USA > Georgia > A history of Georgia : from its first discovery by Europeans to the adoption of the present constitution in MDCCXCVIII. Vol. II > Part 6
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The reply of the Council, sitting as an upper house, was loyal, and echoed the sentiments of the Governor; but the address of the Commons' house, though re- spectful, expressed their sense of the numerous griev- ances under which they suffered, and their desire of redress; as "it is the enjoyment of constitutional rights and liberty that softens every care of life, and renders existence itself supportable."
The upper house proposed a conference with the lower house upon the subject of American grievances, and, after several days' delay, the two bodies met in the Council chamber; but they could not unite in their views, and the Commons' house declined acceding to the measures proposed by the other branch of the Legislature.
Unintimidated by the Governor and Council, the lower house proceeded to take into consideration the papers and letters received from the other colonies, and they passed a series of resolves, laid before them by the Provincial Congress, then sitting, embracing the substance, and generally the language, of the reso- lutions adopted on the 14th October, 1774, adding to them three resolutions ; one, presenting "their most grateful acknowledgments to those truly noble, honor- able, and patriotic advocates of civil and religious liberty, who have so generously and powerfully,
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though unsuccessfully, espoused and defended the cause of America, both in and out of Parliament. The second, gave thanks " to the members of the late Continental Congress, for their wise and able exertions in the cause of American liberty ;" and the last re- solved, that certain persons, not named, " be deputies to represent this province in the intended American Continental Congress, proposed to be held at the city of Philadelphia, on the 10th May next."
An early day was appointed to take definite action on this important paper; but before it arrived, the Governor adjourned the Assembly, from the 10th February to the 9th May, the day prior to the ap- pointed time for the Philadelphia Congress to as- semble.
In the Provincial Congress, which had convened simultaneously with the Assembly ; it was found, that out of twelve parishes invited, only five sent deputies, and some of these had laid their delegates under in- struction as to the form of the proposed association. Embarrassed by this inaction of the colony, brought about by the most diligent efforts of the Governor ; the friends of liberty adopted the expedient of laying their papers and articles of association before the Commons' house; and it was these resolutions which the Governor suppressed, by adjourning the Assembly. Thwarted in this design, which, it must be confessed, was not a correct mode of procedure, the Provincial Congress, if such it could be called, entered into articles of associa- tion, differing, however, in some important respects, from the model proposed by the Continental Congress.
This course, forced upon the congress by prudential reasons, gave umbrage to the deputies from St. John's,
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which parish had fully acceded to the resolutions and association adopted in Philadelphia. On the first day of the session, the committee from St. John's sent a message to their fellow-deputies, stating what the parish had done, and expressing the hope that they would adopt similar measures. This message remaining un- answered two days, a second one was sent, and a reply at once disrespectful and evasive was returned. The St. John's deputies immediately adopted resolutions de- claring " that the committees of the several parishes now sitting are not and cannot be called a Provincial Congress," that they are not and will not be bound by their proceedings, and reaffirming their adherence to the Continental Association.
To these impolitic resolutions, they were impelled by the slow and cautious policy of the Provincial Con- gress ; but surely it was a sad breach of the spirit of unity thus to withdraw from, and stigmatize as uncon- stitutional, a body which they would have acknow- ledged as authoritative in every repect, had it but re- sponded favorably to their parochial views. Liberty required union, and the eye of the Governor must have gleamed with pleasure when he saw its few friends dis- agree, and break asunder, at a time when concord was essential to success.
The Provincial Congress adjourned on the 23d Janu- ary, having elected Noble Wimberly Jones, Archibald Bullock, and John Houstoun delegates to represent Georgia in the Continental Congress, to assemble in Philadelphia in May following.
As they failed to comply with all the requisitions of the General Association, the Carolinians resolved to hold no intercourse with Georgians, but "to consider
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them as unworthy of the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of their country."
