USA > Georgia > The bench and bar of Georgia: memoirs and sketches. With an appendix, containing a court roll from 1790-1857, etc., volume II > Part 47
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The present is a suitable time to commune frankly with our readers on the subject of the approaching election and the respective candidates, from whom a choice is to be made for the most exalted and responsible office in the world. For we consider the royal dynasties that rule most other countries in hereditary succession-without regard to attributes worthy of a trust which, for good or evil, has no superior in human affairs-as far below the first office in our Republic in true dignity and honor. While advancing this opinion, we are, nevertheless, very remote from man-worship, either while the mantle of power is gorgeously worn by its possessor, or after he has transferred it to other hands in obedience to the will of the people. A king or a president is no better than other men : sometimes, indeed, he is inferior in all the qualities which properly command veneration and love. Merit is the only genuine standard after all, and of right should prevail in all the competitions for public honor ; yet so imperfect is man, so warped is he by prejudice or interest, that the laurel is not always bestowed wisely and justly. To other relations of life the remark applies with equal cogency. Success and merit, though of twin-extraction from a pure theory of morals, have very little affinity in the contests and awards of fortune. The noblest minds of the world are often crushed under the weight of their own sensibilities and of adverse conditions. A passage in Gray's "Elegy in a Country Churchyard" is a philosophical commentary on life which should deeply impress us all, and inspire moderation and charity in our bosoms :-
"Some mute, inglorious Milton here may rest,- Some Cromwell, guiltless of his country's blood."
When we recall the memory of our departed benefactors, or of those friends who stood by us in sunshine and in storm, we are pained by the recollection of any unkindness by word or deed which escaped us by acci- dent or inattention. If we had them back again, how carefully would we avoid the word, or make atonement! With similar feelings we should regard our public men. Their high stations do not render them callous or indifferent to censure and vituperation. A line or word launched in cruelty often inflicts a wound which bleeds not the less because in- wardly.
The country has before it two distinguished citizens, who have been nominated for the Presidency,-one by a Convention held at Baltimore, representing the Democratic party, and the other by a Convention held
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at Philadelphia, representing the Whig party of the United States. General Cass, a statesman and a diplomatist, is the standard-bearer of one division, and General Taylor, illustrious for his military deeds, is the rival champion. As to the latter candidate, his friends claim for him what the amplest proof has established,-a clear intellect, and sound practical judgment.
As our journal is wholly disconnected with politics, we of course avow no preference for either candidate. Both are patriots; and, let the scale of popular favor turn as it may, either of them will, no doubt, administer the government to the best of his abilities, with an eye to the public good. This impression is so fully warranted by the past career of both, that, even if we felt at liberty to take sides in the canvass, we should have to seek other weapons than those which are (we regret to see) too commonly used, -bitter personalities, and the most illiberal and offensive construction which can possibly be placed on every act and deed of the candidates by their re- spective opponents. We could not afford to employ such instrumentalities to defeat General Taylor or General Cass. Their public history is not so limited as to preclude a search for material of legitimate controversy on creeds or measures which they severally advocate or oppose. In our re- flections on the temper and unfairness of parties one toward the other, in mutual excess, we are happy to except a portion of the political press and of the speakers and writers on both sides. Many of these are calm and dignified in their efforts to serve the cause with which they are identified. Would that their example was more prevalent !
Our main object in this article is yet to be stated. We have said enough in dispraise of certain habits of political warfare to show our notions of propriety on the subject. Perhaps we shall not be thanked by every one for our candor herein. We regard not this, however, in the performance of what we consider a duty to public intelligence and to the sound, conservative elements of our happy institutions.
Thus far we have named only General Cass and General Taylor as can- didates for the Presidency, passing over Mr. Van Buren, who seems, how- ever, to be quite earnest in his renewed aspirations for the White House, which he occupied one term as the heir of General Jackson. But we sce no very strong reasons for coupling Mr. Van Buren with the contest at all,-as he is, notoriously, the forlorn leader of the forlorn hope of a for- lorn faction at the North. If he receives the vote of a single State, or of a single Elector, he will surpass our expectations in his favor. Even of him, cheap as he has made himself in public estimation, we would here avoid saying any thing very harsh,-nothing that could detract from the reputation gained by him in former days.
