USA > Connecticut > New Haven County > New Haven > Thirteen historical discourses, on the completion of two hundred years : from the beginning of the First Church in New Haven, with an appendix > Part 29
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ment, I make my said son, Nathaniel Tench, the [executor. And] in case my said wife should die before [me, I do entrust and com- mit] my son, both for his education, and for the ordering and im- proving his portion and estate, till he attain and accomplish the full age of one and twenty years, to the wisdom and care of the Church of Christ, gathered and settled at Quinnypiocke, whereunto Mr. Davenport is pastor ; upon whose love and faithfulness, in ac- cepting and managing this my desire, I quietly rest, with assurance and satisfaction to my spirit. So that if my wife should die, and her sister come over into these parts, and should desire to take my son back into old England, yet my express will and mind is, that he return not, but continue with and be brought up by the forenamed Church of Christ. And lastly, if it please God by death to take my son out of this world before he has attained the full age of one and twenty years ; then my will is, and I do hereby give and bequeath the one half of my estate to the treasury of the Church, to whose care I have entrusted my son, to be by them disposed of as they shall see good. And the other half of my estate, I hereby give and bequeath to my brother Francis Tench, and to his children. And I hereby revoke all former wills, testaments and devises by me here- tofore made. And do order, declare, and appoint that this and no other, nor otherwise, shall be, and remain in force, as my last will and testament.
" In witness whereof, I have hereunto subscribed my name, this 13th day of February, 1639 [1640.] EDWARD TENCH.
"In the presence of us, Henry Browning, Wm. James, Thos. Fugill."
"The inventory of all the goods and chattels of Edward Tench deceased, late planter of Quinnypiocke, taken by Thom. Gregson, Robert Newman, and Matthew Gilbert, the 19th Feb. 1639.
£ s. d.
2 Books of Martyrs,
3 00 00
Calvin on Job, - 6 00 -
1 Concordance, -
-
15 00
The Country Justice, -
3 00
Dodd on the Commandments,
3 00
1 Book of Greenham's Works, - 10 00
1 Geneva Bible with Notes, - - - 10 00
1 Bible, Roman letter, . . - 15 00
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£ s. d.
3 small Bibles, -
- -
-
-
- 18 00
Perkins on the Galatians,
3 00
Symons on the deserted soul,
-
-
2 6
Perkins' Principles,
5 00
Bell on Faith,
4 00
Burrough Book,
1 6
The Expert Midwife, - -
1 6
Markham's Husbandry, -
3 00
Byfield's Marrow of the Oracles,
-
2 00
Perkins' How to live well, -
2 00
I old book, Dodd on the Commandments, -
1 00
The plain man's pathway to Heaven,
1 00
Government of cattle, -
-
2 00
Watcher's Remembrance,
1 00
The Saints' Cordials, -
6
Sibbs' Canticles, -
4
6
On Hosea, - -
4
6
Light from Heaven, -
-
4 8
5 books of Dr. Sibbs, - -
3 6
Excellency of the Gospel, -
2 00
Promises, -
-
-
1 6
Comforts, - -
-
-
1 3
Christ's Exaltation, -
-
-
1 00
Hidden Secrets, - -
1 00
Dr. Preston's new covenant,
-
-
6
6
second volume, -
6 6
third volume, -
6
6
The Soul's Conflict,
3 00
Mr. Culverwell's Treatise of Faith,
2 00
Attributes,
3 6
Goodwin's Works,
5 00
Dyke on the Sacraments,
3 00
Saints' Legacies, -
1 00
Mark's Salutations, -
1 00
Sibbs' Philippians, -
4 00
Delights with Closets,
1 00
Mr. Caples' book,
1 2
Charitable Physician,
1 00
1 small Bible, -
-
- - -
5 00"
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
The entire inventory amounted to £409 3s. 6d.
42
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-
-
-
-
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-
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No. VIII.
TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS.
THERE are two sorts of people who habitually represent the New England fathers as having treated the Indians with great injustice.
