USA > Georgia > The Confederate records of the State of Georgia, Vol 2 pt 2 > Part 4
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He who yields to popular clamor, in the midst of ex- citement, and abandons principle, whether from mistaken ideas of patriotic duty, or for mere expediency, is sure to have abundant cause to regret it. The majority of the people are honest, and though they may become ex- cited, and may for a time be led astray by designing poli- ticians or unprincipled leaders, they will, when correctly informed, generally do right, and stand by principle; and will in the end bestow their confidence most liberally upon the public man, who has the moral firmness and de- termination to resist their will, when they are excited and misled, and to invite them back to the true path of first principles.
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PAY OF SOLDIERS.
The rate of monthly compensation fixed by law for officers and soldiers when everything was upon the gold basis, which was the case when the Act was passed, may then have been sufficient. But the currency has been depreciated till it is now virtually no reward for their services. Take for instance a Lieutenant in a company, who has to purchase his clothing and his rations out of his pay, and his wages will not pay for his board, much less will it clothe him. Our company officers have to live upon scanty allowance, and can not afford generally to purchase uniforms, to distinguish them from privates. The private gets rations and clothing and eleven dollars per month in the present depreciated currency. The question of an increase of compensation was, at my sug- gestion, pressed upon Congress by the last Legislature of this State, but the Senate refused to sanction it. The objection urged against the measure with the most earn- estness seemed to be, that the soldiers were not fighting for pay, but for glory, liberty, patriotism and independ- ence. There might be some force in this position, if Congress, which compels the soldier to fight at eleven dollars per month, for independence and glory, could compel the manufacturer to make cloth to clothe the sol- diers' naked families, or the tanner to make leather for their shoes, or the merchant to sell them goods, or the farmers to supply them with provisions, at the rates which existed at the commencement of the war, when the soldiers' pay was fixed, and to take all the balance of the present price in glory and independence. There is not the semblance of justice in the pretext, that it is the duty of the soldier to serve his country at these low prices,
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when every necessary of life which his family must pur- chase has risen five fold in the market. When the pro- duets of the manufacturer, the goods of the merchant, the leather of the tanner, the corn and meat of the farmer, and the wages of every other class of the community, have increased several fold, what fair and just minded man can say, that the soldier who makes the greatest sac- rifice of all others, should alone be made an exception to the rule ?
Another objection urged against the increase of sol- diers' pay is that it increases the quantity of the cur- rency, by compelling the Government to issue a large amount of treasury notes to meet the payment, and that this causes still greater depreciation and higher prices ; and it is contended that soldiers could buy but little more with twenty-two dollars per month than he now gets with eleven. The same argument might be urged with equal force against allowing the manufacture to charge one dollar per yard for cloth, which he sold for ten cents at the time the Act was passed fixing the soldiers' pay; or against permitting the farmer to charge five dollars per bushel for wheat, which was then worth only one dollar, or one dollar a pound for meat, which was then only worth ten cents; or against permitting the mechanic to charge ten dollars per day, when he formerly got but two. All this has had its effect upon the currency, and raised the price of provisions. But the price of provisions used by the soldiers' family has increased as much as the price of those used by the manufacturer or the farmer, and the soldier receives only the price for his services which he got before the depreciation began, while all other inter- ests get the benefit of the increase in the price of labor and material. This can not be defended upon any just or
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equitable principle. Let all be affected equally by the in- crease of prices, and if the volume of the currency is too largely increased, let it be absorbed by taxation, which acts equally upon all. But do not single out our brave defenders and compel them to bear all the burthens of the depreciation without receiving any of the benefits of in- creased compensation which are allowed to all other classes.
In my opinion, it is the duty of the Legislatures of the several States, to continue to urge upon Congress a re- consideration of the question, till justice is more nearly approximated. I therefore recommend the passage of a joint resolution by the General Assembly, instructing our Senators and requesting our Representatives in Con- gress to use all their influence and energy, to procure the passage of an Act to allow all commissioned officers in the Confederate service an increase of twenty-five per cent. upon their pay, and to allow them rations in addition to the compensation now allowed by law, and to increase the compensation of private soldiers to twenty-two dol- lars per month, and of non-commissioned officers in like proportion.
CLOTHING OUR TROOPS IN SERVICE.
It is the duty of the Confederate Government to fur- nish all our troops in service with comfortable clothing; but as this is not always done, it should be the settled determination of the Government and people of this State, that her sons in service shall not suffer for clothing, as long as she has the means at her command to supply them. The State violates no principle and assumes no unwar-
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ranted powers, when she clothes her naked sons whose wants are not provided for. Humanity as well as duty requires this.
