USA > Delaware > Biographical and genealogical history of the state of Delaware, Vol. I > Part 16
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Shortly after retiring from the presidency of the State of Delaware, he was elected to Congress, but it does not appear that he ever after took his seat in that body. The cancer which had for years afflicted him, and which for a long time previously had so spread over his face as to oblige him to wear a green silk screen to conceal its ill appearance, now in- creased its ravages, and on the 29th of June, 1784, he died, in the fifty-fifth year of his age. Ilis death caused much sorrow among the people. He was noted for high integrity, purity of character and patriotism. In 1889, more than a hundred years after his death, a handsome monument was dedicated to his memory and his name is still held in grateful remembrance by the people of Delaware.
WARNER MIFFLIN.
Warner Mifflin, who settled in Delaware many years before the Revolutionary war, was in some respects a unique character. Hle was born in Accomac county, Virginia, October 21, 1745, son of Daniel Mifflin, a planter and share owner, and died near Camden, Dela- ware, October 16, 1798, lacking but five days of being fifty three years of age. Early in life he became imbned with the belief that slavery was an evil, and devoted much thought to the question. Raised a Friend, he adhered to the customs and practices of the Society, and was a firm believer in its doctrines. The voar when he became a resident of Delaware is unknown. His father, it appears, came with him from Virginia, and purchased land. At that time he must have been quite a young man. He was the only Friend within sixty miles of his plantation and had a long distance to travel when attending the yearly meetings of the Society.
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Ile was appointed a justice of the peace by the Duke of York June 10, 1770, which shows that he must have arrived from Vir- ginia before that time. The records show that he was assessed in 1785 in North and South Murderkill hundreds. Daniel and Walker MifHin were assessed at the same time. The former was the father of Warner, and the latter was his brother.
Although Warner MitHin took so great an interest in the welfare of the slaves, and was one of the very earliest of Abolitionists, he became a slave owner. Some were brought to him by his first wife, who was a Marylander, and others were given to him by his father. But the belief that it was wrong to hold slaves grew stronger in his mind from year to year, and, finally, in 1774, he gave them their lib- erty by executing a curious paper which has been preserved. Ilis example was followed by other Friends, and the records show the voluntary emancipation of 615 slaves by their owners from 1774 to 1792, Warner MifHin opening the list with twenty-one of his own. The document is entitled a "Record of Manu- missions by the Members of Duck Creek Monthly Meeting and some other Friends." A copy of one of these records will serve as n illustration of the habit of thought of those Friends in carrying out their convictions of duty, and is well worthy of preservation 'n this connection as a remarkable historical document. It is as follows:
I, Warner Mifflin, of Kent county, in Delaware, merchant, fully persuaded in my conscience that it is a sin of a deep dye to make slaves of my fellow creatures to continue them in slavery, and believ- ing it to be impossible to obtain that peace my soul desires. while my hands are bound full of injustice, as by my unjustly detaining in bondage those that have as just and equitable right to their freedom and liberty of their persons as myself. Therefore, for remedying the same I do hereby declare all the negroes I have, hereafter particularly named, ab- solutely free, them and their posterity forever, from me, my heirs, executors. administrators and every one of them, to wit: Hannah, an antient negro woman ; Ezekiel, a man about twenty-five years of age : Beniah, a negro man about twenty- seven years of age; Paul, a negro man about twenty years of age ; Nanny, a negro woman about thirty years of age, and her girl, Hannah, about fourteen years of age : Daniel. her negro boy. about ten years of age ; her girl, Jenny, about five years of age ; girl Nanny, about three years of age ; boy, Abram, about ten months old ; negro Grace, a woman about twenty-seven years of age, her girl, Betty, about thirteen years of age: Henny, her girl, about eleven years of age ; her boy, Richard, about seven years and nine months old ; girl, Re- becca, about three years old ; hereby impowering
