The history of the town of Litchfield, Connecticut, 1720-1920, Part 10

Author: White, Alain Campbell, 1880- comp. cn; Litchfield historical society, Litchfield, Connecticut
Publication date: 1920
Publisher: Litchfield, Conn., Enquirer print.
Number of Pages: 614


USA > Connecticut > Litchfield County > Litchfield > The history of the town of Litchfield, Connecticut, 1720-1920 > Part 10


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short enlistments were probably due, in part, to the hope, so gener- ally held in the first stages of any war, that "it can't last long". Moreover, in a country chiefly agricultural and self-dependent, the able-bodied men were needed at home to produce the necessities of life; and the young farmers, habituated to thinking first of the needs of their farms, and unused to the discipline of organized war- fare, probably could not conceive the necessities of the occasion. "The French and Indian Wars", Mr. Ellsworth tells us, "had been conducted with Arcadian simplicity, and it had been the custom to cease fighting in the winter and go home to feed the stock". Never- theless, as the war continues, we find the same men enlisting again and again for active service.


In May of this year, Kilbourne tells us, p. 96, "a regiment was ordered to be raised for the defense of the State, 'to be subject to join the continental army, if so ordered by the Governor'. Captain Beebe was appointed to the command of one of the companies of this regiment, with Jesse Cook for 1st lieutenant and James Watson for 2d lieutenant. Lieut. Watson was soon transferred to another corps and John Smith of Litchfield was commissioned in his place". Some information concerning the members of this company is given in sundry accounts and memoranda among the papers of Captain Beebe; quoted by Kilbourne, p. 97. "August 9, To cash paid for coffin for Ira Stone; 'Lieut. John Smith was discharged from the army in New York'; 'John German was dismissed from my com- pany by order of a General Court Martial, July 9, 1776'; ' Aug. 9, James Beach died about 8 o'clock in the morning'; 'Sept. the 5th, 10 o'clock at night, Samuel Gleason died'; in the account with Joel Taylor-'Paid one dollar to Zebulon Taylor to deliver to the mother of the above Joel Taylor, deceased, it being cash that was with him when he died'; 'Sept. 27, 1777, Received of Capt. Beebe 22 shillings for mileage from Philadelphia to Litchfield. (Signed,) Abraham Haskins'. From the account of Gershom Gibbs-'Received of Capt. Beebe three dollars that belonged to my husband and son which was part of the money sent to them whilst prisoners in New York. (Signed,) Tabitha Gibbs'. From the account with Nathaniel Allen -'Sept. 27, 1777, To cash left with Joseph Agard to be paid to Mrs. Allen that was left with me when Mr. Allen died'. From the account with Phineas Goodwin- To back rations 16 days at Fort Washington, '&c.,


Kilbourne gives us, pp. 98-101, a more complete account of the fortunes of some of these men, and others who enlisted from Litch- field. We quote it with some few abridgements.


"About the 1st of November, 1776, thirty-six picked men, were placed under the command of Capt. Beebe and set to Fort Wash- ington to aid in its defense. This post, together with Fort Lee on the Jersey shore, commanded the mouth of the Hudson, and was hence regarded by the enemy as a tempting prize. In anticipation of an attack, the works had been strengthened and reinforced. At the critical time, the Fort and Harlem Heights were manned by


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THE HISTORY OF LITCHFIELD


two Pennsylvania Regiments commanded by Colonels Magraw and Shea, Rawlin's Riflemen from Maryland, some of the militia of the flying camp, and a few companies detailed from the Connecticut Regi- ments. On the 15th of November, Sir William Howe summoned Colonel Magraw, (who had the chief command of the garrison), to surrender. That brave officer-acting under the immediate advice of Generals Putnam and Greene, responded, that he would defend himself to the last extremity. On the morning of the 16th the attack was commenced at four different points nearly at the same moment. ... The assailants were provided with excellent trains of artillery, which were brought to bear with effect. The attack was prosecuted with extraordinary energy and spirit, and the Americans continued to defend themselves until resistance became fruitless. During a recess in the fight, the garrison was again summoned to surrender; and after a brief consultation with the officers, Magraw capitulated. The entire American force, amounting to two thousand six hundred men, surrendered as prisoners of war. During the siege, the enemy lost about twelve hundred, and the Americans about four hundred. ...


