USA > Connecticut > New Haven County > Waterbury > The town and city of Waterbury, Connecticut, from the aboriginal period to the year eighteen hundred and ninety-five, Volume I > Part 17
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Although it has been intimated that this war ended with the death of King Philip, it kept its active life long past that event,
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HISTORY OF WATERBURY.
Hatfield and Deerfield receiving "visits from fugitive Indians in September of 1677. They burned, it is said, seven houses, took captive twenty-four inhabitants, and killed, at Hatfield, several persons. This news aroused once more the people of Connecticut. Post-riders were sent forth: towns were warned to put themselves in defensive order; Hartford County was ordered to bake one thousand pounds of bread; the other counties five hundred each, and hold it in readiness for instant use, and fifty men from the triplet-towns on the river were rushed forth to Hatfield, with horses, long arms and ammunition. During this war, horses were comparatively few in number, and the prices at which they were held were very high. On the long marches the proportion of horses to men was about one to three.
This seems to have been the last requisition of troops that was made. Gradually the conflict softened, the Indians either fled to the northward, or surrendered. The surrendering Indians, if not proved murderers, were to " have their lives " and were "not to be sold out of the country for slaves," but all persons sixteen years of age or older were to be sold for servitude. If under sixteen, the time of such servitude was to extend until the subject of it reached the age of twenty-six years. If over sixteen, the time was ten years. There was a division of Indians made to each county, and the "committee men " were to divide the county pro- portion, to the several towns in that county. When so divided, the Indians were offered for sale in each town unto "such as they thought most meet to educate and well nurture them, at such price as was thought equal." Each assistant and each " committee man was to have one for himself freely." The prisoners of war were otherwise disposed of. Some of the number belonged to the captors; others were bestowed upon "friend Indians;" and, perhaps the more dangerous sort, were sent out of the country and sold into slavery. Could a greater hardship befall an American Indian- with all the free-born blood of the forest ranger running from heart to brain-than to be made a slave in an English town, even when his master was just and kind ? Our Major Talcott had one of these Indian boys, whom, according to his account book, now in the State Library at Hartford, he bought of Mr. Wolcott. The Major kept a little account in his "waste book" of the running away of this Indian boy, that well illustrates the tendency of the Indian to roam at will, and we give it.
January 1680, Dick was gone away three days.
July 30, 1681, Dick ran away at the time of Indian Dance, three days in Harness expended to find him.
August 20, ran away two days.
I4I
MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION.
August 25, Dick ran away and was found next day by his father, being but one- day, found at Mr. Lord's barn.
August 27, Dick ran away and was gone six days.
September 13, Dick ran away with his father, as they say, went up to the West Mountain, and came not until September 19th, six days in all. Cost me one way and another to send out after them five shillings.
November 4th, Dick ran way four days.
November 15th and 16, Dick ran away all three days, and was off and on in the neck of land where was a Town of Indians, and his father brought him, after much time spent. That time, I was at charges in looking after him, four shillings.
October 24th, 1684, Dick went way to Simsbury to Seposs his wigwam. The English saw him and advised Sepos to bring him home, but I sent two men to search after him and they brought him home and Sepos came with them. He was gone that time six days and spoyled his cloathes very much that time. The charges in looking after him was nine shillings that I was out of purse.
May 19, 1685, Dick went away again. I sent to Podunk then, as I always did,. and to Farmington, Weathersfield and Simsbury as my manner was always to send around, that if I got out of one town, he would be taken in the other towns, but Coakham seized him on the East side of the Great River and brought him home. I expended in my search for him that time, three shillings and six pence and he was gone bout five days.
But the crowning aggravation came in 1687, when, "Dick ran away in hay time ! I sent a man to Farmington on purpose with letters to Mr. Wadsworth to enquire of the Indians, and to Sims- bury, to Weathersfield, and over the Great River, and at last Mr. Hooker's Indian boys brought him home, who was gone that time five days and the charges this time was six shillings." This run- ning account of Dick's running away was kept with a legal pur- pose. It could be brought up against him at the end of his ten years of service and would prevent his release from servitude. A glance at Dick's "wast" book for the other side of his account, though earnestly desired, is denied to us. It should be told here that Major Talcott had the power to sell Dick, as a captive, to be transported out of the country for his running away, and also that each Indian who returned Dick received two yards of cloth.