First, we have the sentimentalists, to whom the Indian is an ob- ject of poetic interest. They feel that the wigwam by a waterfall was a far more romantic sight than a five story cotton mill on the same spot. They would rather see upon the Connecticut a rude canoe dug out of a log, by painful blows of a stone hatchet, than the most majes- tic steamboat. And to their mind's eye a "feather-cinctured chief," like Sassacus, is a much more imposing figure than Roger Sherman or Oliver Ellsworth. The melancholy fate of the wild tribes, disap- pearing with the forests they once inhabited, and leaving the graves of their fathers to be turned up by the white man's ploughshare, affects these sentimental readers or makers of poetry so deeply, that they cannot but take it for granted that the poor Indian was the vic- tim of Puritan oppression.
Secondly, we have those who think to silence all remonstrance and argument against some recent proceedings in respect to the In- dians, by asking, Where are the Indians of New England ; and who have a political interest to maintain by making themselves and others believe that there is no precedent, and therefore no warrant for jus- tice in dealing with the native proprietors of the soil.
I am very far from intimating that there were no particular in- stances of wrong on the part of white men in New England towards the aboriginal inhabitants; or that the colonial governments did not sometimes err through fear or indignation, in their judgment of what was right, especially in times of war. But there is no hazard in as- serting, that the general course of the policy adopted by our fathers in respect to the Indians, was characterized by justice and by kind- ness. The right of the Indians to the soil was admitted and re- spected. Patents and charters from the king were never considered good against the rights of the natives. Let any man demonstrate if he can, that in Connecticut a single rood of land was ever acquired of the Indians otherwise than by fair purchase, except what was con- quered from the Pequots, in a war as righteous as ever was waged.
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How the Indians were treated by the planters of the New Haven colony, appears on the face of the records, of which I propose to give some specimens, introducing first one passage from Winthrop, (II, 62,) which belongs to the history of New Haven.
"It is observable," says Winthrop in March, 1642, "how the Lord doth honor his people and justify their ways even before the heathen, when their proceedings are true and just, as appears by this instance. Those at New Haven, intending a plantation at Del- aware, sent some men to purchase a large portion of land of the In- dians there, but they refused to deal with them. It so fell out, that a Pequot sachem (being fled his country in our war with them, and having seated himself with his company upon that river ever since) was accidentally there at that time. He, taking notice of the En- glish and their desire, persuaded the other sachem to deal with them, and told him, that howsoever they had killed his countrymen and driven them out, yet they were honest men, and had just cause to do as they did, for the Pequots had done them wrong, and refused to give such reasonable satisfaction as was demanded of them. Whereupon the sachem entertained them, and let them have what land they desired."
The most ancient record in existence at New Haven is, as it ought to be, the record of two treaties with the aboriginal propri- etors,-by which the soil was purchased, and the relations thence- forward to subsist between the Indians and the English, were dis- tinctly defined. The substance of these treaties is given by Trum- bull, (I, 68,) but to many readers, an original document has an in- terest and a value far above the most perfect abstract. I therefore give these documents, though one is a little mutilated.
" Articles of agreement between Theophilus Eaton and John Davenport and others, English planters at Quinopiocke, on the one party, and Momaugin the Indian sachem of Quinopiocke, and Sug- cogisin, Quesaquauch, Caroughood, Wesaucucke, and others of his council on the other party,-made and concluded, the 24th of November, 1638, Thomas Stanton being interpreter.
"First, That he, the said sachem, his council and company, do jointly profess, affirm and covenant, that the said Momangin is the sole sachem of Quinopiocke, and hath an absolute and independent power to give, alien, dispose or sell all or any part of the lands in Quinopiocke ; and that though he have a son now absent, yet neither his said son, nor any other person whatsoever, hath any right, title
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or interest in any part of the said lands, so that whatsoever he the forenamed sachem, his council, and the rest of the Indians present, do and conclude, shall stand firm and inviolable against all claims and persons, whatsoever.