Acting upon the proper policy, the Legislature at its session last winter, appropriated $1,500,000 for this pur- pose. It was found, however, that the troops suffered much for clothing, on account of the delay which was caused by consumption of time in debating upon the ap- propriation, and the time necessarily taken after the bill was passed, before the clothing could be procured.
I thought it very desirable that this delay be avoided in future; and as I had the means at my command to make purchases for this winter, though not appropriated with a view to this specific object, I felt it my duty to . make an effort to procure the necessary supply. The $5,000,000 appropriated by Act of December, 1861, was a general appropriation for military purposes, to be ex- pended at the discretion of the Governor. A large bal- ance remained unexpended, which under the law, would have reverted to the Treasury on the 1st day of May, 1863, had it not been drawn. On the 26th day of April, 1863, I directed the Quartermaster-General of this State, to draw $2,000,000 on the appropriation, to be expended in the purchase and manufacture of clothes and shoes for the troops, and for other military purposes, and to de- posit it in the Treasury subject to his draft, from time to time, as he needed it for the uses aforesaid. The Quar- termaster-General has on hand, besides those already dis- tributed, nearly forty thousand suits of clothes, which are ready for distribution among the troops as their necessi- ties may require. He has been unable to get blankets, and it has been very difficult to procure shoes. A very
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considerable quantity of raw hides has been purchased, which are now in tan, and will add to the number of shoes. For a detailed statement of the supplies procured and distributed, you are respectfully referred to the report of the Quartermaster-General. He has been energetic and attentive, and has acted with much foresight and pru- dence. The stock which he has purchased would now command probably $2,000,000 profit, if placed upon the market.
Should the war last another year, (and we can not assume to the contrary), it will be necessary to make fur- ther appropriations to secure clothing for next winter. This should be done at the present session, to afford time to avail ourselves of the best market, and to enable us to be ready to supply the needy and prevent suffering. It may be the best to make suitable provisions for the im- portation of part of our future supplies.
To meet the demands likely to be made upon us for the next year, I recommend the appropriation of $2,000,- 000 as a Clothing Fund. .
SUPPORT OF SOLDIERS' FAMILIES.
It will not only be necessary to elothe our naked troops while they are in the army, but it is an imperative duty which the people of Georgia owe to them, to see that their families do not suffer for the necessaries of life, in their absence. While I am no advocate for supporting them in idleness, and hold that it is the duty of every man, woman and child in the State, able to work, to labor with all their strength to support themselves and those de- pendent upon them, I know it is impossible for a woman,
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at the present high prices of provisions, to support her- self and children, by her labor. Many of our soldiers who are almost destitute of property, have responded nobly to their country's call, and have endured an amount of fatigue, hardship and danger to which those at home are strangers, while their wives and children, and the widows and orphans of the slain, have been supported upon the most scanty allowance, or left to suffer for the necessaries of life. This should never be so. Our soldiers from every part of the State fight for the protection of the lib- erties of the whole people, and the wealth of the whole State; and I hold that it is their right to demand of the people and of the wealth of the State, that their wants be supplied while in camp, and that such assistance be af- forded their families at home, as may be necessary to save them from the want of the necessaries of life. This should be done at the expense of the wealth of the State, if it takes an annual tax of ten per cent. If it is neg- lected, the army must be demoralized, if not disbanded, and our liberties and property are all lost. I do not think, in view of the scarcity of provisions and the depre- ciation of the currency, that less than $5,000,000 will be sufficient; and I recommend the appropriation of that sum for the purpose. I also recommend such changes in the mode of disbursing the fund, as experience in the dif- ferent counties may have shown to be necessary. The system should be as nearly uniform as possible in all the counties.
ASSISTANCE TO COUNTIES OVERRUN BY THE ENEMY.
In addition to the appropriations necessary for the assistance of soldiers' families, it is absolutely necessary that relief be afforded to the people of Dade, Walker, Catoosa, Chattooga, and part of Whitfield counties, whose
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territory has been partly overrun by the enemy, and whose supply of provisions has been almost entirely con- sumed by the enemy, and by our own army. The supplies of these people have either been taken by the common enemy, or by our army for the common good. In either case, it is the duty of the whole people of the State to consider the loss as a common one, and provide assist- ance from the common treasury. Having no other ap- propriation at my command upon which I could draw for this purpose, I set apart two thousand dollars of the contingent fund, for the purchase of provisions in each of the counties of Catoosa, Walker and Chattooga. I was unable to extend relief to the people of Dade, on account of the impossibility of procuring transportation, as the enemy hold Chattanooga through which the rail- road passes to the county. I recommend liberal appro- priations for the relief of the people of these counties, many of whom must suffer unless relief is afforded by the State.
PROVISION SUPPLY.
