A discourse delivered before the Georgia Historical Society : on the occasion of its 6th anniversary, on Wednesday, 12th February, 1845, Part 1

Author: Church, Alonzo, 1793-1862; Georgia Historical Society. cn
Publication date: 1845
Publisher: Savannah : The Society
Number of Pages: 92


USA > Georgia > A discourse delivered before the Georgia Historical Society : on the occasion of its 6th anniversary, on Wednesday, 12th February, 1845 > Part 1


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REYNOLDS HISTORICAL GENEALOGY COLLECTION


ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 02408 0647


A DISCOURSE


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DELIVERED BEFORE THE


GEORGIA, HISTORICAL SOCIETY,


On the occasion of its Sixth Anniversary,


ON WEDNESDAY, 12th FEBRUARY, 1845.


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BY A. CHURCH, D. D.


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SAVANNAH :


PUBLISHED BY A RESOLUTION OF THE SOCIETY.


1727546


1 A DISCOURSE.


Gentlemen of the Georgia Historical Society,-


It is, doubtless, a source of deep regret, to all present, that the dis- tinguished and honored individual expected to address you on this oc. casion, has been providentially prevented from complying with your wishes .*


But while this disappointment must mar the pleasure which the re- turn of your anniversary is well calculated to bring, it will not, I trust, prevent an humble substitute from receiving that sympathy, to which, according to the laws of our social nature, we are all, under similar cir- cumstances, entitled.


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The social feeling is, perhaps, one of the most important feelings of our nature. It is evidently among the first of which we are conscious, and certainly one of the last which lingers in the heart, as we stand upon the verge of time.


We are cast upon society, in some of its forms, from the cradle to the grave. We are indebted to society for those aids and those in. fluences which fit us for present and for future happiness. That love which watches over us while incapable of self-preservation-which labors for us, and defends us when exposed to danger-"that love which loves us the more for our very helplessness and imbecility, is the off. spring of that social feeling which Deity has implanted in our breasts."


We are indebted to this susceptibility of our minds for most of these desires which prompt to action, and for much of that pleasure which we.derive from the exercise of our faculties. We live and labour, not for ourselves, but for those to whom we are united by social ties. Du- ring almost every moment, while conscious, our breasts feel the in- fluence of this principle, and our minds act in obedience to its impulse.


It becomes, therefore, an important consideration as to what direc- tion should be given to this susceptibility of our nature. It must be important to know how far it may be under the control of others, and by what means it may be most easily and most effectually directed, sa


* Gov. Gilmer.


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as. to promote, in the highest possible degree, the welfare of society and the happiness of individuals.


Hitherto, this susceptibility of the human heart has been too often perverted. Instead of arousing men to the discharge of the great du- ties of philanthropy and benevolence, it has prompted them to unite for the oppression and destruction of each other-assuming the specious names of patriotism and the love of glory, it has armed nation against nation, and often made man the most deadly foe to his fellow man.


But we have reason to rejoice that, under the mild influence of knowledge, and under the hallowing influence of that religion which is love, men are beginning more clearly to understand, and more fully to comply with the obligations which result from the constitution of their natures. Men now begin to apprehend, that as members of so- ciety, in all its various forms, important obligations rest upon them- that they are necessarily exerting an influence which may, in no small degree, be moulding the characters, and limiting the happiness, not on- ly of the present, but of succeeding generations.


The importance resulting from the various and possible associations of men, and from the proper direction and control of the feelings and sentiments of the members of society, is now well understood-and this knowledge is used for purposes most deeply affecting the happiness of men,


Our political clubs and associations-our religious and literary so- cieties, as well as great national communities, show not only the pow- er of that united strength which renders man lord of this lower crea- tion, but also the vast influence which individuals may acquire in the direction and control of this united Strength .! They show us that one man may so acquire the direction and guidance of his fellow men, as to become the very heart of millions-and that all their acts will be but the pulsations of this central, life-giving organ ! !