We have made no attempt to give even an outline of King Philip's war. Connecticut disclaimed all responsibility for it, but she suffered from it in untold ways. We have been able to catch a glimpse of the cost of it to Waterbury. It seems to have cost us the loss of a number of original planters; to have thrown a cloud of discouragement over the enterprise that was many years in lift- ing; to have added greatly to the burdens of those who had the moral and physical courage to continue the work-begun so auspiciously and interrupted at the vital point; and finally, to have thrown our town so out of line with progress at its very beginning, and dwarfed it so completely that it was thrown back
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HISTORY OF WATERBURY.
for several generations to rely solely upon self-effort under most discouraging conditions. Waterbury's position to-day among towns is that of a "self-made " town. Let us think thoughtfully of these things in her history; let us give credit where credit is due; for the natural advantages of the township were less than those of any one of the towns settled at an early date.
Mattatuck bore her early trials and troubles without an apparent moan. Not a word has been found in relation to the sufferings of her people during King Philip's war. Not a cry for aid has been heard. Not a petition for redress has been seen. It is only by looking up facts that tell of the troubles of surrounding towns that we can throw the light from their beacon fires of distress into our plantation. Is it probable that Mattatuck escaped the experiences that befell Woodbury and Derby ?
There is at Hartford a petition, which has never been published, that was sent up in relation to the grievances of Woodbury and Derby. It was not seen until after the chapter relating to that war was in print. It was addressed to the General Court, October 12, 1676, in behalf of those towns, by their respective ministers, Rever- end Zachariah Walker and Reverend John Bower. The writer of the petition was Mr. Bower. A portion of it only is here given :
" That whereas the providence of God hath so ordered that by meanes of late troubles brought upon the country; we the inhab- itants of Woodbury and Derby have been necessitated to remove from our dwellings, and a more favorable aspect of Providence at the present inviting us to a return, and the necessity of many of our families in part enforcing it; yet forasmuch as we can not be assured but the like danger may again arise; we make bold before such our return to request this honored Court to resolve us in our important inquiry, viz .: in case the war with the Indians should be again renewed; what we may expect and trust to from the authority of this realm in order to our protection and safety ? We humbly request that this our inquiry may neither be judged offensive nor concluded irrational till the following grounds of it be considered.
"First, we cannot be insensible of our former experience viz., that in a time when danger threatened the loudest and our two planta- tions above s'd were in greatest hazard, we were not only without any other help but our own for the guarding of our said places, but our own [men] also, which were indeed too few, were taken from us time after time, being pressed from the sea side towns, when occa- sionally they came thither about necessary business, whereby we had more, proportionable to our numbers, from our two plantations,
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MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION.
imployed in the publick service than (we suppose) any other town of the colony : And as by that means we were forced to a removall so yt we had not the least benefit of any guard for the safety of our own persons or goods. Neither can we be insensible how unable many persons will be, after a second remove to those plantations, without ruine to their families to return again to these their plantations; partly by meanes of the chargeableness of such removes, and partly by meanes of what disappointments we have already met with."
The letter or petition then defines the mutual obligations of sub jects and rulers, and sets forth the benefits that would accrue to New Haven and Fairfield counties by securing the plantations of Woodbury and Derby, and adds, "because the Indians would not set upon lower plantations until they had attempted those above, and if they fail there, they will be the more shy of pounding them- selves by coming lower."
It may not be generally known that during the period just referred to-in 1676-Ireland, touched by the story of the suffer- ings of her English brethren in New England, sent a gift of one thousand pounds for their relief. It is called in the records the "Irish Charity." Massachusetts caused a list to be made of the suffering families within her own borders and sent for correspond- ing lists from Plymouth and Connecticut. A list from Connecti- cut was forwarded, but when it became known that Massachusetts alone-with twelve towns yet to hear from-had within her bor- ders six hundred and sixty families that were in absolute distress, Connecticut, like the brave little Colony that she has ever been, remitted all her right, title and interest in the "Irish Charity " to Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies. Connecticut's list, if in existence, could give to us the names of families that were driven out of their habitations; the owners of houses that were burned, and also the names of those persons and families that were sus- tained by charity; for they were all included in it.
CHAPTER X.
