied from one to three or four tons of iron per day. Into the top of this stack or cavity, ore, limestone for flux, and charcoal were charged by the expert, Edward Whitcomb, who knew how to fill the stack for the blast, while air under low pressure was blown in at the bottom by means of double leather bellows operated by the water wheel. Whether there were bins constructed at the top of the stack for the storage of ore, fuel and lime is unknown, but it is probable that an inclined runway was provided for bringing up the "charge" by means of horses bur- dened with leather bags containing the ore and other materials to the platform.
n
N the founding of cannon there were used special kinds of selected earth of which the molds and models were made, in order to resist the fire and melted metal without cracking or peeling when cast ; but whether the pattern-makers were over-meticulous about selecting their earth or clay in Salisbury has not been determined. Some earths would cause shrinking, chapping, breaking or warping of the pattern, - quite similar to the potter's trade, the clay was selected for its fine texture. It was thoroughly beaten and moistened to form a paste, then sometimes mixed with lint from linen cloth, fine sand and ashes or burnt salt mixed with iron filings or what was called "lymmel" of iron, and finally beaten up. Chopped sedge and straw often- times went into the mixture to assist in making a firmer pattern, as well as into the mold or matrix. When molded the pattern was smeared with a coating of black lead, or "annointed" with hog's grease to facilitate its removal. The rings, arms, floral devices, mottoes, dolphins or other ornamentations were added either in wax or plaster. The model or pattern was made about one-third longer than the gun itself was to be, and was dried over a long fire. The parts for the cascabel (or knob at the breech of the gun) and the trunnions were formed upon wooden models and then attached to the exterior of the shell or matrix. When the pattern or model had become thoroughly dried little by little over the
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....
CONSTRUCTION OF MOLD OR SHELL
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long fire, it was then covered with a coating about three inches thick made of the same carefully pre- pared earth, called a shell (mold), made and dried in at least two or sometimes more parts to enable the removal of the pattern or model. This shell covering was fastened together with strips of iron. or lead laterally and circumferentially to hold it firmly until the casting had been finished. The shell was placed vertically, muzzle upwards, in a pit or tub in front of the furnace, and the earth thrown in around it and well rammed. The runners from the hearth were stopped with iron bars which were withdrawn to allow the flow of the metal into the mold until it became filled, when the orifice was plugged. A large head or "sprue" was allowed in order to maintain a pressure or weight adequate to produce a sufficient solidification at the breech end of the gun where the metal was supposed to be the strongest. When the casting had been finished, the strips of iron or lead holding the shell or mold were removed piece by piece as required, and when cooled the gun was taken to the Boring Mill.
As a matter of record and interest, one of the myriads of letters that must have been written to the overseers of this historic cannon foundry, is given, as follows:
Lebanon, July 17, 1776.
"Sir: I had wrote you this day a letter which will be delivered you by the bearer, to which I refer you; since which your letter of the 16th came to hand. The powder you request will be sent forward directly, and
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you will load the team back with an assortment of different kinds of Ball you have made, to be delivered to the care of Capt. William Tiley at Hartford. The nine-pounders being now wanted, you will proceed with all diligence to have them drilled and bored and de- liver them when called for to Colo. Jonathan Pettibone, who will provide proper teams and carriages and trans- port them to Hartford as soon as may be. The twelve- pounders you will get ready with all dispatch to be transported where the public service shall require them, agreeable to such orders as may be given hereafter ; but should a requisition be made by General Washing- ton, you will permit them to be transported to the North River, without waiting for further orders for that purpose. I would have you proceed and cast eighteen-pounders as soon as you find it practicable. I am with Esteem and Regard, Sir,
Your Humble Servant Jonth Trumbull." To Colo. Joshua Porter, in Salisbury.
From this letter it is quite evident that the cannon were "drilled and bored," probably by a process as shown in an accompanying illustration .* It is known that the bore of a gun of that period was seldom "true." In some of the Yankee ships that went out against Britain during the Revolution there was a semblance of principle and tactics in the art of Naval gunnery, adopted and practiced according to rule or some set manual for seaman gunners, or else concocted according to the qualifications and experience of the individual officer or petty officer who had acquired a training in the art before the opening of hostilities, or absorbed by instinct. But * See p. 37.