I feel that I can not too earnestly invoke the attention of the people, and their representatives, as to the import- ance of looking well to our future supply of provisions. This is the only point upon which we have anything to fear for the success of our cause. If we can continue to feed our armies and sustain our people at home, we can fight the enemy for an indefinite period of time, without the least danger of subjugation. But should our pro- vision supply fail, our armies must be disbanded, and all will be lost.
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The last Legislature passed an Act restricting the cultivation of cotton to three acres to the hand. This act needs amendment. No one should be allowed to plant, cultivate or gather more than one-fourth of an acre to the hand, while the war continues. This, with the quantity on hand, will keep seed and clothe our peo- ple, and we should permit no more to be raised. All the land, labor, and energy of the State, should be employed in the production of provisions and every faimly, whether rich or poor, should live upon the smallest quantity which will sustain life and preserve good health. The man who, because he has the means, indulges in luxuriant abundance is guilty of a crime against society, as others must suffer on account of his indulgence of his appetite or his vanity, when there is not a plentiful supply for all.
In the northeastern part of our State, especially in the mountains, the crop of the present year has been al- most a failure. The season has been very unfavorable, and the early frost has destroyed a large proportion of what was being made.
It is believed that the patriotism and loyalty of the people of no other part of the State has been subjected to so severe a test as has been applied in that section. The people own but few slaves, and almost the entire produc- tive labor has been called to the military field, leaving a large population of women and children, and old men, to support themselves. This they are unable to do with good seasons, and when these fail many of them must starve unless they get assistance. To add to their em- barrassments the impressment officers of the Confeder- ate Government have gone among them, and taken from them part of their scanty supply. They have been de-
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prived of most of their oxen, which was their dependence to transport food from the railroad. In many cases they have received insolent treatment, from those who have taken their means of living, under circumstances little better than robbery.
With the exception of the section above mentioned the crop has been generally good, and it is hoped that bread enough has been made to maintain the people of the State and the army upon her border. In addition to the difficulties above mentioned, heavy drafts are made upon our productions to support the large negro popula- tion imported into the State, from sections of the country overrun by the enemy, who, after their arrival, have not been employed in agricultural pursuits, or have not been here long enough to make a crop.
We are also called upon to divide our provisions with a large refugee population of our fellow citizens from sis- ter States. These persons are generally of the better classes of society, intelligent, high-toned, and honorable, who, on account of the leading positions which they have occupied, and their unyielding devotion to our cause, have been obliged to leave their homes upon the approach of the armed legions of the enemy, to avoid banishment and
imprisonment. Having as a class made sacrifices for Southern independence, to which we are yet strangers. they are entitled to our highest respect and most pro- found sympathy, and we should welcome them with warm hearts, divide with them as long as we have bread, and be willing to share with them a common fate.
I refer to these facts to show the heavy demands made upon the productions of the State, and the great impor-
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tance of exerting every energy to secure supplies for an- other year. The bread question is the question in this contest. Our independence is staked upon our ability to continue to raise a sufficient supply of provisions to support the army, and maintain the women and chil- dren at home. By the blessings of Divine Providence we shall succeed, but to do it, we must lay aside every production not necessary to sustain life.
STATE TROOPS.
The two regiments of State troops raised under the joint resolution of the last General Assembly, are now a well organized body of men, with good arms and equip ments. During the earlier part of the year they were, at the request of the Confederate General in command at Savannah, ordered to that point, to assist in the proter- tion of that city. While there, the enemy made the first attack upon Fort Sumter, and an assault upon the city of Charleston was expected. Believing that they could then defend Savannah more successfully at Charleston, they volunteered and went to that place, where they re- mained till the danger of attack was passed. In May, when the bridges upon the State Road were seriously threatened by the enemy, they were ordered up for the defence of the road, where they have since remained, and . I have been assured by General Bragg, that they have been of great service to him in protecting his rear, since the army has been near Chattanooga. Atlanta has been his base of supplies, and the destruction of the bridges on the State Road, would have destroyed the communication be- tween him and his base, and might have compelled him to fall back. Had the State not been able to protect his
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rear, the General must have sent part of his own army to do that duty, which would have weakened his force and made his success more doubtful. Part of the State troops were ordered to the mountains early in the year to suppress threatened insurrection, and arrest offenders and deserters. This service was rendered in a manner very creditable to the troops. Detachments from the reg- iments have frequently been sent out during the year, to arrest deserters and stragglers, which service they have performed with promptness and efficiency. In case of a raid into this State, this force would be of great service in the protection of public and private property, and in repelling the aggressors. No State in the Confederacy should be without such a force during the continuance of the war, as emergencies must frequently arise, which make it indispensably necessary that the State should have at her command a force sufficient to suppress slave insurrection, repel incursions of the enemy or meet other sudden exigencies. I notice that the Governor of South Carolina has lately convened the legislature, and recommended the organization of a similar force in that gallant State.