MATTATUCK'S SECOND ENTRANCE UPON PLANTATION LIFE-A NEW TOWN SITE CHOSEN-TRANSFER OF TITLE TO THE PLANTERS-MAJOR TALCOTT'S ACCOUNT OF HIS PURCHASE OF A TOWNSHIP FROM THE INDIANS-A GLANCE AT CONNECTICUT COLONY IN THE YEAR 1679.
T HE Committee appointed to establish the plantation, without doubt, made due return to the Court of its acts concerning our town, but no record of such accounting has been found; whereas, in the case of Derby an ample and minute return was ren- dered, even to the care that had been taken in providing a place for yards, where goods and cattle brought to the ferry from Woodbury and Mattatuck might be stored. This was accomplished in 1676.
Mattatuck's second entrance upon plantation life is heralded to us by the announcement of a meeting, held by the proprietors in May, 1677. They assembled to discuss the question that had arisen concerning the town site. "Difficulty " was recognized in setting the town where it was then laid out. No hint is given concerning the nature of this "difficulty." Dr. Bronson has suggested that it may have arisen from the desire to be on the same side of the river with their Farmington friends, in case of an attack from the Indians; from the difficulty of access from the east, both for themselves and their harvests, and from the fact that to Farmington they must resort "for the regular ministrations and ordinances of the Gospel." All these things must have received due consideration when the original site was chosen, and the conditions seem not to have changed, except that the danger from Indian raids had increased; but even then, Woodbury was nearer to them on the west and Derby on the south than Farmington was on the north. It would seem that some weightier cause than all these causes combined had arisen to throw discouragement over the Town Plot enterprise, and very natu- rally the men who had been foremost in building and in making improvements on the hill would be the strong objectors to the change. Evidently the proprietors were not of one mind, for they left the mat- ter in the hands of a committee, and chose men of discretion and years to decide for them. These men were " Deacon Judd, John Langh- ton, Ser., John Andrus, Senr, Goodman Root, and John Judd and Dan- iell Porter." They were to view and consider whether it would "not be more for the benefit of the proprietors in general to set the town
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MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION.
on the east side of the river." They were, in so doing, to content themselves with "less home lots." Those formerly laid out were to be secured to them. The committee was instructed in the follow ing words, which it may be noticed differ slightly from the render- ing heretofore given : "provided also they think and concede it so to be, to advise with the Grand Committee, and in conjunction with them, they giving liberty, so to do." Under this agreement, the proprietors promised to act according to the decision of the com- mittee, " notwithstanding what is already done."
If we could cast the shadow of a coming event in the right direction we might throw legal light on the change of site, for at the session of the General Court next following, it was ordered that "for the future, all plantations or townships that shall or may settle in plantation-wise shall settle themselves in such near- ness together that they may be a help, defence and succour each to other against any surprize, onset or attempt of any comon enemie ; and the General Court from time to time shall appoynt some committee to regulate such plantation settlement accord- ingly." This enactment was made because of the "woefull experi- ence of the late war," and because the "Providence of God seemed to testify against a scattered way of living, as contrary to religion." Each family upon an eight-acre lot would necessarily be more remote from neighbors than the same family upon a two-acre lot. The removal to a plot one fourth the size of the first lay- out of the town made the settlement very compact, and far more capable of self-defence. It may also be suggested that, as more than once in our history, Mad River has played an important part, it also became a factor in this change. The corn mill was of the foremost importance, and the urgent need that it should be near by the house lots was recognized. The excellent natural advantages which Mad River, at that time called Roaring River, possessed as a mill-site could not have been overlooked, for we very soon find it with its name changed to Mill River, and a mill upon it. Our authority for its first name is the paper on which is the original lay-out of the three-acre lots. Three of the lots were laid out on Roaring River, two on the south side of it, and one on its east side.
The question of immediate water supply determined the site of all or nearly all early homesteads. We find that through the acres, about seventy five in number, that comprised the second town plot, four streams coursed their way. Great Brook and Little Brook passed through the house lots that lined the east side of Bank and North Main streets. The West Main street habitations were sup-
IO
146
HISTORY OF WATERBURY.
plied by the considerable rivulet that came down from the north- ern highlands cast of present Central avenue, and by another stream that came from the westward. Both streams crossed West Main street near the site of St. John's Church, uniting on its south- ern side. From that point the brook flowed westward through sev- eral house lots on its way, by meadow and cove, to the Great River .* The chosen spot was sufficiently well watered to supply to the town even its name "Watterbury."