٠٠٠ ٠١٧
٠٠٠
٩:٢
X
1
L
DRYING OF MOLD OR SHELL
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in a large majority of ships, particularly the priva- teers, such principles were quite elementary, if not entirely lacking. The guns were necessarily of crude construction, the castings far from perfect, due to the hurried manner in which they were produced, and it must have been a rarity to find an American naval gunner skilled enough accurately to measure heights, breadths, lengths, gauge distances properly, and to draw or plot; and seldom did a majority of our naval officers possess all the necessary implements and accessories to work with. There were many things needed for use and safety which could not be provided. If they had the most meagre require- ments they considered themselves fortunate, and they were able to improve their situations only by now and then capturing from the enemy the desired necessities, such as caliper compasses with which to measure shot and calibers for them. It must have been a rare occurrence if a gunner was possessed of a staff with two heads thereon accurately spaced and lined for finding out whether his gun was "true- bored" or not. Many guns were found imperfect in this particular, whereby one part of the metal at the base ring would be thinner than on its opposite side, and thereby be the cause of poor marksmanship. Most guns had no muzzle sights or base-ring sights. The base ring was so much thicker than the muzzle ring, that were the muzzle sights provided, they would jam on the outside of the gun port on the recoil when discharged; so that the skill when it was at all pronounced in the combat was largely due
=
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to the gunner's instinct, and if he had a lop-sided bore, the life of his gun, as well as that of his crew and himself, were oftentimes jeopardized by want of this knowledge.
In the proving of cannon, there were several methods employed before they were considered ready and safe for service, such as inspection for flaws, cracks and honey-combs; examination for true bore ; measurement for proper size of standard shot and proper limit for powder service charge. The cus- tomary rule used in proving was to allow the powder charge 4/5 for proof, and for service 1/2 of the weight of the iron shot. The field gun would be longer than the ship's gun of the same bore, because the latter had to be made shorter on account of lack of room allowed for serving on a crowded deck. The sea pieces, therefore, were usually alluded to as bastard guns because of their shorter "chases." Be- sides there would be too much weight of outboard metal when the entire broadside was "run out" for combat if they were cast of standard length. The reliable iron guns of the 18th and prior centuries for sea service were, therefore, usually cast with the "Cornice" rings.
The method used to determine flaws, cracks and honey-combs was quite crude. As soon as the gun was discharged at the proving grounds, the mouth of the muzzle was covered up or smothered, and at the same time the touch-hole was "stopped" with the thumb in order to see if any smoke came through any part of the metal. If not, the gun was sound.
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Another way was to reflect the sunbeams into the bore with a mirror for the purpose of observing; and still another was by means of a long cleft stick containing a lighted candle. All these methods were then augmented by striking the piece with an iron hammer "and if you shall at any stroak hear a hoarse sound, then there is without doubt honey-combs; but if in so striking ye piece you shall at every stroak hear a clear sound, then you may be sure your piece is clear of honey-combs, cracks and flaws."11
In order to prove whether a cannon was truly bored or not, the following extra precise method is quoted :--
"First, you must provide a staff and two rammer heads thereupon, and on ye rammer heads there must be two right lines drawn upon them to divide the two rammer heads (that are ye just height and fit ye bore) into two equal parts, and draw lines on ye staff, that ye lines on rammer heads may stand alike, at one end, and at ye other end, and 'let ye staff come through . one of ye rammer heads about nine inches longer than ye cylinder of ye gun, for a handle. Then lay a flat stick on ye muzzle ring, and hold ye side of your quadrant (on ye gunner's scale) to ye stick, and by a string and plummet, find ye middle or upper and lower place of ve metal. Then after you hath found ye upper and lower part of ye metal, put the rammer head into ye gun, and let one hold it hard, and right with ye marks on upper and lower part of ye metal with ye lines of ye rammer head above and below, whilst you put a priming iron in at ye touch hole, and striking hard on ye rammer head, make a mark. Then pull
11 Capt. Samuel Sturmy's Magazine.
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it out and apply ye line on ye rammer head to ye mark on ye upper and lower edge of ye muzzle of ye gun, and you may presently see how much ye mark is from ye right line of ye rammer head, to ye right hand, or the left, that is, if ye mark is just on ye right line, ye Bore is in ye midst. But if you find it a quarter of an inch on ye right or left hand so much lieth ye Bore either to ye right or left, and in shooting ye piece, must be ordered accordingly. But how to know whether it be thicker upwards or down- wards, or how ye Bore is, the way to know this,-find ye diameter of ye piece at touch-hole with a pair of calipers, then bend a wire a little at. ye very end, that it may catch at ye metal when it is drawn out. After the wire is fitted thus, first put it into ye touchhole till it touch the bottom of ye metal in ye chamber ; then holding it in that place, make a mark upon ye wire just even with ye touch-hole; afterwards, draw up the wire until it catches at ye metal at ye top of chamber, and there make a mark upon ye wire just even with ye touch-hole. Ye difference betwixt the two marks is ye wideness of ye chamber under ye touch-hole, and ye distance between the first mark and ye end of ye wire, having half ye diameter of ye cham- ber of ye piece subtracted from it, will leave the half of ye diameter of ye piece at ye touch-hole if ye piece be true bored. But if ye measure be more than half ye diameter, then the Bore lieth too far from ye touch- hole and ye upper part of ye metal is thickest, but if it be less, ye under part hath the most metal." 12
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