The parish of St. John's sought to be exempted from the operation of this harsh sentence ; and sent a depu- tation, consisting of Joseph Wood, Daniel Roberts, and Samuel Stevens, to solicit an alliance with them, on the ground that they were detached from the colony by their resolutions, distinct by local situation, and of sufficient size to merit notice, especially as the Conti- mental Congress had already noticed them by a parti- cular address ; but their petition was politely refused, as they constituted a part of the Colony of Georgia, which, as a province, came under the law of the four- teenth resolution of the General Association.
Painful as was this refusal, it did not deter them from further efforts; and on the 21st of March, they elected Lyman Hall to represent that parish in the General Congress, binding themselves faithfully to ad- here to and abide by the determination of him and other honorable members of the same.
At this period the parish of St. John's possessed nearly one-third of the entire wealth of the province, and its inhabitants were remarkable for their upright and independent character. Of New England origin, they sympathized more strongly with northern dis- tresses than other parts of Georgia; and being removed from the immediate supervision of the Governor and Council, it pressed on more resolutely in the cause of freedom, than the surrounding parishes. The time for action had arrived, and irresolution and supineness found no place in its decisive councils. With great unanimity the people renounced every fellowship that savored not of freedom ; and refused to use any luxury
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the tax on which contributed to swell the ministerial coffers ; and while, as yet, the cause of American free- dom was involved in gloom and uncertainty, they boldly cast in their lot with the fortunes of the country, to live with her rights, or die in their defence.
The hesitation on the part of the other parishes to adopt all the measures of Congress, was the theme of violent and unjustifiable denunciation ; but a mo- mentary glance at the condition of Georgia will re- move these aspersions. According to the returns of the Governor to the Lords of Trade, the population in 1774 was but 17,000 whites and 15,000 blacks; and the militia between the ages of sixteen and sixty, only numbered 2528, scattered from Augusta to St. Mary's. Within its borders, and along its frontiers, were the Creeks with 4000 gun-men; the Chickesas with 450 gun-men; the Cherokees with 3000 gun- men; and the Choctaws with 2500 gun-men; com- prising all together over 40,000 Indians, 10,000 of whom were warriors, and all, by means of presents, and the influence of Captain Stuart and Mr. Cameron, were firm in their alliance with the royal party, and could be brought in any numbers against the colony. On the south, lay the garrisoned Province of Florida, with a large military force under Governor Tonyn, and numerous tory bandits, waiting for the signal of the spoiler. On the east was a long line of seaboard, with many fine harbors, sheltered bays, large rivers, and well-stocked islands, inviting naval depredations.
Besides these motives which addressed themselves to the fears of the colonists, there were others of a moral character. Since its settlement, Georgia had received by grant of Parliament nearly a million of dollars in
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addition to the bounties which had been lavished on the silk culture, indigo, and other agricultural pro- ducts. This consideration weighed with much force on many minds; and on such, the Governor took every occasion to impress the baseness of ingratitude to- wards a Sovereign, whose paternal care had been so peculiarly exerted in their behalf. Each of the other colonies, also, had a charter, upon which to base some right or claim to redress; but Georgia had none. When the Trustees' patent expired, in 1752, all its chartered privileges became extinct ; and on its erection into a royal province, the commission of the Governor was its only constitution -living upon the will of the monarch, the mere creature of royal volition. At the head of the government was Sir James Wright, Bart., who, during fourteen years, had presided over it with ability and acceptance. When he arrived, in 1760, the colony was languishing under the accumu- lated mismanagement of the former Trustees, and the more recent Governors; but his zeal and efforts soon changed its aspect to health and vigor. He guided it into the avenues of wealth, sought out the means of its advancement, prudently secured the amity of the Indians, and by his negotiations added millions of acres to its territory. Diligent in his official duties, firm in his resolves, loyal in his opinions, courteous in his manners, and possessed of a vigorous and well-balanced mind, he was respected and loved by his people; and, though he differed from the majority of them as to the cause of their distresses, and the means of their re- moval; he never allowed himself to be betrayed into one act of violence, or into any course of outrage and revenge. The few years of his administration were
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the only happy ones Georgia had enjoyed, and to his energy and devotedness may be attributed its civil and commercial prosperity. With these obstacles within and around her, is it a matter of wonder that Georgia hesitated and wavered? that she feared to assume a course of action which threatened inevitable destruction ? Her little phalanx of patriots, scarcely outnumbering the band of Leonidas, were men indeed of Spartan hearts; but Spartan hearts, even at Ther- mopylæ, could not resist the hosts of the despot. And what had they to hope in their feeble state-the parishes divided, the metropolis filled with placemen and officers, the sea-coast guarded by a fleet, and the frontier of two hundred and fifty miles gleaming with the tomahawks of the scalper and the fires of the Indian wigwam ? Georgia did falter, but only for a moment; for, soon summoning her energies, she cast aside all fear, and commending her cause to the God of battles, joined in the sacred league which now united thirteen colonies.