The happiness of man in this life, and, doubtless, in the life to come, depends upon the proper culture of all his powers with refer- ence to his social nature,-" society is the natural state of man."


The object of society is mutual aid-the great business of society is to prepare its members for the full discharge of individual duty, and to enable them to enjoy the highest degree of individual happiness. Or it may be said, with propriety, that the business of society is to educate men for society. To do this effectually, men must be taught the rela- tions which they sustain to each other -- they must be made to feel. the obligations which arise from these relations-they must be able to trace the direction to which the virtuous emotions of the heart point, and to


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find the objects of benevolence upon which the virtuous sympathies of our nature should fasten. And it is, doubtless, true, that the farther they extend their view, the broader they make the field, over which are to be exercised the kindlier feelings of their hearts, the better will they be prepared to discharge all their duties as members of society, and the purer and more lasting will be that happiness which they will en- joy !


In looking at the relations which we sustain to our fellow men, we find that they do not connect us with the present age alone, but also with the past and with the future. To many who have preceded us we are under peculiar obligations-obligations which cannot be disregard- ed without failing in duty, not to them alone, but to present and future generations. The names of good men who have gone to the grave -men who have devoted their lives to the happiness of their fellow men, should be rescued from oblivion-their virtuous deeds should be held up to the view, and for the imitation of all. This duty, ever bind- ing upon the members of society, is felt by only the few, and but sel- · dom discharged by any. And even the few who attempt, in any degree, to discharge their duty to those who have preceded them, con- fine their efforts, almost exclusively, to those who have been preeminent in wisdom and virtue. That distinguished men should be remembered with merited honours, all will at once acknowledge-and most will oc- casionally render them the tribute of just praise. But such men will be honored-they need not our efforts to secure for them the just meed of fame.


But there are many others, to whom we are greatly indebted, whose names and whose virtues will be unknown to future ages, unless res- cued from oblivion by speedy exertions. Men have ever been too in- different to the merits of humble virtue-and especially have they been too remiss in seizing upon that strong passion of the human heart, the love of posthumous praise. Every man wishes to be known to succee- ding ages-every man desires that his name may stand upon the chron- icles of the country-that he may, in some degree, be considered a ben- efactor to his fellow men. And any hope that this desire will be grat- ified will incite to virtue-will restrain from vice. We owe it then to the dead-we owe it to the living-we owe it to the good of succee- ding generations, and especially to the welfare of society, to rescue from oblivion the good deeds of those, who, though they may not have been most conspicuous among their fellow men, have still rendered some service to their country-have still been benefactors to their race.


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In discharging this duty, local history is an all-important instrument.


In our own State, many unambitious, yet useful and most worthy men have gone to their rest, and are now unnoticed and almost un- known. Any knowledge of their motives, and of their acts, and of their influence, which may still be retained, is fast fading from the memories of the living, and must soon be lost in the graves of these aged survi- vors.


Many in our border-wars performed services and exhibited feats of valor, which would honor the brightest page of our revolutionary his- tory. And yet no record tells their deeds, and probably no page of his- tory will ever record their names.


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How few of the citizens of the State have ever heard of the bold and perilous adventure of the little band of frontier patriots who, in 1793, at midnight, swam one of our largest rivers, explored a camp of hostile Creek Indians, who were ready to fall upon the defenceless settlers ; and while the merciless savage was buried in sleep, carried from his midst such trophies, as, exhibited to his view upon the opposite bank of the river, convinced him that the white man had explored his camp, was acquainted with his designs, and ready to meet him in battle ? But one individual lingers among us, who can say, with respect to that bold and perilous, yet successful adventure-(an adventure which prob- ably saved many from the murderous tomahawk,) " cujus pars magna fui"-and perhaps not a line exists to transmit to succeeding ages the author* of this noble deed, or the services of the worthy patriot and his spartan band! !