them and each of them with full and free liberty to commence suit in law against me, my heirs. execu- tors. administrators or any of us that may attempt to inthral, imbondage or deprive them of their lib- erty in any respect by color or pretence of right de- rived from me ; and I do hereby convey to them and each of them all the right, power and authority I have heretofore had to commence an action against any person that had heretofore got one of them out of my possession, and refused the delivery back again ; each one to stand in the place for him or herself that I have had to stand for them in behalf of my own interest in the same case, when they shall be entitled to recover all such costs as they may be at in prosecuting the suit from such of us as may attempt as aforesaid. And I do hereby. also lay it as a charge on the consciences of the court or jury before whom it may be brought that they par- ticularly adhere to this evidence in behalf of the aforesaid negroes. But believing it to be my duty to take upon myself the power and authority of the young ones to raise and educate them till they ar- rive :to lawful age, I therefore reserve that pre- rogative over the male till they arrive at twenty- one years of age, and the female till they arrive to eighteen years of age, which I do hereby direct to be determined by the ages of each as particularly mentioned as aforesaid, calling them the very age this day that they are said to be about such an age. And whereas a negro man named Solomon just came to me (upward of forty years of age) being left by my grandmother, Mary Mifflin, to serve which of her grandchildren he pleased, and by letter just received from my father, Daniel Mifflin, one of the executors in her will named, informing me he (the said Solomon) made choice of me. I do also there- fore hereby declare said negro *Solomon absolutely free from me and my heirs forever ; and do entitle him to all and every the privileges of the others on an attempt to deprive him as aforesaid. And whereas I have heretofore manumitted and set free my negro man James, woman Mariah and her chil- dren, Lydia and Nanny, and also negro girl Melissa, which manumission or clearance I deposited in the keeping of the Monthly Meeting of the people called Quakers of Duck Creek, in this county, which I ap- prehend will be admitted to record by direction of said meeting, together with this. Now my desire is that this being produced, or a copy hereof certi- fied by the clerk for the time being to said meeting, or in case there should be no monthly meeting of and for Duck Creek, a certified copy from the clerk of the Quarterly Meeting of said people called Quakers, to which Duck Creek Monthly Meeting last belonged, certifying that such record ap- peared, shall be adjudged taken and as accepted as full as I can enforce it, as if I was personally pres-
*Marginal note in handwriting of Recorder War- ner Mifflin-The reason of my grandmother's not freeing this negro herself was that she was in- formed she could not do it because of the laws of Virginia, where she lived, it being a concern to her for several years, but I believe was somewhat re- lieved with the prospect she had that it would be accomplished by her descendants ; she, therefore, mentioned none of them in her will except two men, allowing them to make choice of such of her grandchildren they pleased, this one choosing me and the other my brother Daniel, were both imme- diately set to their liberty, and likewise a woman and children before set at liberty in Maryland confirmed by will since all are freed by my father, Daniel Mifflin.
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BIOGRAPHICAL ENCYCLOPEDIA
ent and acknowledged the whole thereof. And such I desire that may have anything of the kind before them that they may particularly attend to and distribute justice impartially to the poor ne- groes and not wrest the meaning hereof (the con- sequence be to them that do otherways) my inten- tion being to clear them from slavery to me, my heirs or assigns forever, believing freedom to be their natural and just right. To which I do here- unto set my hand and affix my seal this Ninth Day of the First Month in the year of our Lord one thousand, seven hundred and seventy-tive (1775). WARNER MIFFLIN.
Sealed and acknowledged in presence of us, Jo. seph Jenkins and Edward Cole.
Record examined, Warner Mifflin.
In the execution of this remarkable docu- ment some interesting incidents are reported to have occurred. For instance, it is stated that when one of his bes. slaves appeared be- fore him he said: "Well, my friend James, how old art thou?" "I am twenty-nine and a half years, master." "Thou shouldst have been free," said Warner, "as thy white breth- ren are, at twenty-one. Religion and human- ity enjoin me this day to give thee thy liberty; and justice requires me to pay thee for eight years and a half service, at the rate of ninety- one pounds, twelve shillings and six pence owing to thee; but thou art young and healthy; thou hadst better work for thy liv- ing; my intention is to give thee a bond for it, bearing interest at seven and a half per cent. Thou hast now no master but God and the laws."
Daniel Mifflin, his father, who appears to have been living at this time, also followed the great humanitarian act of bis son by manu- mitting his slaves. Warner Mifflin was much encouraged in his work by the language of the preamble to the Declaration of Independence, although, like most of the Friends of that time, he was opposed to war and favored peace.