"Secondly, The said sachem, his council and company, (among which there was a squaw sachem, called Shampishuh, sister to the sachem, who either had or pretended some interest in some part of the land,) remembering and acknowledging the heavy taxes and imminent dangers which they lately felt and feared from the Pequots, Mohawks and other Indians, in regard of which they durst not stay in their country, but were forced to flee, and seek shelter among the English at Connecticut; and observing the safety and ease that other Indians enjoy near the English, of which benefits they have had a comfortable taste already, since the English began to build and plant at Quinopiocke, which with all thankfulness they now ac- knowledged ; they jointly and severally gave and yielded up all right, title and interest to all the land, rivers and ponds, trees, with all the liberties and appurtenances belonging to the same, in Quinopiocke, to the utmost of their bounds, east, west, north, south, unto The- ophilus Eaton, John Davenport and others, the present English plan- ters there, and to their heirs and assigns forever, desiring from the said English planters, to receive such a portion of ground on the east side of the harbor, towards the fort at the mouth of the river of Connecticut, as might be sufficient for them, being but few in num- ber, to plant in ; and yet, within these limits to be hereafter assigned to them, they did covenant and freely yield up unto the said English, all the meadow ground lying therein, with full liberty to choose and cut down what timber they please for any use whatsoever, without any question, license, or consent to be asked from them, the said Indians; and if after their portion and place be limited, and set out by the English as above, they the said Indians, shall desire to re- move to any other place within Quinopiocke bounds, but without the limits assigned them, that they do it not without leave, neither set- ting up any wigwam, nor breaking up any ground to plant corn, till first it be set out and appointed by the forenamed English planters for them.
"Thirdly, The said sachem and his council and company, desir- ing liberty to hunt and fish, within the bounds of Quinopiocke, now given and granted to the English, as before, do [hereby] jointly cov- enant and bind themselves to set no traps near any place where the
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whether horses, oxen, kine, calves, sheep,
goats, hogs or, any such * * *
*
*
*
* *
*
any fish out of any wear belonging to any English, nor to do any thing near any such wear so as to * * or affright away any fish to the prejudice of such wear or wears; and that upon discovery of any inconveniency growing to the English by the Indians disorderly hunting, their hunting shall be regulated and limited for the preven- ting of any inconvenience, and yet with as little damage to the In- dians in their hunting as may be.
"Fourthly, The said sachem, his council and company, do hereby covenant and bind themselves that none of them shall henceforth hanker* about any of the English houses at any time when the Eng- lish use to meet about the public worship of God ; nor on the Lord's day henceforward be seen, within the compass of the English town, bearing any burthens or offering to truck with the English for any commodity whatsoever; and that none of them henceforward with- out leave, open any latch belonging to any Englishman's door, nor stay in any English house after warning that he should leave the same, nor do any violence, wrong or injury to the persons of the Eng- lish, whether man, woman, or child, upon any pretence whatsoever ; and if the English of this plantation, by themselves or cattle, do any wrong or damage to the Indians, upon complaint, just recompense
* The word hanker is used here in a sense not set down by Webster. In England, it is still used, colloquially, with the same meaning. Richardson gives no authority for such a use. Elsewhere in the records, the word is used in the same sense. June 7th, 1659, " Sam. Clarke," was brought before the court " for not attending the training," and the opportunity was improved to question him touching some " other miscarriages." " The governor told him that he had heard with grief what he had heard concerning him, whereby it appeared that he was a lewd young man." It was charged against him that he " goeth forth" on the evening after the Sabbath, " without the consent of the governor of the family, and is found hankering about men's gates to draw out company to him. Sam. confessed that he did sometimes go out in the evening after the Sabbath, but withal said that he went upon business when he did go forth. He was asked what business he had when he was hanker- ing at Roger Allen's gate," &c.
This I suppose may pass for a genuine piece of the " blue laws." It may therefore be proper to add that on account of the absence of some " who could speak to the clearing of the case," " the whole business was respited till the next court ; and he [was] wished to consider in the mean time what the Scripture saith, ' He that being often reproved,' " &c. I cannot find that the business was ever called up again.
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shall be made by the English ;- and that none of them henceforward use or take any Englishman's boat or canoe of what kind soever, from the place where it was fastened or laid, without leave from the owner first had and obtained; nor that they come into the English town with bows and arrows, or any other weapons whatsoever, in number above six Indians so armed at a time.
Fifthly, The said sachem, his council and company, do truly cov- enant and bind themselves, that if any of them shall hereafter kill or hurt any English cattle of what sort soever, though casually or neg- ligently, they shall give full satisfaction for the loss or damage, as the English shall judge equal; but if any of them, for any respect, wil- fully do kill or hurt any of the English cattle, upon proof, they shall pay the double value. And if at any time, any of them find any of the English cattle straying or lost in the woods, they shall bring them back to the English plantation, and a moderate price or recompense shall be allowed for their pains; provided, if it can be proved that any of them drove away any of the English cattle, wheresover they find them, farther from the English plantation to make an * * or advantage or recompense for his pains finding or bringing them back, they shall in any such case pay damages for such dealings.