The moral to be studied in choosing between General Cass and General Taylor is this: if the first be beaten, he will without doubt attribute his defeat to misrepresentation about Hull's surrender, extra pay, harbor and , internal improvements, the Wilmot Proviso, &c. &c .; and if the latter be vanquished,-for the first time in his life,-he will regard his failure with a similar conviction, relative to his moderately-fixed opinions on political subjects, his silence on the Wilmot Proviso, &c. Cloud not the last days of either of these distinguished men by unjust imputations : rather let the time now remaining until the election be improved in doing justice to both of them, by a loftier tone of discussion than has generally prevailed in the canvass heretofore.
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V .- APPLYING FOR AN OFFICE.
The object of the author in publishing his adventures for office is to console the great number of applicants who, like himself, showed excellent papers, but were refused employment; and an- other consideration is to deter, if possible, reliance on the Go- vernment, in the belief that we are entitled to its patronage because we desire it. The several communications will sufficiently explain. That to the Editors of the National Intelligencer, refer- ring to one dated 5th March, might be so changed as to substitute the letter of May 29, 1849, to the Secretary of the Interior, which in fact was the one intended, as follows :-
CAVE SPRING, FLOYD COUNTY, GEORGIA, May 29, 1849.
SIR :- With respectful solicitation, I submit the enclosed vouchers from Gov. Fitzpatrick, of the U. S. Senate, from Hon. H. W. Collier, Chief- Justice of the Supreme Court of Alabama, and from Hon. J. J. Ormond, who for ten years preceding 1st January, 1848, was an Associate Justice of the same court: also, the copy of a letter from Prof. De Bow, of the Chair of Political Economy in the University of Louisiana. These re- present my qualifications, such as they are, for an office in which system and labor are necessary.
In support of these expressions in my behalf, I beg to enclose two arti- cles in the New Orleans Commercial Times, from my pen, which show something of my habits of illustration in figures, and the patience with which I construct tables. The article on the " Productions and Capital of the United States" was copied in the National Intelligencer and Union. I merely specify these journals because they are published at the seat of Government.
I desire to reside at Washington. My aim will be, if appointed to an office in either the Patent, Indian, Land, or Pension Bureau, or any other in which my services may be accepted by the administration, to devote myself to duty. Chief-Justice Collier having alluded to my "early life," I think it proper to say that I am in my forty-fourth year.
Allow me to ask the favor of an early answer,-stating whether you are prepared now, or probably will be soon, to grant my application. I can at any moment repair to such post as may be assigned me. My address is " Cave Spring, Georgia," where I am temporarily residing.
With high respect, your obedient servant, STEPHEN F. MILLER.
Hon. THOMAS EWING,
Secretary of the Interior.
[ENCLOSURES.]
WETUMPKA, ALA., May 7, 1849.
His Excellency ZACHARY TAYLOR, President of the United States :
SIR :- Stephen F. Miller, Esq., is, I understand, an applicant for a clerkship in the Home or some other Department at Washington, or perhaps some consulate agency.
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APPENDIX.
While Mr. Miller resided in this State, some two years since, I knew him well, and state with pleasure that I have always regarded him as a sober, industrious, highly-accomplished, and worthy gentleman. His business-habits are of a high order. For any of the stations above alluded to, I consider him eminently qualified, and feel assured he will discharge the duties of such with credit to himself and usefulness to the country.
I have the honor to be, with respect, your obedient servant,
BEN. FITZPATRICK.
TUSCALOOSA, May 10, 1849.
I have been acquainted with Maj. Stephen F. Miller thirteen or four- teen years, and consider him a gentleman of highly-respectable intellect, a writer of good taste, with an active, inquisitive mind. He is honorable in his bearing, cherishes just notions of moral propriety, and performs labor with the pen promptly, with ease and neatness.
