USA > Georgia > The bench and bar of Georgia: memoirs and sketches. With an appendix, containing a court roll from 1790-1857, etc., volume I > Part 32
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their principles. This delusion cannot be longer supported by those whose interest it is to deceive the people. Georgia, on the question which has called forth legislative interposition, is awake; the mask will be plucked from the features of Federalism, which it now conceals, and the independent freemen of this State will turn from their confidence those by whom they have been duped. The reaction is commencing even now : the brazen idol totters on its clay foundation, and a short year will see it shattered to fragments in its fall. In the next Legislature the State- Rights party will preponderate ; and if in the case of State interposition, where Georgia now stands ready to put forth her arm in defence of her rights, the doetrines of the Federalists shall weigh it to the earth, she will be nobly redeemed when the principles of the State-Rights party become (as they must eventually become) the principles of the State.
In 1835, Mr. Dawson was re-elected to the State Senate. On the breaking out of hostilities in the Creek nation, in the spring of 1836, he raised a volunteer company, marched at their head, and received from General Scott a separate command for special
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WILLIAM C. DAWSON.
service, the duties of which he performed to the satisfaction of that gallant soldier .* In the same year he was nominated for Congress, on general ticket, and was elected a member of the House of Re- presentatives to commence 4th March, 1837. A vacancy occur- ring by the death of General John Coffee, Mr. Dawson was elected to fill the unexpired term, and took his seat in Congress on the first Monday in December, 1836. He at once became a prominent, working, influential member, and was re-elected in 1838 and in 1840.
Such was his popularity-supposed to exceed that of any man in Georgia-that his political friends, after mature consultation in the usual mode, nominated him for the Executive in 1841, in oppo- sition to Gov. McDonald. But he was defeated by a majority of about four thousand votes, owing, unquestionably, to the perse- cution waged against him in the canvass on account of a vote he gave in Congress including tea and coffee in the tariff for revenue. For convenient reference, the author has collected the official votes cast by the people at each election for Governor :-
1825.
G. M. Troup, 20,545
J. Clark, . 19,862
- 683
40,407
1829.
1831.
W. Lumpkin,
27,305
G. R. Gilmer,
25,853
1,452
34,922
53,158
1833.
1835.
W. Schley,
31,177
C. Dougherty,
28,606
--
-2,571
59,446
59,783
1837.
1839.
G. R. Gilmer,
34,178
W. Schley,
33,417
-761
67,595
1827.
J. Forsyth, 22,220
Scattering,
9,072
12,158
31,292
G. R. Gilmer, 24,204
J. Crawford, 10,718 - 13,486
W. Lumpkin,
30,861
J. Crawford, 28,585 - -2,276
C. J. McDonald, 34,634
C. Dougherty,
32,807
67,441
-
1,827
* See White's Historical Collections of Georgia, p. 482.
268
BENCH AND BAR OF GEORGIA.
1841.
C. J. McDonald, 37,847
W. C. Dawson, 33,703
- 4,144
71,550
1845.
G. W. Crawford, 41,514
M. H. McAllister, 39,763 -1,751
81,277
1849.
G. W. Towns, 46,514
E. Y. Hill, 43,322
3,192 89,836
1853.
H. V. Johnson, 47,708
C. J. Jenkins, 47,168
540
94,876
1843.
G. W. Crawford, 38,713 M. A. Cooper, 35,325
ยท3,388
74,038
1847.
G. W. Towns, 43,220
D. L. Clinch, 41,931
1,289
85,151
1851.
H. Cobb,
57,397
C. J. McDonald, 38,824
-
18,573
96,221
1855. H. V. Johnson, 54,461
G. Andrews, 43,721 10,740
R. H. Overby, 6,261
6,261
4,479
104,443
Pending the election for Governor, Mr. Dawson did not resign his seat in Congress, as it is quite common among politicians to hold on to what they have until the better office is secured. But after the refusal of his fellow-citizens to accept his tender of service as Chief-Magistrate, he resigned, from a proper feeling of delicacy and self-respect, construing the vote against him as a disapproval of his course in Congress.
After his withdrawal from public life, Mr. Dawson gave himself up to his profession, and was employed in the chief causes of his circuit. He was a very effective advocate, and, where important interests had to be litigated, he was generally selected-as leading counsel.