But the humane project which he had in view, that of universal freedom, was deemed impracticable at that time, and only those of his immediate acquaintance followed his il- lustrious example.
On the day of the battle of Germantown he was attending the yearly meeting of the Friends at Philadelphia, and the room in which they were assembled was darkened by the smoke of the battle. At this meeting the Friends renewed their testimony against the spirit of war, and chose Mifflin to visit Gen- erals Howe and Washington and remonstrate with them against the carrying on hostilities. To perform this hazardous duty Friend Mifflin
had to walk in blood and among the dead bodies of those that had fallen. But his cour- age was undaunted, and he set out on his perilous mission, believing it to be a sacred and religious duty to plead for an armistice, in the hope that it would lead to peace.
An interesting account of his experience on his visit to General Howe is furnished in a translation from the French of the account which Hector St. John De Creve-Coeur gave of this episode in his "Letters of an American Planter." Creve-Coeur was a Frenchman, who had married the daughter of an American merchant, and had become a farmer, and his book in praise of this country had a considera- ble circulation in its time. Creve-Coeur tells how Mitflin, when he arrived at the British outposts, was seized and taken before the offi- cer in command. "Who are you, and where are you going?" cried the guard. "My name is Warner Mifflin, and I am going to Philadel- phia," was the cahn reply. The name of the Quaker General Thomas MitHin was not un -. familiar to the officer, and he became suspi- cious. "Mifflin! Mifflin!" he exclaimed. "It appears to me that there is a cer- tain Captain Thomas Mifflin, who says he is a so-called general in the rebel army; is he not a relation of yours!" "Yes, my friend, he is my first cousin," said Warner. "Is it possible that that is a crime?" Then the officer opened the vials of his wrath, exclaiming: "How do you dare to call me your friend, you arrant rebel? Soldiers, lead this hypocrite to the guard house, until we take him before the provost, when he will be- hanged in his turn. You will see there a great number of rebels, who, under the guise of the simplicity and humility of the Quakers, have tried to sneak into the British lines to act as spies. Soldiers, take this man to the guard house; he argues too much. Put the mana- cles on him; do you understand? They will, without doubt, be the first pair of 'sleeve cuffs' monsieur the Quaker has ever worn."
The unfortunate peacemaker was kept in jail for several days. ITe was then taken be- fore General Howe. The British commander, six feet high, sometimes compared, like Corn- wallis, to Washington in his personal appear- ance, and with the manners of a gentleman. although popularly regarded as a monster of profligacy in the eyes of patriots of severe
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morals, seems to have received him gently, if not affably. The general was not accustomed, however, to callers coming into his presence with their hats on. He observed with some surprise that Mifflin had not doffed his hat, but proceeded merely, to ask if his name was Warner Mifflin. "Yes, friend William Howe, that is my name." At this point of the inter- view an aide-de-camp, who was doubtless as- tonished at the visitor's want of politeness to the general and his failure to appreciate the general's greatness, approached the Quaker, pulled his hat from his head, and rebuked him for daring to remain covered. Mifflin explained that he was only complying with the custom of his sect. Then Howe, in turn, rebuked the aide for his presumption, and assured the Quaker that it was a matter of in- difference to him whether the hat was worn or not, and that all he wanted was a clear and exact answer to his questions. According to the translation, Warner said:
"I am a planter in Kent county; I am sent by the Assembly of the Quaker Church of the three lower counties."
"Ah! the planters and their Quaker Church choose an unfortunate time, because I find myself obliged to be their enemy. What does the assembly desire of me? What do you your- self want with me?"'
Warner replies: "As you are an English- man, it is possible that you know that the So- ciety of Friends has nothing to do with war, or with contentions, either public or private; disputes are to us forbidden by Holy Writ, which enjoins us to consider all men as our brothers: but while recommending to us fra- ternity and peace, it commands us to do all in our power to prevent and hinder evil. Our brethren in the three counties, meeting in our 'Assembly for the Suffering,' have believed that perhaps it would be possible to bring about an interview between thee and our friend, George Washington, and by this in- terview a suspension of hostilities might be brought about, at least during the winter, and that such suspension might bring about a good understanding and restoration to peace. Per- snaded that this is a sound and pions idea through obedience to the inspiration of the Spirit, from whence come all our good thoughts, as well as the good that we Accom- plish, they have deputized me to communicate
with thee. What does thee think of it, friend Howe?"