Who can estimate the blessings conferred upon the State by such men as Springer, and Marshal, and Hull, and the elder Mercer, and many others of the same self-denying spirit ?


And what, in a few years, will the page of history tell of these good men, who labored in the midst of difficulties which would have been ap- palling to alinost any others, that they might spread the light of knowl- edge and the blessings of the Gospel among their fellow men.


Go to the busy line of one of our important rail roads, and as you see the products of the country hurried to our cities, almost without price, , and the traveller wafted to his destined place, as on wings of wind, ask to whom are we probably indebted for this noble work of art-this im. portant high-way through the State. And few, even now, will point to the name ofonet who, unambitions of office and unused to the halls of legislation, had wisdom to apprehend the advantages of such a work, and patriotism sufficient to prevent it from being abandoned, when oth.


* The late Gen. David Adams. + Wm. Williams.


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ers shrunk from the responsibility of securing its charter. In the older counties, a few aged fathers yet linger who were actors in important and stirring events of our early history: With respect to most, if not all such, it may doubtless be said with truth, no autobiography will transmit to succeeding ages the story of their lives-no diary of the events in which they were engaged will remain to illustrate the scenes in which they were important actors.


Others may be found whose fathers have repeated to them the story of by-gone days-the perils of savage warfare-the early adventures of the hardy pioneers of our successive frontier settlements. These are now well attested traditions-facts often intensely interesting and highly important to the full and perfect history of the State.


But they are facts which must soon be lost-traditions, which, un- less soon deposited in the archives of some society, must soon become mere legendary tales. In our new and mountain regions are those who are familiar with the first settlement of those interesting portions of our State-some of them mingled with the native population, and can communicate much concerning that interesting people which pos- terity will love to read-much which the men of future ages, as they tread those lovely valleys and climb those lofty mountains, will dwell upon with delight.


Might not local associations be made efficient auxiliaries to the Geor- 1 gia Historical Society, in securing much of this important knowledge, which is liable to be forever lost ? And might not such local associa. tions be made to exert a happy influence upon the feelings and habits of our people ? Could they not be made, in some degree at least, an antidote to the bitter political, and the unholy religious asperities of which our free institutions seem to be so prolific ?


The pleasant and cordial mingling of all parties, whether military, or religious, or political, which annually takes place in your city on this day, is proof that such associations may exert a delightful influence upon the minds of our people. How different the effect of one of these anniversaries from that of a meeting for a political canvass! " Par. ris componere magna licet."


And why may not what you here see, be seen in other cities, and in the village, and even in the country ?


By suitable efforts, I doubt not that the population of almost any sec- tion of the State, might be collected on an occasion of this kind-they might be brought to feel an interest in subjects relating to our past and our present history, they might be brought to feel a deeper interest in the institutions of the country-an interest wholly unconnected with


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the party feuds and personal contests of aspiring politicians. We are not, as a people, deficient in patriotism, but we often fail to direct our patriotism aright. Subjects of great importance to the public welfare and to private happiness have been, and are still being neglected for those of far less importance. We evidently want something to change the current of popular feeling-the minds of our people must be suitably withdrawn from the, hitherto, all absorbing themes of party politics and great, immediate wealth. And still they must have, occasionally, subjects of a public and exciting character-they must gratify that social feeling which burns in the heart of every man-that feeling upon which the demagogue and the tyrant alike seize, and which the friends of good order and good goverment must endeavor to wrest from them, and direct in such manner as to promote the best interests of the State. Our young men, and especially our young men in the middle and lower · classes of society, want new motives to action-motives which must be furnished, or the liberties of the country will be endangered.


Ours is a government which knows no distinction of rank-it is a go- vernment which must cease, so soon as a permanent division of our citi- zens into castes shall take place.