On the 1st of February, 1845, Gov. Crawford tendered him the appointment of Judge of the Ockmulgee Circuit, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of the Hon. Francis S. Cone. He accepted the office until an election could be had by the Legis- lature, positively declining to be a candidate.
A new scene is now to open to Judge Dawson,-one which is to crown his eminently useful and agreeable life. At the session of
269
WILLIAM C. DAWSON.
the Legislature in November, 1847, he was elected* a Senator in Congress for a term of six years, commencing on the 4th of March, 1849. This is justly regarded as one of the most honorable positions in the Government. It was a tribute worthily bestowed.
Of the part acted by Judge Dawson in the Senate of the United States, it is the purpose of the author to give an outline, by refer- ence to public documents and other reliable sources of information. Merely to show the form, the author gives the copy of a very proper credential :-
STATE OF GEORGIA .- By his Excellency GEORGE W. TOWNS, Governor of said State.
To the Honorable WILLIAM C. DAWSON, greeting :
Whereas, by the third section of the first article of the Constitution of the United States of America, it is ordained and established that the Senate of the United States should be composed of two Senators from cach State, chosen by the Legislature thereof for the term of six years ; and whereas, the General Assembly did, by joint-ballot of both branches thereof, on the thirteenth day of November instant, elect you, the said William C. Dawson, to be one of the Senators from this State in the Con- gress of the United States, to serve six years from and after the fourth day of March, eighteen hundred and forty-nine :
These are therefore to commission and authorize you, the said William C. Dawson, to take session in the Senate of the United States from and after the fourth day of March, 1849, to use and exercise all and every the privileges and powers which you may or can do in and by virtue of the said Constitution, in behalf of this State.
SEAL
Given under my hand and the great seal of the State, at the Capitol in Milledgeville, this nineteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and forty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the seventy- second.
GEORGE W. TOWNS.
By the Governor :
N. C. BARNETT, Secretary of State.
All who were well acquainted with Judge Dawson know his industrious habits. The record, therefore, affords only what might be expected in this regard. The author has before him the Con- gressional Globe for certain sessions of Congress, and a summary is here given of the debates in which Judge Dawson participated in the Senate. At the session of 1850-51 he addressed the Senate on the following subjects :-
1. On the bill for the relief of Irad Day.
2. On the bill authorizing the State of Wisconsin to select the residue of a certain grant of land.
* The ballot stood, -W. C. Dawson, 91; W. T. Colquitt, 85.
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270
BENCH AND BAR OF GEORGIA.
3. On the bill granting lands to Louisiana and Mississippi for the construction of a railroad.
4. On the bill for the settlement of private land-claims in California.
5. On the Deficiency Bill.
6. On the bill granting land for the benefit of the indigent insane.
7. On the bill to remit duty on certain railroad-iron.
8. On the bill explanatory of the bounty-land law.
9. On the appropriation to pay the amount of a judgment to Manuel Harmony.
10. On the proposed dry-dock in California.
11. On the bill to assist the State of Louisiana to reclaim the swamp-lands within her borders.
While the joint resolution from the House of Representatives was before the Senate making land-warrants assignable, Judge Dawson offered the following amendment :-
And be it further Resolved, That nothing in the first section of the act of 28th September, 1850, granting bounty-lands to certain officers and soldiers who have been engaged in the military service of the United States, shall be so construed as to exclude any commissioned or non-com- missioned officer, musician, or private, whether of regulars, volunteers, rangers, or militia, who was mustered into the service of the United States for the suppression or prevention of Indian hostilities and served the length of time required by said act.
At the session for 1851-52, Judge Dawson submitted remarks to the Senate :-
1. On the resolution relative to the reception and entertainment of Kossuth.
2. In regard to intercourse with France.
3. On the bill for the relief of Margaret Hetzel.
4. On the bill providing for the assignability of land-warrants.
5. On the bill for the relief of Erastus A. Capron.
6. On the bill for the relief of Thomas H. Leggett.
7. On the bill for the benefit of Carmelite nunnery.
8. On the joint resolution for the continuance of the work on the Capitol.
9. On the public expenditures.
10. On the bill granting to Ohio the unsold lands in that State.
11. In relation to the proceedings of the Whig Congressional Caucus.
12. On the bill authorizing a survey for a basin for the Chesa- peake and Ohio Canal.
271
WILLIAM C. DAWSON.