Before the interview was at an end Howe was so interested in the Quaker that he wanted him to dine at the headquarters; declared that MitHin's scheme did honor to him and his sect, but pointed out that his position was somewhat different from Washington's, as the American general could at once obtain his instructions from Congress, while he would need to wait several months to secure the consent of the King. Hle expressed his willingness to agree to a short suspension of hostilities if he could meet Washington. The general and his visitor then sat down at table, and MitHin was asked whether it was true that he had set free all his slaves. Ile replied in the affirmative, and added:
"I only did what it was my duty to do."
"They also tell me that you gave the wool of five hundred sheep to those who had lost theirs by the English troops."
"Seeing that all men are brothers, why do not those who are well off divide their wealth with those that the war has ruined ? There is more true joy in doing well than 's thought."
"By what chance did you save your sheep?"
"By means of an island (Chincoteague) that I own; I concealed them in the woods on this island, when your brother, Admiral Howe, went up the river with his fleet."
"I esteem you highly, Mr. Mifflin, and these two generous actions would render me your friend for all my life if we were neighbors, and at peace. I wish to God that all the Americans were like you."
He was permitted to depart from within the British lines, when he made his way to the American camp, and finally succeeded in reaching General Washington. He told him plainly that he was opposed to "all changes of government which occasion war and blood- shed," and he was received with respect and complimented on the goodness of his inten- tions. Washington, while more taciturn and less affable than Howe, seems to have treated his fellow Virginian with deference. But the proposition of the Friends was regarded as im- practicable, and he returned to his abode, be- pinning soon afterward what became the great work of his life, the emancipation of the ne- groes. He had that clear, strong intellect
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which we often find among Quakers in following principles and convictions to their logical conclusion, as well as the most exact sense of justice.
At this time MitHin was only thirty-two years old, but his mind was of a matured cast, perfectly self-possessed and feeling that he - was engaged in a high and holy mission, he knew no fear. And although many of the Friends had to go through a season of resent- ment after the -Revolution, Warner MitHin, who had been more conspicuous than any other in an individual effort to bring the war to a close on the basis that all war is wrong, seems to have been regarded with the highest respect to the end of his career, as a man of exemplary worth.
After Washington was inaugurated as President at New York, MitHin visited him, and in the course of the interview, the Presi- dent, recollecting the assertion, when he visi- ted him during the war, "that I am opposed to the Revolution and to all changes of gov- ernment which occasion war and bloodshed." asked him to tell on what principle he was op- posed to the Revolution. "Yes, friend Wash- ington," he replied, "upon the principle that I should be opposed to a change in the present goverment. All that was gained by revolu- tion is not an adequate compensation for the poor mangled soldiers, for the loss of life or limb." To which Washington replied: "I know your sentiments; there is more in that than mankind have generally considered."
As illustrative of the philanthropie charac- ter of Mifflin, Brissot, in his examination of the "Travels of Chastellux in America" says: "I was sick and Warner Mifflin came to me. It is he that first freed all his slaves; it is he who without a passport, traversed the British army and spoke to General Howe with 50 much firmness and dignity ; it is he who, fear- ing not the effects of the general hatred against the Quakers, went, at the risk of being treated as a spy, to present himself to General Wash- ington, to justify their conduct to him; it is he who amid the furies of war, equally a friend to the French, the English, and the Ameri- cans, carried succor to those who were sufer- ing. Well! this angel of peace came to me."
Warner Mifflin devoted mich time to trav- eling and lecturing. His theme was the eman- cipation of the slaves. He laid petitions to
this effect before legislatures and Congress, published pamphlets in advocacy of his scheme, and never grew weary in inculcating the great peace doctrines and humanitarian principles which he had espoused in his youth.