Maj. M. edited some years the "Independent Monitor" of this place, with an ability unsurpassed by any Whig journal in Alabama. He would make a good clerk in either of the Departments at Washington, or secre- tary of legation to some foreign court, or he would represent the Govern- ment as a consular agent advantageously to the nation and creditably to himself. It gives me pleasure to recommend him for an appointment such as I have indicated.
I omitted to mention that in early life Maj. M. was admitted to the bar and elected by the Legislature of Georgia Solicitor of one of the judicial circuits of that State. He also practised law after his removal to Alabama.
HENRY W. COLLIER.
TUSCALOOSA, May 15, 1849.
SIR :- Although I have not the honor of an acquaintance with you, I take the liberty of addressing you in favor of a man who, from his previous labors in behalf of the Whig party, as well as on the score of his own merits, is entitled to the aid and patronage of the present administration. The person alluded to is Stephen F. Miller, formerly editor of the Inde- pendent Monitor of this place. In this position for many years he upheld and sustained the Whig party in this State, and made his paper one of the ablest Whig journals in the South. Mr. Miller is a man of unques- tionable talents, of great industry and strict integrity. His business- qualifications would render him useful in almost any of the Bureaus in your Department; and I have therefore thought it proper to address this letter to you.
If you can find a situation for him, you will gratify the Whig party of this State, and, I have no doubt, obtain very efficient aid in any matter you may intrust him with.
Very respectfully, J. J. ORMOND.
Hon. THOMAS EWING.
OFFICE COMMERCIAL REVIEW, NEW ORLEANS, January 30, 1849.
It affords me very great pleasure to bear testimony to the industry, abilities, and intelligence of my friend Stephen F. Miller, formerly of Alabama, but who has been residing nearly a year in New Orleans.
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Maj. Miller assisted me for a long time in the editorial charge of the Commercial Review, and during my absence from the city the whole management and control of the work devolved upon his shoulders. He has from time to time contributed very able articles to its pages, which have received distinguished notice. I was delighted with the connection of Maj. Miller with the Review, and would have prolonged it to any period, had not the pecuniary difficulties of the work put it out of my power to offer him any thing like an adequate consideration for his services.
I regard Major Miller as one of the most patient, pains-taking, and intelligent statistical writers in the Southern country, which his articles in my work, as well as in the Commercial Times of this city, published within the last three months, most clearly evince.
In taking leave of my friend, I cannot but express the high estimate in which I hold him as a gentleman and a man of probity and honor, in every sense of those terms, and wish him health and prosperity in all the future.
J. D. B. DE Bow, Editor Commercial Review.
The author wrote another letter to Mr. Ewing, as follows :-
CAVE SPRING, GEORGIA, June 5, 1849.
SIR :- In addition to the testimonials with my letter of 29th ult., I enclose a note, received since, from the Hon. Henry W. Hilliard, late a Representative in Congress from Alabama.
Most respectfully, sir, your obedient servant,
STEPHEN F. MILLER.
[ENCLOSED.]
It affords me sincere pleasure to learn that Stephen F. Miller, Esq., is willing to be employed in one of the Departments at Washington. He is known to me as a gentleman of fine abilities and great worth, and would doubtless prove himself to be a valuable acquisition to either of the Depart- ments in which he undertook to do service.
Mr. Miller formerly resided at Tuscaloosa, then the seat of Government for this State, and distinguished himself as editor of the Monitor, a sterling Whig paper. He has, I believe, for some time past been engaged in assisting Mr. De Bow in the conduct of the Commercial Review, well known as an able and valuable publication.
I should be much gratified to hear of his success in finding some employment agreeable to him.
HENRY W. HILLIARD.
(From the National Intelligencer, August 6, 1853.)
-, GEORGIA, July 26, 1853.
MESSRS. GALES & SEATON :- The opinion is generally entertained that to hold office is a great blessing,-that a commission signed by the President of the United States is honor enough to compensate for any sacrifices or suffering that may happen. Will you admit a voice of warn- ing into your columns for the benefit of my countrymen ?