13. On the bill granting land to Wisconsin for a railroad.
14. On the memorial of the Society of Friends in relation to the Fugitive Slave Law.
15. On the bill granting land to Michigan for a railroad.
16. On the bill emendatory of the patent-laws.
17. On the bill for the relief of Elizabeth B. Lomax.
18. On the bill providing for an exchange of school-lands.
19. On the bill for the relief of the legal representatives of James C. Watson.
20. In relation to the North American fisheries.
21. In relation to the Census Board.
22. On the bill providing for the election of a public printer.
23. On the Apportionment Bill.
24. In relation to printing the Census returns.
25. In relation to the construction of a ship-canal around the Falls of St. Mary.
26. On the Iowa Land Bill.
27. Concerning the Expedition to Japan.
28. On the bill providing payment for the surveys of claims in California.
29. Concerning the establishment of a telegraph and mail- line to California.
30. For the relief of the West Feliciana Railroad Company.
31. On the Army Appropriation Bill.
32. On the appropriation for the Collins line of steamers.
33. On the appropriation to pay balances due the Creek In- dians.
34. On the appropriation to indemnify the people of Georgia, Alabama, and Florida for depredations committed by the Creek Indians.
35. On the Naval Appropriation Bill.
36. On the proposition to regulate the appointment of mid- shipmen.
37. On the appropriation for the Seneca Indians of New York.
38. On the bill to increase the salary of the District Judge of New Hampshire.
39. On the appropriation for the floating dry-dock at San Francisco, California.
40. On the appropriation for the Indians in California.
41. On the Civil and Diplomatic Bill.
As Judge Dawson had the sagacity and boldness to differ from
272
BENCHI AND BAR OF GEORGIA.
a majority of the Senate in relation to Kossuth, the subject will be more particularly noticed.
On the 3d day of December, 1851, the following joint resolution was taken up in its order :-
Joint resolution in relation to the reception and entertainment of Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, in the United States.
Be it Resolved, &c. That a joint committee of the two Houses of Con- gress, to consist of - members of the Senate and - members of the House of Representatives. be appointed by the presiding officers of the respective Houses, to make suitable arrangements for the reception of Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, on his arrival in the United States, and to communicate to him assurances of the profound respect entertained for him by the people of the United States, and to tender to him, on the part of Congress, and in the name of the people of the United States, the hospitalities of the metropolis of the Union.
Judge DAWSON addressed the Senate as follows :*__
MR. PRESIDENT :- Perhaps it would be as well to meet the question at once upon the proposition to fill these blanks. I am not prepared myself, as a representative of one of the States of this Union, to adopt this reso- lution. As an individual, as a citizen of the United States, I am willing to show to Kossuth that respect which my judgment and my feelings may dictate; but in my capacity as a Senator I cannot consent to what is here proposed. I know of no precedent in the history of our Legislature which would justify the adoption of this resolution. I have never known such marked distinction shown to any distinguished citizen of our own country, whether a military man or a civilian. I see nothing in the character of this distinguished individual which should make the Government of the United States get up a great pageant on his account and distinguish him from all other men who have ever lived. Has he ever been connected with our institutions? Has he ever rendered any particular service to this country to entitle him to this mark of distinction ? Not at all. It is true he is a great man, but he is not greater than many men who now live and have lived. His position is such as to call into exercise our sympathies for him and his associates as men. That sympathy this Government has already shown to an extent almost unparalleled, by send- ing one of the national vessels to receive. him and his associates, if they were willing to come to this country. Have we not done enough to show our sympathies and our good feelings? I think we have. Against the man's character and cause I utter not a word. The American heart is open for his reception. It is the people who will receive him. La- fayette, when he came to this country, was received in a manner which was justifiable on the part of the Government of that day, because he was connected with the Revolution which gave us the liberties which we enjoy.
Several days afterward, when the resolution was again under consideration, Mr. DAWSON remarked : t-
* See Congressional Globe, vol. xxiv. part 1, p. 21. + Ibid, p. 71.
273
WILLIAM C. DAWSON.