"The terms of the capitulation were regarded as liberal and honorable on the part of the victors, and highly favorable to the vanquished. The manner in which those terms were violated, and set at naught, by the miscreants into whose hands the unfortunate prisoners were placed, is without parallel in the history of the revo- lutionary struggle. Crowded, with hundreds of others, into the Sugar-House and on board the Prison-Ships, without air or water and for the first two days without food, contagion and death were the natural consequences. The dysentery, small-pox, and other terrible diseases, broke out among them, and very few of the whole number survived the terrible ordeal. On the 27th of December, 1776, an exchange of prisoners took place. Only eleven of Captain Beebe's Company were able to sail for Connecticut. Six of these


died on the way home. The remainder of those who were living at that date, being too ill to be removed, were left behind-where all (except Sergeant Mather), died within a few days, most of them with the small-pox. Here follow the names of these "picked men": The notes appear to have been added by Captain Beebe at the differ- ent periods corresponding with the dates":


"An Account of the Prisoners' Names and Places of Confinement".


Sergt. Cotton Mather-returned home.


Sergt. David Hall-died of the small-pox on board the Grosvenor, Dec. II, 1776.


Elijah Loomis-died.


Gershom Gibbs-died on board the ship, Dec. 29, 1776.


Timothy Stanley-died on board the ship, Dec. 29, 1776.


Amos Johnson-died Dec. 26, 1776.


Timothy Marsh-died on his way home.


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THE HISTORY OF LITCHFIELD


Barnias Beach-died on his way home.


Samuel Vaill-died on board the Grosvenor, Dec. 27, 1776.


Nathaniel Allen-died of small-pox, Jan. 1, 1777. Enos Austin-died of the small-poy, Dec. 4, 1776, in the evening. Gideon Wilcoxson-died.


Thomas Mason-reached home.


Alexander McNeil-died.


Daniel Smith-died in New York, of small-pox, Jan. 1, 1777.


Noah Beach-reached home.


Daniel Benedict-reached home.


Isaac Gibbs-died Jan. 15, 1777.


Oliver Marshall-died on his way home.


Solomon Parmely-went on board the ship, and I fear he is drowned as I cannot find him.


David Olmsted-died Jan. 4, 1777.


Jared Stuart-died Jan. 26, 1777, in the morning.


John Lyman-died Jan. 26, 1777.


Elisha Brownson-died on his way home.


The above Prisoners are at Livingston's Sugar House.


Zebulon Bissell-died in Woodbury, on his way home.


Aaron Stoddard-died Jan. 12, 1777.


John Parmely-died Jan. 15, 1777. Joel Taylor-died Jan. 9, 1777. James Little-reached home.


Phineas Goodwin-died Jan. 5, 1777. The above at the Church called the North Church.


Oliver Woodruff-reached home.


Remembrance Loomis-died on his way home. The above at Bridewell.


Corporal Samuel Cole,


Teremiah Weed, Joseph Spencer, John Whiting,


Were either killed or made their escape from Fort Washington, on the 16th of November, 1776.


"Probably no similar instance of mortality", says Kilbourne, "occurred during the entire war. Only six survivors out of a com- pany of thirty six hale and hearty young men, is a percentage rarely reached, even in the most fatal engagements".


"Captain Beebe", he adds, "was allowed the limits of the city on his parol of honor", and "was accustomed to visit his men daily, so long as any remained, and did whatever he was allowed to do, to alleviate their wretched condition".


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THE HISTORY OF LITCHFIELD


The ill-treatment of prisoners was one of the saddest aspects of the war, and one calculated to arouse the most bitterness. Another Litchfield company had been raised in June 1776, part of six battalions ordered from Connecticut by the General Assembly, to reinforce the army in New York. Of this company Abraham Bradley was Captain, Tilley Blakesley, 1st Lieutenant, Thomas Cat- lin, 2d Lieutenant, and James Morris Jr., Ensign. "Among the 'Wolcott Papers'," Kilbourne tells us, p. 102, "is preserved the fol- lowing Deposition made on the 3d of May, 1777, before Andrew Adams, Esq. J. P., by Lieutenant Thomas Catlin:


"That he was taken Prisoner by the British Troops on New York Island, September 15, 1776, and confined with a great number in close Gaol, eleven days; that he had no sustenance for forty-eight hours after he was taken; that for eleven whole days they had only about two days' allowance, and their pork was offensive to the smell. That forty-two were confined in one house, till Fort Washington was taken, when the house was crowded with other Prisoners; after which they were informed they should have two-thirds allowance- which consisted of very poor Irish Pork, Bread hard, mouldy and wormy, made of canail and dregs of flax-seed. The British Troops had good bread. Brackish water was given to the Prisoners, and he had seen $1.50 given for a common pail of water. Only between three and four pounds of Pork was given three men for three days. That for near three months, the private soldiers were confined in the Churches, and in one were eight hundred and fifty; that about the 25th of December, 1776, he and about two hundred and twenty five others were put on board the Glasgow at New York to be carried to Connecticut for exchange. They were on board eleven days, and kept on black, coarse broken bread, and less pork than before. Twenty eight died during these eleven days! They were treated with great cruelty, and had no fire for sick or well. They were crowded between decks, and many died through hardship, ill usage, hunger and cold'."