When the 9th of May-the day named in the execu- tive proclamation for the convening of the General Assembly-arrived, there were not sufficient members in attendance to form a House. No more came on the 10th; and on the 11th, the House adjourned to the 15th, to afford time for the country members to come in. But the Governor, understanding, or pro- fessing to understand, that the Commons did not intend to make a house, or proceed to business, with the unanimous advice of the Executive Council, pro- rogued the Assembly to the 7th of November, at which time, a quorum not being formed, it was still further prorogued ; though, when the time for its
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meeting arrived, the province was in the hands of the republicans, and royal government, for a time at least, had ceased in Georgia.
The General Congress met in Philadelphia on the 10th May ; and on the 13th, Dr. Lyman Hall pre- sented to that body his credentials as deputy from the parish of St. John's, accompanied by an address from his constituents, containing a brief summary of their proceedings. Both were read and approved, and he was permitted to take his seat, “ subject to such regu- lations as the Congress shall determine relative to voting."
The delegates elected to this General Congress by the Provincial Congress in Savannah, did not attend ; but sent a letter to the President, dated April 8, 1775, stating at length the reasons which deterred them from uniting with the other colonies. The letter illustrates the spirit which then reigned in Georgia, and is too im- portant to be omitted in a history, which aims to give a faithful delineation of those exciting times. It began by stating, that " The unworthy part which the pro- vince of Georgia has acted in the great and general con- test leaves room to expect little less than the censure, or even indignation, of every virtuous man in America. Although, on the one hand, we feel the justice of such . a consequence, with respect to the province in general, yet, on the other, we claim an exemption from it, in favor of some individuals, who wished a better con- duct. Permit us, therefore, in behalf of ourselves, and many others, our fellow-citizens, warmly attached to the cause, to lay before the respectable body over which you preside, a few facts, which, we trust, will not only acquit us of supineness, but also render our
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conduct to be approved by all candid and dispassionate men." After recapitulating the proceedings already detailed, they ask :-
" What, then, could the Congress do? On the one hand, truth forbid them to call their proceedings the voice of the province, there being but five out of twelve parishes concerned; and, on the other, they wanted strength sufficient to enforce them, on the principle of necessity, to which all ought for a time to submit. They found the inhabitants of Savannah not likely soon to give matters a favorable turn. The importers were mostly against any interruption, and the consumers very much divided. There were some of the latter virtuously for the measures; others stre- nuously against them; but more who called themselves neutrals than either.
"Thus situated, there appeared nothing before us but the alternative, of either immediately commencing a civil war among ourselves, or else of patiently wait- ing the measures to be recommended by the General Congress. Among a powerful people, provided with men, money, and conveniences, and by whose conduct others were to be regulated, the former would certainly be the resolution that would suggest itself to every man removed from the condition of a coward; but in a small community like that of Savannah (whose mem- bers are mostly in their first advance towards wealth and independence, destitute of even the necessaries of life within themselves, and from whose junction or silence so little would be added or lost to the general cause), the latter presented itself as the most eligible plan, and was adopted by the people. Party disputes and animosities have occasionally prevailed, which show VOL. II.
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that the spirit of freedom is not extinguished, but only restrained for a time, till an opportunity should offer for calling it forth.