"Sixthly, The number of the Quinopiocke Indians, men, or youths grown to stature fit for service, being forty seven at present, they do covenant and bind themselves not to receive or admit any other Indians amongst them without leave first had and obtained from the English; and that they will not at any time hereafter en- tertain or harbor any that are enemies to the English, but will pres- ently apprehend such and deliver them to the English; and if they know or hear of any plot by the Indians or others against the Eng- lish, they will forthwith discover and make the same known to them, and in case they do not, to be accounted as parties in the plot, and to be proceeded against as such.
"Lastly, The said sachem, his council and company, do hereby promise truly and carefully to observe and keep all and every one of these articles of agreement ; and if any of them offend in any of the premises, they jointly hereby subject and submit such offender or offenders, to the consideration, censure and punishment of the English magistrate, or officers appointed among them for govern- ment, without expecting that the English should first advise with them about it, yet in any such case of punishment, if the said sa- chem shall desire to know the reason and equity of such proceedings, he shall be informed of the same.
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"The former article being read and interpreted to them, they by way of exposition desired that in the sixth article it might be added, That if any of the English cattle be killed or hurt casually or negli- gently, and proof be made it was done by some of the Quinopiocke Indians, they will make satisfaction; and if done by any other In- dians in their sight, if they do not discover it and (if able to) bring the offender to the English, they will be accounted and dealt with as guilty.
" In consideration of all which, they desire from the English that if at any time hereafter they be affrighted in their dwellings assigned by the English unto them as before. they may repair to the English plantation for shelter ; and that the English will there in a just cause, endeavor to defend them from wrong. But in any quarrel or wars which they shall undertake or have with other Indians upon any oc- casion whatsoever, they will manage their affairs by themselves with- out expecting any aid from the English.
" And the English planters before mentioned, accepting and grant- ing according to the tenor of the premises, do further of their own accord, by way of free and thankful retribution, give unto the said sachem, council and company of the Quinopiocke Indians, twelve coats of English trucking cloth, twelve alchemy spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve porringers, and four cases of French knives and scissors. All which being thank- fully accepted by the aforesaid, and the agreements in all points per- fected ; for ratification and full confirmation of the same, the sa- chem, his council and sister, to these presents have set to their hands or marks, the day and year above written.
" MOMAUGIN, - his mark.
" SUGCOGISIN, - his mark.
" QUESAQUAUSH, - his mark. " CARROUGHOOD, - his mark.
" WEESAUCUCK, - his mark.
" SHAUMPISHUH, - her mark .*
* Copies of these Indian marks may be seen in Barber's Hist. and Antiq. of New Haven, 27. The first is a rude resemblance of a bow; the second of a fish-hook. The third is a horizontal line, neither straight nor of any curve known to the mathematicians. The fourth is a small blot. The fifth may be imagined to stand for a war-club. And the squaw's mark is perhaps as much like a tobacco pipe, as the cloud which Hamlet showed to Polonius was " like a whale."
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"I, Thomas Stanton, being interpreter in this treaty, do hereby profess in the presence of God, that I have fully acquainted the In- dians with the substance of every article, and truly returned their answer and consent to the same, according to the tenor of the fore- going writing, the truth of which, if lawfully called, I shall readily confirm by my oath at any time. THOMAS STANTON."
" Articles of agreement betwixt Theophilus Eaton, John Daven- port, and sundry other English planters at Quinnypiock on the one part, and Mantowese, son of an Indian sachem, living at Mattabez- eck, and nephew to Sequin, on the other part, made and concluded the 11th day of December, 1638.
"First, the said Mantowese in presence and with allowance of Sawseunck, an Indian which came in company with him, doth pro- fess, affirm and covenant to and with the said Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, and others, above, that the land on both sides the river of Quinnypiock, from the northerly bounds of the land lately purchased by the said English of the Quinnypiock Indians, namely from the pond in the great meadow, about two miles above the great hill, to the head of the river at the great plain toward the plantations settled by the English upon the river of Quintecutt, southerly, which is about ten miles in length from north to south; the bounds of which land run also eight miles easterly from the river of Quinnypi- ock towards the river of Quinticutt, and five miles westerly towards Hudson's river,-doth truly and solely belong to him the said Man- towese, in right of his deceased mother, to whom the said land did appertain, and from whom it justly descends upon him as his in- heritance, so that he hath an absolute and independent power to give, alien, dispose, or sell all, or any part of the said land as he shall think good ; and that neither his said father, nor any other person whatso- ever, have any right, title, or interest in any part of the land descri- bed and limited as above, whereby he or any other may hereafter justly question what the said Mantowese now doth, or lay any claim to any part of the said land now disposed of by him.