Even allowing for the fact that the standards of the day were rougher than our own, that sanitary measures were little under- stood, and that the British were under the disadvantage of conduct- ing operations on foreign soil, we cannot exonerate from the charge of deliberate cruelty, the officers in charge of the revolutionary prisons. No part of the story of our revolution. however, can be justly told, that represents the enemy as inherently base, or the characters of the warring peoples as essentially antagonistic. They were bred to the same tradition, inheritors of centuries of common life. It is interesting to remember that in the year in which the American Colonies declared themselves a Free Nation, the City of London raised a voice of protest against the prosecution of the war.


The war, however, continued; and Litchfield's part in it became increasingly important. In July 1776, Oliver Wolcott had signed the Declaration of Independence. Shortly after this, when the British captured New York and all communications between New


MAJOR MOSES SEYMOUR


1


(1735). (Site of George M. Woodruff House)


-


-


-


MOSES SEYMOUR HOUSE.


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THE HISTORY OF LITCHFIELD


England and Pennsylvania were forced onto a northerly route to the Hudson and so down beyond the western highlands, Litchfield, lying on the most direct route to the American posts on the river, became an important military depot, which it remained until 1780. "The depot for provisions", says Kilbourne, p. 117, "stood on the premises now occupied by Dr. Buel's sanitarium, in North Street, where a building was erected for that purpose sixty feet long and two stories high. On the site of the present Court House, was erected a building of similar dimensions as a depot for other mili- tary stores. A workshop for the army (which was also sixty feet in length and two stories high), stood on the north side of East Street, just west of the Burying Ground. At each of the places here designated, a military guard was stationed night and day-the roll being called-the soldiers drilled, and the guard set, at stated intervals, with as much precision as would have been observed by an army encamped in the vicinity of the enemy. The stores and provisions deposited here, were for much of the time under the gen- eral superintendence of Commissary William Richards of Elizabeth- town, N. J. Ashbel Baldwin, a native of this town, graduated at Yale College in 1776, and soon received the appointment of Quarter- master and was stationed here. He remained at his post between two and three years, when he received an honorable discharge, and was succeeded in office by Oliver Wolcott Jr., who graduated in 1778".


Prisoners of war were also often sent to Litchfield and were kept in the Jail on East Street. "The location being so far inland, and so distant from any navigable stream", says Kilbourne, p. 112, "it was thought they would be less liable to be discovered and res- cued here, than at Hartford, New Haven or Boston". Among the prisoners detained here at various times were the Hon. William Franklin, royal Governor of New Jersey, loyalist son of Benjamin Franklin; and Mr. Matthews, the English Mayor of New York. The latter was in the custody of Captain Moses Seymour, in which he thought himself happy; and whose courtesies he requited by the gift of the "pleasure-carriage" elsewhere referred to. The unfortu- nate Mayor, however, was not destined to a quiet captivity. He was the storm-centre of many rumors, and was at one time removed from Litchfield for fear of his life. Later he was returned and subsequently made his escape. George C. Woodruff in his Centen- nial Address, delivered in 1876, states that tradition had it, "that the public authorities did not well know how to deal with his case, and that one day when he 'walked abroad for the benefit of the air', (as he was permitted to do), he neglected to return; very much to the satisfaction of all concerned in his detention".


In the summer of 1776, occurred the event, so dear to local tradi- tion, when the leaden statue of George the third, torn from its gilded glory on Bowling Green, was brought to Litchfield and turned into rebel bullets by a few of the women and young people of the town. This was done, it is supposed, at the instance of Oliver Wolcott, who


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THE HISTORY OF LITCHFIELD


had just returned to Connecticut from Philadelphia, and was always keenly alive to the needs of the army. Among his papers was found the following account of the cartridges made on this occa- sion.


Mrs. Marvin, on former account, 2602


3456 cartridges.


6058.