" The Congress convened at Savannah did us the honor of choosing us delegates to meet your respecta- ble body at Philadelphia, on the tenth of next month. We were sensible of the honor and weight of the ap- pointment, and would gladly have rendered our coun- try any services our poor abilities would have admitted of; but, alas! with what face could we have appeared for a province, whose inhabitants had refused to sacri- fice the most trifling advantages to the public cause, and in whose behalf we did not think we could safely pledge ourselves for the execution of any one measure whatsoever.
" We do not mean to insinuate that those who ap- pointed us would prove apostates, or desert their opinion ; but that the tide of opposition was great- that all the strength and virtue of these our friends might be insufficient for the purpose. We very early saw the difficulties that would occur, and therefore repeatedly and constantly requested the people to pro- ceed to the choice of other delegates in our stead ; but this they refused to do. We beg, sir, you will view our reasons for not attending in a liberal point of light. Be pleased to make the most favorable representation of them to the honorable the members of the Congress. We believe we may take upon us to say, notwithstand- ing all that is past, there are still men in Georgia who, when an occasion shall require, will be ready to evince a steady, religious, and manly attachment to the liber- ties of America. To the consolation of these, they find themselves in the neighborhood of a province,
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whose virtue and magnanimity must, and will, do lasting honor to the cause, and in whose fate they seemed disposed freely to involve their own."
In connection with this matter, it should be ob- served, that the Earl of Dartmouth had particularly enjoined upon Governor Wright to check any provin- cial associations, and to thwart every measure designed to carry out the views of the Continental Congress. These directions, so consonant to the loyalty of Sir James Wright, were rigidly enforced; and he declared, in his letter to the Earl, that " he had given them every kind of opposition he could," and had, he believed, " succeeded in his endeavors."5 The civil and judicial power of the colony was combined to put down the rising spirit of liberty, and retain the colony in its allegiance to the crown. The struggle was one be- tween power and office, and the stern principles of human liberty ; and it was arduous and severe. But each attempt to crush them gave it new vigor, each new exercise of arbitrary power added to the votaries of freedom, until the shedding of blood announced that a crisis had arrived, and that the hopes of Ame- rica now rested on an appeal to arms.
State Paper Office, vi, pt. 2, 108.
CHAPTER II.
THE FIRST BATTLE IN GEORGIA.
THE news of the battle of Lexington reached Sa- vannah on the night of the 10th of May, 1775, and produced intense excitement among all classes. On the night of the 11th, Noble Wimberly Jones, Joseph Habersham, Edward Telfair, and a few others, im- pressed with the necessity of securing all military stores, and preserving them for colonial use, took from the King's magazine, in Savannah, about five hundred pounds of powder. On its discovery, the next day, the Council advised his excellency to offer a reward of £150 to any who would give information of the of- fenders; but, though the gentlemen engaged in this act were well known, none informed, and no proceed- ings were ever instituted against them. Tradition asserts, that part of this powder was sent to Boston, and used by the militia at the battle of Bunker Hill. This is rendered probable, by the fact that contribu- tions of other articles were forwarded to Massachu- setts, among which were sixty-three barrels rice and £122 in specie; " which," says the chairman, in his letter, dated 1st June, notifying the Bostonians of the remittance, "we desire you will please appropriate towards the relief of those who have lately left the town of Boston."
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On Monday, the 5th June, the first liberty pole was erected in Georgia; yet, such was still the desire of the people for reconciliation on constitutional princi- ples, that it was set up on his Majesty's birthday, and at the dinner immediately after, the first toast drank was, "The King," the second, "American Liberty." The following week, thirty-four of the principal friends of liberty held a meeting, and passed a number of very decided resolutions, one of which declared, "that this province ought, and it is hoped will, forthwith join the other provinces, in every just and legal mea- sure to secure and restore the liberties of all America, and for healing the unhappy dissensions now subsisting between Great Britain and her colonies." Another meeting, for the purpose of choosing a committee to enforce the Continental Association, was held, on the 22d June, at which time a Council of Safety was also appointed, consisting of William Ewen, President; Seth John Cuthbert, Secretary ; Joseph Habersham, Edward Telfair, William Le Conte, Basil Cowper, Joseph Clay, George Walton, John Glen, Samuel El- bert, William Young, Elisha Butler, George Houstoun, John Smith, Francis H. Harris, and John Morel.