"Secondly, the said Mantowese being fully acquainted with the agreements lately passed betwixt the said English planters and the Sachem of Quinnypiock, his council and company, did freely of his own accord, upon full and serious deliberation, give, grant, and yield up, all his right, title, and interest, to all the land mentioned and bounded as above, with all the rivers, ponds, trees, and all liber-
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ties and appurtenances whatsoever, belonging to the same, to the said Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, and other English planters at Quinnypiock, and to their heirs and assigns forever, desiring from them, the said English planters, to receive such a small portion of land by the river's side about two miles beyond the tree over the river in the passage from hence towards the towns at Quintecutt, as may be sufficient for his small company being but ten men in num- ber, besides women and children, which portion of land they desire may hereafter, upon a view, be assigned, appointed and limited unto thein by the said English planters ; reserving also to himself and his forenamed company, liberty, in fit seasons and due manner, without prejudice to the English, to hunt and fish and kill beaver, yet therein also to be regulated by the said English, upon discovery of any annoyance, as the Quinnypiock Indians are in that case.
" Lastly, the said Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, &c. accep- ting from Mantowese this free gift of his land as above, do by way of thankful retribution give unto him eleven coats made of trucking cloth, and one coat for himself of English cloth, made up after the English manner, which being thankfully accepted by the said Man- towese, and the agreement in all points perfected ; for ratification and full confirmation of the same, Mantowese and Sawseunck have hereunto set their hands or marks, this day and year before written.
" MANTOWESE, - his mark. " SAWSEUNCK, - his mark .*
"I, John Clarke, being interpreter in this treaty, do hereby profess in the presence of God, that I have fully acquainted the Indians with the substance of every article, to the which they have freely agreed ; that is to say, that Mantowese have given to Mr. Davenport and Mr. Eaton all his land which he had by his deceased mother, which he saith is from the head of the great plain to the pond, which he pro- fess to be his, and promise to make it good to our English ; and for this he is satisfied with twelve coats; only reserve a piece of land by the river for his men, which are ten, and many squaws, to plant in ; and when our cows come there, what harm their dogs do to our cattle, they will satisfy for, and we for what harm our hogs do to them in corn ; and as for hunting and fishing, they are acquainted, and do
* Copies of these marks are also in Barber. The first is a bow and arrow ; the second a hatchet. The most ancient emblems of heraldry, probably had an origin not more dignified.
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freely consent to them, as their mark witness,-the truth of which, if lawfully called, I shall readily confirm by my oath at any time :
" Per me, JOHN CLARKE .*
" We, Robert Coggswell, Roger Knapp, and James Love, do hereby renounce all right to any and every part of the forementioned land. Witness our hands hereunto.
" ROBERT COGGSWELL, " JAMES LOVE,
"ROGER KNAPP, - his mark."
These two treaties define, with much exactness, the relations which the Indians were to sustain to the government of the New Haven colony. By the stipulations thus mutually agreed upon, the Indians inhabiting this soil were taken under the protection, and, in a limited sense, under the government of the English. Yet they re- tained all the land which they needed for planting ; and their liberty to roam through the woods in their hunting, and to vex the streams with their fishing, was restrained only by the obligation not to inter- fere with the corn fields, the pastures, and the fisheries of the Eng- lish. What the Indians retained after the treaty, was worth more to them than what they had before the treaty. The consideration which chiefly moved them to the cession was not the coats, the knives, and the hatchets, the pewter spoons and porringers, but the safety and manifold advantages of having the English for their neigh- bors and protectors.
That these treaties were ever violated by either party does not ap- pear in history. After New Haven had lost its independent exist- ence, these treaties still regulated the intercourse between the Eng- lish here and their dependent neighbors. At the breaking out of Philip's war, after Eaton and Davenport were dead, the confidence of the Quinnipiacks in their protectors was unimpaired. See p. 163.
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