Ruth Marvin on former account,


6204


Not sent to court house 449 packs, 5388


11,592


Laura, on former account, 4250


Not sent to court house 344 packs, 4128


8378


Mary Ann, on former account,


5762


Not set to the court house 119 packs,


out of which I let Colonel Perley Howe have 3 packs, 5028


-- 10,790


Frederick, on former account,


708


Not sent to court house, 19 packs, 228


936


37,754


Mrs. Beach's two accounts,


2002


Made by sundry persons,


2182


Gave Litchfield militia, on alarm,


50


Let the regiment of Col. Wigglesworth have


300


Cartridges, No.


42,288


Overcharged in Mrs. Beach's account, 200


42,088


Woodruff, p. 47, says of this, "the late Hon. Judge Wolcott, who figures in the account as 'Frederick', and who was a boy at the time, informed me a few years ago that he well remembered the circumstance of the statue being sent there, and that a shed was erected for the occasion in an apple orchard adjoining the house, where his father chopped it up with the wood axe, and the 'girls' had a frolic in running the bullets and making them up into cartridges. ...


"The estimation in which lead was held in those days may be imagined from the fact that the above account of cartridges is filed carefully among returns of troops, accounts of requisitions upon the states, and issues of bills of credit".


In October of this year, Oliver Wolcott was reappointed a mem- ber of the Continental Congress; and Drs. Reuben Smith and Seth Bird were appointed by the Legislature to serve on a committee "to examine all persons in this State that should be offered as Surgeons


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THE HISTORY OF LITCHFIELD


or Surgeons' Mates in the continental army or navy, and if found qualified, to give them certificates". Andrew Adams was appointed with others, to cause the arrest of all suspected persons, and those dangerous to the liberties of America.


In December, the Legislature appointed Tapping Reeve and Lynde Lord on a committee "to rouse and animate the people", and endeavor to procure the enlistment of volunteers for Washington's army. A company was forthwith raised in Litchfield, and the fol- lowing officers were commissioned: Nathaniel Goodwin, Captain; Alexander Waugh, Lieutenant; and Ozias Goodwin, Ensign. At the same session, Colonel Wolcott was promoted to the rank of Brigadier General, and given the command of the Fourth Brigade.


This winter was a profoundly trying time for the American army. Mr. Ellsworth tells us that Fiske considered the attack on Trenton the most critical point in Washington's career, for the terms of service of the greater part of his men expired on New Year's Day, and had the attack failed it would have been almost impossible to fill his ranks again. "In that dark hour", says Mr. Ellsworth, "New England did her duty and sent all the troops she could raise to create a diversion in the neighborhood of New York. Judge Tapping Reeve ... was one of those who went ... and served as an officer until the news of the victories of Trenton and Prince- ton brought assurance that Washington's army was safe for a time".


Through all changes of manners and modes of warfare, the essential problems of war remain the same; armament, food, cloth- ing and shelter for the army; means of raising money; provision for the families of soldiers; regulation of prices ;- our revolutionary fathers knew them all.


"Early in 1777", says Kilbourne, p. 113, "orders were issued for raising eight battalions in Connecticut for the continental service, 'to serve for three years or during the war'." (The necessity for long enlistments had been brought home to the people). "Ninety two soldiers for these battalions were ordered to be raised in Litch- field". In March we find the town voting as follows:


"Voted that the families of such soldiers belonging to this town who shall undertake in the Continental Army in the Connecticut Battalions, and have not time and opportunity to lay out their money, and make proper pro- vision for their families in their absence; be supplied with necessaries at the prices stated by law on reasonable request and lodging money therefore, .. . agreeable to an order and Recommendation of the Hon. the Governor and Council of Safety of the 18th March, 1777.


"Also, Voted strictly to adhere to and jointly and severally endeavor to enforce, support and maintain the Law regulating prices as recommended in said proclamation".


In April, they further voted to pay out of the town treasury "to each soldier that should enlist for the term specified, the sum of twelve pounds per annum", in addition to their pay from the State or Federal Government.


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THE HISTORY OF LITCHFIELD


Town votes of a similar nature are recorded throughout the war. In those days the town was far more than now the unit of government, and the town vote regulated many things that are now controlled by the State or Nation.


In this year of 1777 the people began to feel the inevitable reaction from the first enthusiasm of the war. A letter, quoted by Kilbourne, pp. 107-110, from Dr. Reuben Smith to Oliver Wolcott, then attending Congress in Philadelphia, gives us a vivid picture of the doubts and discouragements of the time. . Kilbourne reminds us that "considerable allowance must be made for the personal and political prejudices of the writer"; and that "the insinuation in regard to Major Welch" is "ungenerous and uncalled for"; that aside from his active service in the field, that gentleman had been again and again elected to public offices, at times when the "least suspicion of Toryism" would not be tolerated. The letter follows:


Litchfield, 17 April, 1777.