The activity of the Liberty party, and its rapid in- crease, especially since the attempted seizure by General Gage of the military stores at Concord and Lexington, gave Governor Wright just cause for alarm; and he wrote to General Gage, expressing his amazement "that these southern provinces should be left in the situation they are, and the Governors and King's officers, and friends of Government, naked and exposed to the resentment of an enraged people; the Governors had much better be in England than remain
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in America, and have the mortification to see their powers executed by committees and mobs."
General Gage had indeed directed Sir James, in case of necessity, to call upon Major Furlong, then sta- tioned at St. Augustine, for a company of one hundred men ; but both the Governor and Council agreed, that while this force might have sufficed to crush rebellion a few months before, its presence then would only tend to irritate and inflame still more the minds of the people, and therefore he declined making the re- quisition until the force could be largely increased.1
Under the same date of the letter to the Com- mander-in-chief of all his Majesty's forces in America, the Governor also wrote to Admiral Graves, the naval commander on the North American station, stating that the port was blockaded by four or five boats from South Carolina, and therefore prayed for immediate assistance, assuring the admiral, however, that "no- thing less than a sloop-of-war of some force " would answer for the defence of the harbor.2
The assistance so earnestly solicited in these letters would have been promptly rendered, but that they never reached their destination. The Committee of Safety at Charleston withdrew them from their enve- lopes, as they passed through the port, and substituted others, stating that Georgia was quiet, and there ex- isted no need either of troops or vessels. These being transmitted in the original envelopes, completely de- ceived the several commanders; and it was not until Sir James met General Gage in London, some time
1 MS. Minutes of Governor's Council.
2 Drayton's Memoirs of the American Revolution, i, 346.
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after, and inquired the cause of his not sending troops to Georgia, that the forgery was discovered.
The statement of Sir James, that the port of Sa- vannah was blockaded by four or five boats from South Carolina, was an exaggeration of the Governor. The real facts of the case were these. The secret Carolina committee, having been notified of the sailing of a ship for Georgia, having on board a large supply of powder, designed by the Governor and Captain John Stuart for the Indians, and the service of the royalists, determined to capture it. Accordingly, Captain John Barnwell and Captain Joyner, of Beaufort, were di- rected to use all means in their power to seize the mili- tary stores on board the expected ship. They therefore embarked forty men, well armed, in two barges, and, proceeding toward the mouth of the Savannah River, encamped on Bloody Point, in full view of the Tybee light-house. The Georgia Provincial Congress offered every kind of assistance to Captains Barnwell and Joyner, and told them, that if they desired it, they would assist them in taking the British armed schooner which was stationed in the river. Arrangements were therefore made for the junction of the Georgia and Carolina forces, and a schooner was commissioned by the Georgia Congress, and placed under the command of Captain Bowen and Joseph Habersham. The British armed schooner put to sea, on the approach of the Georgia schooner, which latter vessel had taken post beyond the bar but a few days, when, on the 10th July, Captain Maitland's ship, with the powder, was descried in the offing. Maitland for a while sailed boldly in, but suspecting the design of the schooner, tacked and stood to sea. Captain Bowen
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soon overhauled her and brought her to, and, with the assistance of the Carolina party, boarded her and se- cured their prize. This was the first provincial vessel commissioned for naval warfare in the Revolution; and the first capture made by order of any Congress in America was made by this Georgia schooner, in June, 1775. Of the powder taken in this ship, nine thou- sand pounds fell to the share of Georgia, and, at the urgent solicitation of the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, five thousand pounds were sent thither ; and it was by the arrival there of this powder, that the American arms were enabled to penetrate into Canada, and that Washington drove the British army out of Boston.
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