Previous to the reign of President Jackson, while appointments were
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cautiously made, and bestowed for merit alone, there was some éclat in a commission; but after the "spoils" doctrine obtained, when friends had to be rewarded and enemies punished in the distribution of offices, the previous high moral tone of the country dwindled, men of virtue and capacity were cast aside, and the blustering politician or the bar-room bully was made the depository of Executive confidence. The evil in- creased under Mr. Van Buren's administration, and was so deeply rooted in public affairs that the death of his successor, the lamented Harrison, was hastened by the horde of office-seekers who rushed upon him as law- ful prize, more greedy from the long exile they had suffered from treasury- comforts. I was a Harrison man, rendering the best service in my power for his election; but I never applied to him nor to Mr. Tyler for office. When Mr. Polk came into the Presidency, of course I was disqualified for all public employments by the support I had given the immortal Clay in the contest. After the next election my disability ceased, and, with a keen appetite, I knocked at Gen. Taylor's door for a public crumb, never having tasted that kind of food, but believing it to be delicious.
Taking an early start, that none might be ahead of me, on the 5th day of March, 1849, I forwarded to the Secretary of the Treasury certain papers :-
1. A letter, written by myself, requesting a clerkship in which I might be useful from long experience in accounts and in the construction of tables, many of which, intricate and laborious, I enclosed in printed slips from the newspapers as a specimen. I also claimed practice in composi- tion, so as to prepare official letters.
2. A letter from a gentleman who is now the Governor of an adjoin- ing State, informing the President that I was trustworthy and would make a good consular agent or secretary of legation.
3. A letter from an ex-Governor and Senator in Congress, opposed to me in politics, yet cordial to my character and qualities.
4. A letter from a justice of the Supreme Court, strongly urging my qualifications, and dwelling on points of character which propriety forbids mne to name.
5. A letter from a Representative in Congress, who had served the country in a diplomatic station abroad, expressing his satisfaction that I had consented to take office, and warmly soliciting the President in my behalf.
6. The opinion of a professor of political economy that I was com- petent and faithful in arranging tables of finance, commerce, and other statistical matter, and in illustrating any subject connected therewith.
With these testimonials I felt certain of success. "Did any man ever present better recommendations ?" quoth I to myself. For two long, te- dious months I expected by every mail a letter from the Secretary as the very man he wanted, to be a sort of chief among the green subordinates. No such document came! I then turned my batteries against the Secre- tary of the Interior, and gave him copies of all that I had sent to the other Department. Neither of these officers ever condescended to reply to me; and, with mortified spirit, I brooded over the "ingratitude of re- publics," but comforted myself with the suspicion that the Secretaries were poor judges of merit, or that other applicants had made out equally as good cases on paper, and that local considerations had turned the scale in their favor. Thus I knocked at the door of the Government, and thus
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was it not opened to me. I am now prepared to say that the " grapes are sour," and shall give my reasons.
From March until October, 1849,-more than six months,-I was in alternate moods of expectation and despair in regard to office. Perhaps the Secretaries were so busily occupied that they had not read my letters. Then I was certain they had examined them, as in duty bound. I awoke from my slumber,-from office-reverie,-asked no favors from the President or his Secretaries, and, casting myself in another direction for employ- ment, I now rejoice that my application was disregarded. And here I am at the point I desire to dwell on, in order, if possible, to reconcile others to a private life, as the most successful and happy.
The idea that a clerkship in one of the Departments is a situation of value in any sense is a gross error. The income will hardly pay expenses. If the incumbent has a family, the house-rent, furniture, servant-hire, marketing, and the style of dress required to figure in society and to maintain caste at Washington, will more than sponge up a thousand or twelve hundred dollars, leaving him deeply entangled in debt, besides the risk of being dismissed at every change of administration. The utmost he can do while toiling for the Government is to feed and clothe his family : not a dollar left as a foundation for other business.