And yet there is, evidently, in our State, a tendency to distinctions and permanent distinctions, inconsistent with the genius and the stabili- ty of our republican institutions ! The line between the rich and the poor, the educated and the uneducated, is becoming more and more distinct. The desire to acquire even the elements of knowledge is, with certain classes, diminishing-and the want of education is losing in the estimation of many, that reproach which heretofore has ever been attached to those in this condition. There may now be found, and es- pecially at the polls, "the esprit du corps" of ignorance.


If we have not our " sans culottes," we have those whose boastings are little less shameless, and whose ignorance and vice, if unchecked, must lead to scenes as revolting as those of Jacobin France during the darkest period of her revolution.


It has often been asked of late, and that such questions can be ask .. ed with propriety, should fill the heart of the patriot with fearful forebodings-where is now that respect for the sanctions of law which once universally prevailed in our country? where that reverence which was once connected with the obligations ofan oath ? where that safety, and that certainty of justice which were once found in the jury : box ? and where that purity and freedom which once characterized our elections, and made the ballot box the glory of American freedom ?


That our frec institutions cannot long survive the permanent debase -


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ment of a majority of our citizens is with us an axiom. And yet that process is evidently going on in cur State-the number of the unedu- cated is increasing in a ratio greater than that of our whole population.


Were we to discever, on the part of a foreign nation, a policy in. tended to interfere with any of our domestic institutions, or to overthrow our government, with what vigilance should we guard against its in- fluence ? What are even now our feelings towards a portion of the citizens of some of our sister States ?


But what is the danger arising from foreign enemies, or from fanat. ics at a distance, compared with that arising from an ignorant and vi- cious population in our midst ! a population who have the constitution- al right to make our laws, and the physical power to enforce them ! a population having nothing to lose, yet ever hoping to gain by change and revolution !


Let it be generally believed, that the fleets of a foreign power were soon to appear upon our coast, to co-operate with the fanatics of an- other portion of our country in overturning cur peculiar domestic in- stitutions, and would there be any difficulty in asssessing and collect- ing taxes to meet the expenses of preparation to repel our expected invaders ? The march of ignorance may be slower than the march of armies, or the approach of hostile fleets-but it cannot be less certain, or less destructive to our free institutions ! Even those peculiar do- mestic institutions, concerning which we are, at this time, with much propriety, peculiarly jealous, are in far greater danger from ignoronce at home than from fanaticism abroad. And if they be over rudely in- terfered with, it will doubtless be from this source. The jealousy and envy of a large, ignorant, and debased population, must be most dan- gerous, in such a government as ours, and to such a state of society as that to which I have just referred. Our only safety on this point, is in the general intelligence and virtue of our population.


The tendency of civil government is, unquestionably to guard the interests of the few-to promote the honor and power of the nation, as a whole, at the expense of individual happiness. The history of the world fully establishes the truth of this assertion. The welfare of millions is every day sacrificed at the shrine of national strength and national glory. Look at Great Britain-great in arts and in arms. Her power is acknowledged by nearly one fourth the inhab. itants of earth-her men of science are enlightening the world by their wisdom-her philanthropists are spreading the knowledge of christianity and the blessings of civilization among all nations-and her artists are bringing the powers of nature almost to supersede the


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necessity for human labor. And yet what is the condition of the great mass of her subjects ? Where are the increased blessings which are enjoyed by her brave and generous-hearted Irish peasanty ? Where the elevation and comforts which the operatives in her mining and manufacturing districts have obtained !


Turn to France, where all which elevates and ennobles man may be found-a nation whose prowess in arms has never been surpassed- a nation now ruled by one of the mildest, and most enlightened, and most liberal monarchs of this enlightened, and liberal age. Have the subjects of this mighty nation advanced in knowledge, and in happi- ness, in proportion to the increase of national power and national glo- ry ? What is the condition of her peasantry, ever since the glorious revolution of July ?- a revolution which gave them a citizen king, and which published to the nation a bill of rights, declaring that French- men are all equal in the eye of the law, and that all are to be equally eligible to civil and to military employment ? Instead of finding all equal, and equally admissible to office, not more than 160,000 of her 34 millions inhabitants, are permitted to enjoy the right of suffrage. France, with a population nearly double that of the United States, has less than half the number of voters, which are found in the single State of Pennsylvania.