MR. PRESIDENT :- When the first resolution offered by the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Foote) was presented, I briefly stated the reasons why I could not vote for that resolution. Since the discussion has commenced, the character of the proposition before the body has most essentially changed. It is due to candor, and to a right understanding of this sub- ject, before the nation and the distinguished individual whom we are dis- posed to honor, that we should understand each other thoroughly,-that we should know what were the expectations created in the mind of Kossuth when he received what is called the invitation to the hospitalities of this country. We have to ask him his impression of that invitation. We should know what expectations were created. We should understand them. We should understand his impressions of the obligations he is laid under. And that candor would compel us to investigate the understand- ing between the host and the guest. We tendered to him a national ves- sel to come to this country and seek an asylum,-or to come and receive hospitality, according to the interpretation of some. We did not intend to interfere with the domestie affairs of Hungary or any other country. We found him an exile, a voluntary captive, or under the hospitable pro- teetion of the Turkish Government. We asked him here. He has come. On his way to receive our hospitality, he announeed to the world the character of the invitation. He lets us understand what is his eonstrue- tion of it : that he has come here, not merely for the purpose of receiving our sympathy, but to ask us to interfere between his country and foreign Governments. He asks us to deelare that we will interfere, in the event that the struggle should recommence in Hungary against Austria. He tells the world that this is the object of his visit. And when he lands on our shores he tells us that he knew he had our sympathies ; that he and his countrymen had the sympathies of the world ; that it was not from mere sympathy that he erossed the Atlantic Ocean ; that he came here to have something more substantial. He wants to receive the pledge of this Government, that, if the hour of revolution should ever come again in his fatherland, the United States will stand by and sce fair play, and that if any other nation on earth interferes, then the United States shall take part in the controversy. That is the character of the position he now occupies. He tells us that he expects the material of aid to protect his country. And what is that ? Men, money, and arms. That is his im- pression.
Is it not, then, due to candor-do not honor and magnanimity require us-to announce to Kossuth that this Government has no such design ? Will you suffer him to come to the seat of Government with such expec- tations ? or will you state to him the character in which you expect to re- ceive him ? My colleague, (Mr. Berrien,) sensible of his position, and of the impression made upon the mind of this distinguished individual by the formal welcome to our shores, has introduced an amendment asking us to announce to him that he is mistaken,-that he is not to come to the seat of Government of this great nation under the expectation that this Go- vernment gives any pledge, or any assurance, that they will sustain bim at any time. Why should we not tell him that he must not expect that we shall afford him men and means as a Government ? As an honorable man, connected with another individual, would you suffer that individual to have wrong impressions in relation to the course you intended to pur- sue ? Would you not let him understand precisely what you intended ? Just so with nations. It is due from the Government of the United States Vol. 1 .- 15
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BENCH AND BAR OF GEORGIA.
to announce to this distinguished individual the object they have in view. I submit to honorable Senators whether they intend to justify the expecta- tious which Kossuth has announced he had in coming to this country ? Will they allow the impression to be left on his mind that we are to fur- nish him with any material of war? I think not ; although some Senators declare they will not express opinion one way or the other; that " suffi- cient unto the day is the evil thereof;" when the occasion arises they will determine whether or not to interfere. This is the language of the Sena- tor from Illinois, (Mr. Douglas.) This is the language of the Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass,) and, indirectly, the language of the Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. Foote.)
When the Senator from Mississippi read the speech made by the present distinguished Secretary of State (Mr. Webster) in 1823, it at once drew my attention to the state of this country at the time, and to the principles upon which the Republican party have stood from the days of Washing- ton down to the present hour. Then it was that revolutions were going on in South America ; then it was that our country had to announce to the civilized world the principles upon which we administered this happy government. Then it was, I would remind the Senator, that the distin- guished Mr. Monroc, who concentrated in himself, on account of his purity, both the Republican and Federal parties, announced what were the prin- ciples of this Government, and the principles which had been sustained by Washington, by Adams, by Jefferson, and by Madison. I will show you, by reference to the message of 1824, what were the views of Mr. Monroc, and upon precisely such a question as this ; that is, the question of inter-, ference with foreign Governments. I beg to read from that message, in order that this may go out with the speech which was read by the Senator from Mississippi.
Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. I wish to ask the gentleman whether we are to understand him as concurring with Mr. Webster or Mr. Monroc.
Mr. DAWSON. If they differ at all, I concur with Mr. Monroe, though I do not think there is any difference of opinion. But I would ask the Senator, in return, whether in 1824 he would have concurred with Mr. Webster or Mr. Monroe.
Mr. FOOTE. If their views were the same, there is no necessity for that.
Mr. DAWSON. I read from Mr. Monroe's message of 1824 : [Only the closing portion of the extract in Mr. Dawson's speech is here given.]
" Separated, as we are, from Europe, by the great Atlantic Ocean, we can have no concern in the wars of the European Governments, nor in the causes which produce them. The balance of power between them, into whichever scale it may turn in its various vibrations, cannot affect us. It is the interest of the United States to preserve the most friendly re- lations with every power, and on conditions fair, equal, and applicable to all. But in regard to our neighbors [the South American States] our situation is different. It is impossible for the European Governments to interfere in their concerns, especially in those alluded to, [casting off the Spanish yoke, ] which are vital, without affecting us : indeed, the motive which might induce such interference in the present state of the war between the parties, if a war it may be called, would appear to be equally applicable to us. It is gratifying to know that some of the powers with whom we enjoy a very friendly intercourse, and to whom these views have been communicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them."
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WILLIAM C. DAWSON.
Sir, (continued Mr. DAWSON,) the principles here laid down by Mr. Monroe have been laid down from the foundation of this Government : that we should not interfere in the affairs of European nations, that we should take no part in their wars, and that we should suffer no European power to interfere or intermeddle with the relations of this continent. What is sought now to be done ? I know that gentlemen disclaim the idea of interference; that is, they do not intend to intermeddle in any of their strifes. But what is the proposition before us, stripped of the circumstances which surround it? Take away the verbiage and the rhetoric which have been thrown around it, and what does the proposition amount to ? What does Kossuth expect from this country ? What does he believe your invitation is intended to signify ? From whom can you get this information but himself? He tells you, candidly, that he comes not merely for your sympathy, but for your material,-for your pronuncia- mento or proclamation that, in case Austria and Hungary again engage in bloody strife, you will stand by and sec fair play ; and, if any other foreign power interferes, we shall take a hand in it. I defy any Senator to put a different construction upon the language of this distinguished man. Yet in a crisis like this in our own country, at a time just preceding the Pre- sidential election, when the foreign influence is tremendous, we are called upon to do this. I say it is wrong. There is a want of candor and a want of magnanimity in giving him a public reception here, unless we tell him what we really intend to do, and what we intended at the time we invited him, and that when we opened our hearts to receive him it was for the purpose of throwing around him the protection of the Consti- tution and laws of this country. But when he comes here he changes his character to that of an agitator, and proclaims to us, Gentlemen, I will dine with you : but I shall prescribe the character of the dishes which shall be on your table; I shall tell you what I expect when I come to see you, and not have it to your own taste. This question comes home to our candor and magnanimity, not as politicians, but as men and states- men. The consequences growing out of this question will involve not us only, but our reputation as a Senate. Is there a Senator here who would say to Kossuth, " We will give you the material of war at the pro- per time" ? But he says, " I came here under that expectation : Ian- nounced that expectation : and still you asked me to come." He will say to you, as he said to the deputation from Philadelphia, that "if he had known, before he came here, that this was the limitation upon the invita- tion, he would have hesitated long before he would have come."
Kossuth is acting with candor. He is carrying out that boldness and independence of conduct which has marked his career. Let us follow the same example ; and, when dealing with a man of honor, of chivalry, of in- telligence and statesmanship, let us deal with him in candor, and not allow him to be led astray by our uncertain course. Hence it is that I have taken up my position in opposition to this resolution ; hence I oppose the resolution of the Senator from New York. What is meant by it ? The Senator from Michigan says, We welcome Kossuth as the repre- sentative of a great principle. Of what principle? Kossuth says it is the right of nations to interfere with foreign nations ; not the principle of non- intervention, but the right to interfere, when two contending powers are engaged in war, to prevent a third power from taking part. That is his principle, and he expects to be sustained. Now, will you receive him, and receive him publicly, without announcing to him what we mean, without
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