The next ray of light concerning the settlement falls upon it four months later through an Indian deed. The Assembly's Com- mittee transfers the title-Major Talcott alone signing the deed- to a tract of land ten miles in length from north to south, and six in breadth, to "Thomas Judd, John Stanley, Samuel Hikcox and Abraham Bronson, inhabitants of Mattatuck." As it names the above men and refers to the remainder of the company in the words, " and to the rest of the inhabitants belonging to the said Mat- tatuck," a fair inference is that in September, 1677, the four men named were already housed in the new plantation. Concerning this deed, we learn that the proprietors of Mattatuck paid the com- mittee thirty-eight pounds, "in hand received, or security suffi- ciently given for payment thereof." The Indian side of this sale does not appear in manuscript, but we get light on the possible means used in the purchase of Mattatuck lands from the following items, found in the account book of Major Talcott, which relate to his purchase of the township of Simsbury. It is probable that similar tact and wiles, and Trucking cloath Coats, meat, bread, beer and cider, Indian corn, and a shilling in money, played their part in the acquiring of our township-Major Talcott being the purchaser of both townships. The account is in his hand writing.
I682.
May 15 : Simsberry Town is Dr Pr my payment of their indian parchas of their Bounds of their Town.
To pay'd Totoo: and Nesahegon each of them a Trucking £. s. d. cloath Coat to Joshep whiting to John moses 00 06 00 To Seokets wife a Coat, Aups a Farmington indian a Coat, Nenepaush Squa one: Coate, Nesaheages Squa one Coate, Cherry one Coate, and mamantoes squa one Coat for these six Coats I charge . 04 16 00
*The name of our larger river was, while Waterbury remained a plantation, Mattatuck River. After that date, the inhabitants called it the Great River, when necessary to designate it. This soon became in the lay out of lands and in deeds simply "the river." Occasionally, in a document relating to matters extending beyond the limits of the township, it became Waterbury River. The name Naugatuck for our section of the river is quite modern. It was not universally adopted until after 1800.
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MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION.
May 18th To payd Nesahegan for his right in tantuuquafooge Six bush- ells of indian Corne
To him payd for his right in weatooge Nine bushells of indian Corn att this time indian corn fetch ready money 2: shillings for which I expect money- . 1 17 06
May 18th To payd Masecup 2: Bushells by the indians order, to Cogri- uoset 2: bushells-pr the same order, to wayump pr ye same order one Bushell
May 18th To Seoketts squa 2 bushells, to nenepaush squa 2: bushells, To Aups 2: Bushells To pashoners squa 2: Bushells To totoos bushells seaven. To one bushell the indians wear payd more- all as good as money soe I sould and others that sould, this being 21: Bushells 02 12 06
Pd chery more in money one shilling
pd to momantooes sqa four bushells of indian Corne 00 II 03 pd to Mr Joseph whiting of the Country for a Coat Sergt John Griffin had for an indian that he payd for the purchass* 00 18 00
pd p. charges of Twenty indians first day at proudingt terms of a bargaine set the pot with good meat and bread beer and sider provided that day for Capt: Allyn and Capt: New- bery yor comittee
Spent sundry times besides for 2 years together sometimes 10: sometime 20 sometimes 15 sometimes 6 or 7 indian with Cider victuall's and beer, at lest 16 days compleat myself and the first time cost me six dayes most of which I rod to pook hill [Podunk?] to the indians to drive on the bargaine they demanding one 100 pounds was afraid any of or English should put me by the businis by adviseing them to insist upon that great sume for which I reckon 06 10 00 -
01 05 00
1684 May, To so much payd Mr. Joseph Whiting for a Coat yo" Towns man had see folo 82 1 00 00
18 16 03
19 16 03
Simsbury Towne is pr: contra: Credited. The Towne of Simsbury have granted to me three hundred Acres of Land on the West side of the Town upon the River that runs there where the Indians ust to ketch samon at a place called cherrys land and any where within theire Bounds by that sayd River to be taken up in one Two or Three places as I see cause, as by Town grant doth fully appear, a coppy whereof I have in keeping and this to be in full sattisfaction of all my cost and charge of the purchase of their bounds of Ten mile squar, and therefore must be accounted in my books at eighteen poundes sixteen shillings and three pence
IS 16 03
More on the other side 01 00 00
19 16 03
The following is from the "History of Simsbury:" " The Indians not having been paid [for their lands] made a grevious complaint
* John Griffin had obtained from an Indian a deed of a portion of the Simsbury land, before this pur- chase.