Most of the European States, have, within the last century, made great advances in wealth, in power, and in knowledge. As nations they have attained a high degree of civilization and refinement. But why, with all their wealth and power -- with all their science and arts -with all their commerce and manufactures, do not their subjects reap advantages in proportion to the increasing greatness and glory of their respective nations ! Why, even as their wealth increases until ent- ployment cannot be found for capital, and their products are multiplied, till the markets of the world are glutted with their merchandize, do the great mass of those very subjects who create . this wealth, remain under the most grinding oppression, and endure the most withering poverty !


Is it not manifest that the great majority of British subjects, do not constitute the political nation ? They may indeed create her wealth, and defend her territory, and carry her arms to the remotest regions of varth .- But they are not the nation-they are not expected to share in the Messings, which spring from national wealth, and national power, and national advancement, in the arts and sciences. A low alividuals engross the wealth, and wield the destinies of empire. The wealth of the few constitutes national wealth, the intelligence of


the few constitutes national intelligence, and the happiness of the few is the grand object of governmental enactments. The vast majority of the subjects of European States, are lost, as individuals-they have no individual, political existence. They have virtually no personal freedom, and reap no personal advantage from the prosperity, and in- creasing greatness of their respective States. Such has been the tendency of civil governments, in every age of the world.


.The oppressions of government may, and they often do arouse their subjects to a consciousness of their wrongs ; and in the might of their physical power, they will assert, and even establish their rights. But to retain and to exercise these rights, as individuals, and for their in- dividual happiness, they must be enlightened, they must be religious. Intelligence may not produce virtue, but ignorance will produce vice. An educated people may be the subjects of despotism, an ignorant peo, ple must be.


The citizens of this country have asserted and they have establish- ed their political rights-they have adopted forms of goverment, which were designed to secure to every individual, personal freedom, and an increase of personal happiness in proportion to the increase of national prosperity. Our independence was secured by men who un- derstood their rights-the great mass of American citizens, at the peri- od of our national revolution, were educated and virtuous.


But is not the tendency of Government, the same in our country, as in others. Are not our citizens, thus soon, losing that high tone of personal independence, which characterised the carly settlers of all our States ; and which especially characterised our fathers, during the period of our revolution ? Are not great national inter- ests engrossing the attention of our citizens, while many of their personal interests, are absorbed in the power and glory of the Repub. lic ? Are not the lower classes losing much of that personal influ- ence which they once possessed, and becoming more and more, the dupes of the demagogue, and the unconscious instruments of selfish aspirants to office ? The social system is sadly disordered-the pow. ers and functions of the body politic are greatly deranged-the action of the system is unnatural, and must be restored to its original health. ful state, or political dissolution will inevitably ensue.


The great evil is ignorance-the effectual and only permanent rem- edy is knowledge.


General education was considered by the early settlers of this coun. try, a most important subject-one which claimed the first attention of the citizens, and the especial attention of the Legislature. The


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school house and the church were usually, reared side by side-and it was evidently their intention, that no child should be left without the means of acquiring a respectable education. And though our State labored under peculiar difficulties, during her colonial existence, and for a considerable period after our independence, its history shows that our fathers were not less attentive to the great subject of general education, than were those who first settled our sister. States.


This portion of our history is not, I apprehend, a barren, or unin- teresting field. There are, I doubt not, many important and interest. ing facts, as well as many records, which may, and I hope will be brought forth, and which will show, that had we carried out the views of her carly patriots, and the framers of our first Constitution, Georgia would now have a system of education, cqual, if not superior, to that of any State in the Union.




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