Hon'd Sir-Your favor of the Ist instant came to hand the 15th, and I now sit down to give you the desired information, though ignorant of any proper conveyance.


At the Town Council in January, John Marsh, 3d, and Daniel Rowe, were objected to as Innholders; upon which Captain John, who is this year one of the Selectmen, moved that Marsh might be called in, which was agreed to. He accordingly came in, and acknowledged the several charges in substance, and openly declared that in his opinion America had better settle the dispute on the best terms they could obtain from Great Britain ; that the further we proceeded, the deeper we should get in the mire, (his own words,) and must finally submit. Captain John tried to help him out by putting some questions which would admit of ambiguous answers; but the young man was too open and frank in his answers, and accordingly was left out, as was Rowe. Captain Seymour and David Stoddard were put in their room.


The latter end of January I joined the army under General Wooster, and retreating soon after in a stormy night, was over fatigued, fell sick, was carried up to Horseneck and there discharged, and returned home some- time in February. .


I can't recollect that March produced anything very remarkable except the struggle about the small-pox.


April is a month of great importance and expectation. Several appeared by the suffrages to be candidates for election at the Freemen's Meeting. Mr. Adams came in first; and, after many rounds, Mr. Strong just carried it against Captain Bradley. Captain John Marsh fell much short of the number I expected. Major Welsh, who for some time has appeared a cool friend of the American cause, was observed to have nearly all the tory votes. So much for Deputies. The Constables for Litchfield were Lieu- tenant Mason, (since dead,) Alexander Catlin, Briant and David Stoddard. Lieutenant Mason was appointed in the winter service, was seized with a pleurisy at DeLancey's Mills, (Westchester,) sent over to Rochelle, and when we retreated from Fort Independence, was removed to Mamrock, where he died the same day. His eldest son, who was with Captain Beebe at Fort Washington, came home about the same time in a very miserable


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THE HISTORY OF LITCHFIELD


condition, and is since dead. Captain Beebe and Lieutenant Jesse Grant still remain in captivity. It was said, after our success at Trenton and Princeton, that we were abundantly able to exchange all our prisoners; and certain it is, that we have numbers in hand, and yet our people are held prisoners. Is there not somewhere a neglect? May these partial ills be productive of universal good? Has my honored friend any bright prospects ? Has he any cordial for one almost in the Nadir of Despondency? Public spirit and virtue exist with us only in idea. Almost every one is pursuing his private gain, to the entire neglect of the public good. Our proportion


of the continental army, I believe, is not half completed. Men will not enlist, and if drafted only for six weeks, (as has lately been the case,) they will rather pay a fine of five pounds. Thirteen men were the other day drafted in Captain Marsh's company to go to Peekskill and to be held but six weeks after their arrival. Not one has gone or intends to go. This town met last week and voted £12 premium for every one that should enlist into the continental army for three years or during the war; but I cannot learn that one man has enlisted since. This day orders came to town from the Governor and Council of Safety to fill up the Eight Battalions immediately, by drafting men out of the militia and alarm companies, till the Ist of January; but it will not be done, as a fine of five pounds will excuse from going.


Our money is continually depreciating. This week, John Collins sold two yoke of oxen for £95, which might have been bought a twelve month past for £20 per yoke. Every necessary article is continually rising in price, which proves a fatal discouragement to men's engaging in the service; for if they go, their families (say they) must unavoidably suffer and starve, as their bounty and pay will not procure them the necessary support.


Monday, 28th April .- Finding no opportunity of forwarding the fore- going, direct, it has lain by until this time, and now send it to the Post Office in Hartford with the following addition :


Intelligence was brought to town last Saturday afternoon, that twenty- four Transports were come to a place called Compo, between Fairfield and Norwalk, and that the troops were landing. About two o'clock next morn- ing, an Express came from New Milford, who informed that the troops landed to the number of three thousand, with some light field-pieces, and proceeded direct to Danbury, where they arrived without the least opposi- tion on Saturday at two o'clock in the afternoon, took possession of our stores and the town, which was said to be in flames when the Express came away. The people with great spirit turned out immediately from all our towns, but I fear to little purpose; for if they fired the town Saturday afternoon, they will get on board their shipping before our people get down. Last night advice was brought that the enemy was landing at New Haven on Saturday night, but I imagine it to be only a feint in order to prevent their retreat being cut off. We have heard nothing from Danbury since the departure of our people. The Tories are grown very insolent, but I believe they will not dare attempt anything openly with us.




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