He was a first cousin of General Thomas MitHin of the Revolution, and afterwards gov- ernor of Pennsylvania, and probably the only one of the connection that favored the peace doctrines of the Society of Friends, excepting his own immediate family. The circumstances surrounding his death were peculiarly sad. In the autumn of 1798 he was about to visit Philadelphia to attend the yearly meeting of of the Society of Friends. Yellow fever was then raging in that city, but he believed it was his duty to attend the meeting, and if his services were required to aid in looking after the sick and dying, he was ready to per- form that duty also. Before setting out on his journey he executed his will (see Will Book N, p. 224, Dover) in which he speaks of the pestilence then prevailing, but believing that it was the will of God that he should go, he set his house in order by making provision for his family and disposing of his large es- tate, so that in case he should fall, his life work would be properly ended.
After attending the meeting and witnessing the horrors of the pestilence he returned to his home in Delaware; but the seeds of the ter- rible disease were implanted in his system, and he sickened and died of yellow fever, as stated above, on the 16th of October, 1798.
Warner Mifflin was twice married. His first wife was Elizabeth, daughter of the cele- brated lawyer Kensey Johns, of Maryland, who afterwards settled at New Castle, became a United States Senator, and chief justice of Delaware in 1798. He was succeeded on the bench by his son, Kensey Johns, Jr., in 1832, who served for twenty-five years. The will of Warner MitHin shows that the issue by his first marriage was as follows:
I. Warner Mifflin, Jr .; II. Elizabeth (Mrs. -Cowgill); III. Anne (Mrs. - Rasin); IV. Susannah; V. Sarah.
When Mrs. Elizabeth Mifflin died is un- known, but she evidently died young, for, on the 9th of October, 1788, he married Anne Emlen, of Philadelphia. She was born (See Hist. of the Mifflin Family, p. 48) in 1765, and died in Philadelphia, March 22, 1815.
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By the second marriage there appear to have been two sons, Samuel and Lemuel. The lat- ter was a posthumous child, for reference to that effect is made to him in the will. Ile died August 9, 1824. Descendants of Warner Mittlin still live in Delaware.
GENERAL JOHN DAGWORTHY.
Among the distinguished Revolutionary heroes who ended their days in Delaware was Gen. John Dagworthy. The date and place of his birth are unknown. We first hear of him in New Jersey, at Trenton, in 1732. He was a man of some note at that time for Gov- ernor Morris says he was high sheriff of the county in which he lived. In King George's war in 1745, he commanded a company in a New Jersey regiment sent to operate against the French in Canada. In course of time he received a royal commission as captain from England, and in 1733 was in command of two companies of rangers organized for the pro- tection of the border settlements of Western Maryland in the French and Indian War.
While in this service a dispute occurred between Captain Dagworthy and Lieutenant Colonel George Washington regarding rank. Captain Dagworthy claimed that inasmuch as he held a royal commission, he outranked Washington, who was a Colonial officer, com- missioned by the Governor of Virginia. The dispute, which lasted a long time, and was the cause of much friction between the two officers, was finally settled by Braddock in fa- vor of Dagworthy. After Braddock's death the contest was revived and kept up for some time, or until Washington made a journey to Boston and laid the matter before General Shirley, who upon investigation, in March, 1756, definitely settled the relative rank of the different claimants by sustaining Wash- ington, and Dagworthy was reduced to the rank of a Provincial captain.
Captain Dagworthy proved himself a brave and valuable officer and saw minch hard ser- vice on the frontier. He was present at the fall of Fort Duquesne as an officer of the Maryland troops, and was the first to bring the news of the reduction of that stronghold to Baltimore.
The capture of this fort filled the colonies
with joy. Governor Sharp, by proclamation, appointed a day for public thanksgiving and praise; and the Assembly, to testify its grati- tude to the brave Maryland soldiers who had taken part in the action, appropriated £1,500 to be distributed as a gratuity among them. In the apportionment thirty pounds fell to Lt. Col. Dagworthy; to each captain, sixteen pounds; to each lieutenant, twelve pounds; to each ensign, nine pounds; to each non-com- missioned officer, six pounds; the remainder to be expended in the purchase of clothing and suitable necessaries, to be divided among the privates. Afterwards, as a further testimonial to Dagworthy for his services, the Assembly
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