It may be replied by some that the opportunity to see the great men of the republic and of foreign countries who collect officially at Washing- ton, the privilege of hearing the debates in Congress, of attending the President's levées, of examining the contents of the Patent-Office, of gazing at the Washington Monument and the Smithsonian Institute, of seeing the elegant styles, the refinement, the nabob vanity and extrava- gance of ambassadors, the beautiful and accomplished ladies,-all forming a school to mould and perfect character on a superior scale,-are objects worthy of any hazard or ambition. Office-seekers believe the delusion, and struggle for it. I pity them,-many capable and well-meaning, who might succeed in the business-walks of life. I look upon a man who depends on office for his support as having a very poor title to the good things of life. The passion for office is debasing in its effects. It soon begets an artificial behavior, a trimming policy, and, more to be regretted than all, principles contracted and selfish, absolutely grudging success to others. Of course, this description does not apply to every man who troubles the President or the Heads of Departments for office; yet it is nevertheless true in the main.
I was shocked to notice, some months ago, that, of the six hundred clerkships at Washington, (equal to about three for each Representative in Congress,) each member of the dominant party claimed the right to supply three from his district. This was the party-drill to carry out the maxim that "to the victors belong the spoils." The Government, as con- quered plunder, to be sliced into rations for party-cormorants! Think of it, and blush with the pride and dignity of an American patriot !
Instead of a system thus corrupting to the public morals, it ought to be the rule that all competent and faithful officers below the Cabinet and principal Bureaus should be retained under each successive administration without inquiring after the political creed of any of them. If they all came from two or three adjoining States, or even belonged to the District of Columbia, it should be no objection. So the ripe qualification and the tried integrity were secured, no other test should be adopted. The Government would become purer and the people essentially benefited by
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such a condition of things. May we not hope, discouraging as the pros- pect is, that some future President will have virtue and courage enough to set the example in this particular ?
President Pierce has been annoyed almost to death by office-adven- turers, and it would have rclicved him of the most disagreeable of his official carcs had the course I suggest been observed by his predecessors, so as to have the moral sanction of a law when he came into power; for this very question of "spoils" has subjected his character to more criticism than any other branch of his administration. All just-minded men see the evil, and ought to stand calmly outside the ring in which the gladia- tors over the carcass of victory are intent in signalizing their brute courage with the same fierceness and with about as much glory as combatants at a Spanish bull-baiting. Let it rather be a reproach to ask office, so that the President may have full liberty to select his own agents in executing the high trust for which he must respond to the people.
[Had our worthy correspondent scen the bushels of letters and recom- mendations similar to his own which loaded down the tables of the Secre- taries, (as they do the tables of all Sccretaries on the accession of every new administration,) he might well have supposed it possible that his were not read by anybody but the clerk to whom was assigned in every Department the duty of endorsing and filing them away for reference. His reflections on the exercise of the appointing-power, on office-seeking, and the injuries to individuals and to the public service inflicted by pro- scriptive rotation, are very correct, but not as strong as they might justly be .- EDITORS.]
VI .- THE SOUTHERN QUESTION, 1850.
(From the Georgia Journal and Messenger, August 21, 1850.)
REMARKS OF STEPHEN F. MILLER, ESQ., ON THE SOUTHERN QUESTION,
At a Meeting of the Citizens of Macon County, Ga., at the Court-House in Lanier, August 8, 1850.
MR. CHAIRMAN :- I know that public feeling is highly excited on the subject of African slavery,-the North insisting to exterminate, and the South anxious to preserve, this institution. To a fairly-disposed mind seeking truth and justice, the North must appear vitally in the wrong. She alone is responsible for the agitation and its consequences. With regard to the convictions of duty under which encroachment is made by one side and repelled by the other, I have only to say that the South stays at home in this unhappy strife. The owner of a castle has a moral and legal advantage over his adversary who trespasses. I leave the idea to be applied when the proper time for action shall arrive.
Without engaging in declamation, I propose to submit some facts which I hope may tend to soften sectional asperities and to show the folly of dissolving the Union.
On the 4th of July, 1776, domestic slavery existed in all the American colonies that declared independence of Great Britain. Of the thirteen original members of the Confederacy, seven have abolished it. Nine
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slaveholding and eight non-slaveholding States have since been added to the Union. The following table shows the slave-population in 1776 :-
1. Massachusetts.
3,500
2. Rhode Island ..
4,373
3. Connecticut ..
6,000
4. New Hampshire.
629
5. New York
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