+ So in the manuscript. Noah A. Phelps, author of History of Simsbury.
.
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HISTORY OF WATERBURY.
to the Major, and being incessantly urging for their dues," the town, " to still their acclamations and to bring to issue the said case, and to ease the Major of those vexatious outcries made by the Indians for their money," ordered the sale of one hundred and fifty acres of land to extinguish the debt.
We will glance for a moment beyond the hills of this plantation gathering at Mattatuck, in the year 1679, and look out upon the English Colony that encompasses it. We find Connecticut lying between "Narraganset River" on the east, and "Mamaronock Rivulet " on the west. Within her borders are twenty-six towns- Mattatuck apparently not included in the number; for although Mattatuck seems to have been the twenty-sixth plantation, her town number was twenty-seven-another plantation having gained precedence in the race for town honors. In every settlement in the Colony except two, that are "newly begun," there is a "settled min- ister," and the two "are seeking out for ministers to settle amongst them." The highest salary paid is one hundred pounds; the lowest is estimated at not less than fifty. We find, with a little surprise, that already in the twenty-six towns the people are divided into "strict Congregational men, more large Congregational men, and moderate Presbyterians," while within the Colony there are " four or five Seven-day men, and four or five Quakers." Ministers are preaching to the people twice every Sabbath day and sometimes on Lecture days. Masters of families are catechizing their children and servants with regularity, being so required to do by law. The poor are relieved by the towns where they live, every town provid- ing for its own poor and impotent persons. There are seldom any that need relief, because labor is dear. Two shillings and some- times two shillings and sixpence for a day laborer is paid and provisions are cheap. Wheat is four shillings a bushel; beef two and a half pence a pound, and butter six pence; other provision in proportion. "Beggars and vagabond persons are not suffered. When discovered, they are bound out to service."
In the twenty-six towns are living 2,552 trained soldiers, for every man, with a few exceptions, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, is in his country's service. There is one "Troope " of about sixty horses. The Governor of the colony is the General of all the forces. There is a major in each one of the four counties, who commands the militia of that county. The horsemen are armed with pistols and carbines; the foot-soldiers with muskets and pike. There is one small fort at the mouth of Connecticut River. The Indians left alive in the colony, are estimated at five hundred fighting men.
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MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION.
Thus early, it is with authority declared that most of the land that "is fit for planting is taken up," that what remains "must be subdued and gained out of the fire as it were, by hard blows and for small recompence." The principal trade of the colony is man- aged in the four towns of Hartford, on the Connecticut River. New London on the Pequot River and New Haven and Fairfield by the sea-side. The buildings are described as "generally of wood, some of stone and brick; many of them of good strength and come- liness for a wilderness, many forty foot long and twenty broad and some larger, three and four stories high."
The commodities of the country, the larger part of which are transported to Boston and bartered for clothing, are wheat, pease, rye, barley, Indian corn, pork, beef, wool, hemp, flax, cider, perry (pear cider) tar, deal boards, pipe staves, and horses. There is also a trade carried on with Barbadoes, Jamaica and other islands, for money, rum, cotton wool, and sugar; with an occasional vessel laden with staves, pease, pork and "flower" to Madeira and Fayal. There are in the colony about twenty merchants; some trade to Boston only, others to Boston and the Indies; others to Boston and New York; others include Newfoundland in their ventures. The vessels that are owned in the colony are four ships; one owned in Middletown, one in Hartford, and two in New London. One of the New London ships and the Hartford ship are of ninety tons burden each. To these may be added three pinks, twelve sloops, six ketches and two barks; the total tonnage being about seven hundred. Absolute free trade is in full operation, except that a duty is collected on wine and liquors, which is improved toward the maintenance of free schools. Dwelling houses in the colony are not taxed, because they are so chargeable to maintain. The total valuation of the estates, dwelling houses not included, in the year 1679 is £153,614. This picture is not drawn with a free hand. It betrays at every step an evident desire not to paint the facts in glow- ing colours lest England exact more tribute for her King than the colonists are willing to yield; for these items have been gleaned from the replies made by authority of the General Assembly to certain questions concerning "His Majesties Corporation of Con- necticut." The questions were sent to New England by the "Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations," in England.
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