USA > Georgia > The history of the State of Georgia from 1850 to 1881, embracing the three important epochs: the decade before the war of 1861-5; the war; the period of Reconstruction, v. 1 > Part 15
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The Dougherty County resolutions reported to the House by Mr. R. N. Ely, presented forcibly an idea, urged by a number of other counties. that represented the view of the more conservative secessionists. This was the necessity of co-operation among the Southern States. It was declared,
"It would be monstrous if a single Southern State should, without consultation and by separate action, attempt to decide the great question that now presses upon the South, not only for herself, but for her remaining fourteen sister states."
137
THE LONE STAR WHITE FLAG IN AUGUSTA.
This was the very thing that did happen, a thing that was a great wrong, that was unwise and impolitic to the last degree, and that was remediless. These resolutions put the true wisdom of the crisis in these words:
" The time has come for the final settlement of the slavery question upon an enduring and unequivocal basis, and to a General Conference of the Southern States, we would en- trust the duty of declaring what that basis shall be."
The Richmond County action, reported to the legislature by Mr. Wm. Gibson, contained this beautiful and significant incident. The chair- man having stated the object of the meeting, then informed the assem- blage that it had been made known to him that a white flag with the lone star, and inscribed thereon: " Georgia-Equality in or Indepen- dence out of the Union" had been placed upon the cupola of the Temple of Justice in which they were then assembled; and was then waving over their heads; which announcement was received with long, con- tinued applause. When on motion it was unanimously resolved, " That this meeting adopt the flag and its position as their act, evincive of their determination in the present crisis." It is at such fevered times when the public blood is in a state of exalted fervor that poetic trifles like the above incarnate the solemn purposes of earnest, iron-minded inen and idealize a stern gravity into romance.
But serious as was the crisis, and ominous the drift to revolution, the people were not ripe for the plunge. Some very strong men were opposing the policy of secession. H. V. Johnson, Alex. H. Stephens and Ben. HI. Hill stood firmly against it. Mr. Stephens made a speech to the Georgia legislature, that take it all in all, was the grandest of his life. Unaffected by the whirlwind of passion around him, that terror- ized men, he uttered a clear, firm counsel against secession. He daringly asserted that the South was not blameless, and with an unsurpassed moral and physical courage planted himself against disunion. In the calm retrospection of those crazy days this appeal of reason was simply sublime. Dr. Lovick Pierce, the powerful methodist Divine, threw his strong influence against it. Yet he was taunted in the press with in- consistency, because in 1844 he had urged the secession of the southern Methodist church, because Bishop Andrews was officially crucified by the northern Methodists for being a slave-holder. Howell Cobb wrote from Washington a long and uusurpassably able letter, calm, logical, dispassionate and even cold in its temperate, but inexorable argument, discussing the whole situation and urging immediate secession. He quoted voluminously from all of the Republican leaders, to show the im-
138
THIE DRIFT TO SECESSION.
movable abolition intent of the party, he demonstrated that the result of the election was war to the death on slavery, he showed that there was no hope for the South in any other remedy than secession, he argued that honor and interest required immediate withdrawal from the Union, and he announced that he was coming home to share the destiny of his state, and resigned his position as Secretary of the Treasury. I .. J. Gartrell wrote to Dr. William C. Humphries of Atlanta, a letter declaring that it was the policy and duty of Georgia to secede. Mr. Gartrell had made an enviable reputation in congress and stood among the promising young men of the state. He had delivered severa! speeches in congress that attracted much attention, and had borne hint- self in debate so as to win the respect of his opponents, as well as the applause of his friends .. The venerable ex-Gov. Wilson Lumpkin, in a letter to Asbury Hull, H. C. M. Hammond, R. S. Taylor and others, stated that there was no hope from the North and secession was the only chance of prosperity. Gov. Lumpkin had not been in public life since 1843.
But the people still were not matured for the grave step. It was re- served for Robert Toombs with a consummate management to fashion and drive the wedge that rived apart the stately structure into contend- ing'halves. To him, beyond all question, belongs the leadership of the South in sundering the Union. He was the unquestionable genius of the revolution. William L. Yancey was a powerful factor in the disin- tegration. But Toombs was the chief and master architect of the dis- ruption. His final achievement was a master stroke of diplomacy, sure, subtle and invincible. It fell upon the South with resistless effect. It swept away the last fcot-hold of conservatism. The heaviest objection to a resort to disunion, was the idea that the Republicans were willing to give guarantees against any further interference with slavery, and this willingness should be tested before going to the last extremity. To meet this idea a number of southern senators and representatives, including Iverson, Crawford, Jones, Jackson, Gartrell and Underwood of Georgia, issued an address, brief and pointed, stating that all hope of relief was gone, and both southern honor and safety required secession. But this was not satisfactory to the conservative element. It was left for Mr. Toombs to put the finishing stroke to the indecision and reluct- ance of the halting. The legislature had voted down a resolution in favor of immediate secession, and in the senate a motion to reconsider was lost after a stiff debate, in which Harris, Lawton, Moore, Spaulding and Tracy were for immediate action, and Jones, Trippe, and Ben. Hill
139
ROBERT TOOMBS FIXES SECESSION.
were against it. Spaulding dubbed Trippe a submissionist; Jones sneered that the co-operationists would have the fighting to do; Harris retorted that Jones was a "citizen in war and a soldier in peace;" Moore declared that Hill's speeches were on both sides; and Tracy charged that Hill " was in love with his subject, and that subject him- self." The sharp sparring showed the feeling at play, and the result evinced the proper deliberation before a grave step.