For more detailed information in reference to the organization and services of the State troops, as well as for information upon other military subjects, you are referred to the able report of Henry C. Wayne, Adju- tant and Inspector-General, to which your attention is respectfully invited.
MILITARY APPROPRIATION.
I recommend the appropriation of three millions of dollars as a military fund for the support of the State
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troops, and for other military purposes, for the ensuing year.
TAXATION.
As the appropriations of the present session must be heavy to meet the public necessities, it will be the duty of the legislature to provide for raising the money. The currency, both State and Confederate, is so much depreciated, that it is extremely unwise to contract debts at the prices now demanded for all articles purchased by the State, and agree to pay, after the war is ended, when property must again be estimated upon the gold basis. This is like borrowing ten cents and agreeing to pay a dollar in gold for it after the war is over. No prudent man would do this in the transaction of his pri- vate business, and no wise, sagacious statesman should do so, in the management of the affairs of the State. The people of the State can probably pay ten millions of dollars in the present currency, as easily as they could pay one million after the war is over, when property has depreciated ten fold in value. Then why add our ex- penditures to our debt. Nothing could be more unwise.
I recommend and urge upon you to make an estimate before the adjournment of the session of the amount appropriated, and to impose a tax sufficient to raise and pay it. There is not a sensible thrifty man in the State, who reasons upon the question, who would not prefer this, rather than add the sum appropriated to our State debt. It is believed, that from one to one and a half per cent. upon the property of the State, will raise all that will be needed for the year. This will be a nomi- nal tax compared with the present Confederate tax.
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If it should be necessary to raise money for use, be- fore the tax can be collected, it is not doubted, that an arrangement could be made with our banks, for a tem- porary loan of the amount required upon reasonable terms.
If the General Assembly should differ from me in this policy, and determine to continue to increase our debt, at the present depreciated rates of currency, thus virtually giving ten dollars for one, I recommend a con- tinuance of the issue of Treasury notes, or Treasury cer- tificates, to raise all sums appropriated, for which no provision is made by taxation. I feel, however, that I can not too earnestly urge upon you, the importance of imposing a sufficient tax, to raise such sums as may be needed. This would preserve the credit of the State, and protect us and our posterity from a heavy burden, which it would at present cost us but little to avoid.
THE CURRENCY.
Without reproducing the argument here, I respect- fully refer the General Assembly to my message ad- dressed to your predecessors, when convened in extra session in March last, for my views upon this question, so far as they relate to the action proper to be taken by the Legislature.
The Constitution of the Confederate States, gives that Government full and ample power over the whole subject matter of the Confederate currency.
Congress has power :
To borrow money on the credit of the Confederate States.
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To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.
To coin money and regulate the value thereof.
To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the Confederate States.
And to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and ex- cises, for revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for the common defence, and carry on the government of the Confederate States.
It is worthy of remark, that the power is given not only to regulate commerce, coin money, and borrow money, but to impose taxes, based upon proper equality, to an unlimited extent upon exports, imports, and the individual property of every citizen of every State in the Confederacy, to pay the debts, provide for the com- mon defence, and carry on the Confederate Government.
The States having delegated to the Confederate Gov- ernment these vast and unlimited powers over the public debt and the means providing for its payment should leave the management of the Confederate finances and the responsibilities therewith connected, where the Con- stitution leaves them.
An offer by the States, as States, to interfere actively with the Confederate finances, or a request by the finan- cial officers of the Confederacy that the States do so in- terfere by indorsing the bonds of that Government or by loaning their bonds to it to be sold in the market to pur- chase its own issues at depreciated rates, when the States have delegated the full, ample and exclusive manage-
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ment of this matter to the Confederate Government, is a virtual declaration that the Government is a failure; or that the officers entrusted with this branch of the Government are incompetent to the task of establishing a wise financial system, unworthy of public confidence, and deserve to be superseded by men who have finan- cial ability and practical statesmanship to discharge the duties imposed by the Constitution and laws upon them. I am not prepared to make this charge, if I were I would say that a change of administration in this department and not the inauguration of a patch-work policy by which the States are called upon to discharge the duties of the Confederate officers on account of their incompe- tency, would be the proper remedy. Let the State and Confederate Government each move within the sphere assigned it by the Constitution, and let each be respon- sible to the people for the faithful discharge of the trust reposed in it. When either undertakes to discharge the duties which properly pertain to the other it not only takes responsibilities not its own but it assumes the in- competency of the other.
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