Mr. Toombs had been invited to address the citizens of Danbury, Va., and wrote a letter declining, but giving his views. This letter was a very adroit one. It was so moderate as to expose him to taunts from the extreme secessionists and conservatives both that he was backing down. But it was the most practical drive yet made to unite the divided South in disunion. It recommended delay until the 4th of March, to test the Republican willingness to do right to the South. At the same time he incensed the Republicans by boldly charging upon them the purpose to destroy slavery by hostile laws and stimulating re- volts and protecting slave-thieves and insurrectionists. He declared the only remedy for these enormous evils was new constitutional guaran- tees protecting the South. Let these be offered to the Republicans as a test of their spirit. These constitutional restrictions were worth a cart-load of political planks, and if the Republicans refused to grant them, then the time for action was at hand, and he was willing to delay for such a test in concession to the earnest and honest men who were hopeful of redress in the Union. Mr. Toombs knew well that the Republicans would hoot at the idea of suen constitutional amendments, but he knew that their rejection would solidify our people.
In accordance with this programme of Mr. Toombs, the Hon. J. J. Crittenden of Kentucky offered before the United States Senate Crisis Committee of thirteen, a series of resolutions reciting the pend- ing trouble, and proposing as a settlement of it constitutional amend- ments for the revival of the Missouri compromise line, denial of right to abolish slavery in the arsenals and District of Columbia, transit for slaves over non-slave-holding territory and payment for fugitive slaves rescued from officers by mobs. A time was appointed when the committee agreed to be all present and act on the resolutions. On this committee were Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, Wade, Toombs, Grimes, Hunter, Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Rice and Powell. Under the rules of the committee no proposition should be considered adopted that did not pass by a majority of the Republicans. The propositions were all rejected, Mr. Toombs voting against them, though he declared
140
HON. WILLIAM L. HARRIS, OF MISSISSIPPI.
he would go for them if the Republicans offered and went for them in goo ! faith. But the fact stands that he voted against them. He immediately telegraphed a ringing address to the people of Georgia, reciting that the Black Republicans had not only voted against any constitutional guarantees for the South, but declared that they had no guarantees to offer. He wound up with these momentous words, the most important and effective for the disunion movement that had been announced by any man or set of men in this tremendous agitation:
"I tell you upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North fer security for your constitutional rights in the Union, ought to be instantly abandoned. It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity.
"Secession by the fourth of March next, should be thundered from the ballot-box by the unanimous voice of Georgia on the second day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guarantee for LIBERTY, SECURITY, TRANQUILLITY AND GLORY."
From this time on, though a very considerable portion of the people opposed secession, the policy of disunion in Georgia was an established fact, and the movement sped swiftly and steadily to its consummation. The Hon. William L. Harris of Mississippi, as delegated commissioner from that state to Georgia, made an address to the General Assembly communicating officially the fact that Mississippi had called a state convention to consider the situation, and asked Georgia's co-operation in the adoption of efficient measures for their common defense and safety. The address of Mr. Harris was a very eloquent and effective appeal. His references to Baldwin, Jackson and Troup, the famous Governors of Georgia, were very fine. He declared Georgia " the bright- est exemplar among the advocates and defenders of state rights and state remedies. He touchingly alluded to the fact that Mississippi was cut off from Georgia, "glorious old mother "-and that thousands and thousands of Georgia's sons and daughters were adopted children of Mississippi, who still fondly looked to their native state for sympathy and guidance. Mr. Harris in his mission for Mississippi but reflected the feeling in all of the Southern states which looked to the action of Georgia above any other state; and this deep interest in Georgia's action demonstrated how powerful and influential was our common- wealth.
The Legislature adjourned on the 19th of December, 1860, having passed resolutions of sympathy with the message of Mississippi as con- municated through Hon. Win. L. Harris, and resolving that should any or all of the Southern states determine in the present emergency to with- draw from the Union, such seceding states should form a confederacy.
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141
THE CHOICE PARDON.
Before the adjournment the bank agitation was resumed. After the passage of the bank relief bill over Governor Brown's veto, the banks began to suspend specie payment, and one bank had suspended before. The Governor issued his proclamation as required by law, announcing the suspension, but he showed his unabated hostility to the measure and his unconquered resolution in spite of legislative majorities, by con- cluding his proclamation making known the suspension with the paren- thetical statement that he "feared too many know it now to their injury." After a brief trial of the suspension act, Governor Brown addressed a message to the General Assembly making recommendations for additional legislation. He called their attention to the fact that in- solvent banks, as well as solvent ones, had the benefit of the act, and were relieved of all responsibility. He went on to discuss the suspen- pension, and showed that his prediction had come true that exchange had gone up to three per cent. He put in some heavy blows upon the bank relief champions, showing how relief relieved the people, increas- ing cost of purchases and freights. If the Legislature would not repeal the obnoxious law, at least let it reduce exchange to one per cent., and place insolvent banks in a different category from the solvent banks. These things were done.
Another matter that excited much discussion was the pardon by the Legislature of a gentleman by the name of Wm. A. Choice, convicted of murder. He was very highly connected, and powerful influences were brought to bear for the purpose of saving him from the penalties of the law. At the session of 1859 an act had passed for his pardon, and Governor Brown had vetoed it upon the merits of the case. Ben Hill took a strong interest in the case, and it was brought before the Legis- lature again. Mr. Hill pushed it with great ability and vigor, and the pardon was again granted by the Legislature and again vetoed by Gov- ernor Brown. The bill provided for placing Choice in the Lunatic Asylum, and was passed over the Governor's veto by a constitutional majority. The case attracted general attention in the state, and a right warm feeling was stirred up between Governor Brown and the friends of Choice. There was some newspaper controversy over it. In the Legislature also there was acrimony on the part of members growing out of the question whether Governor Brown had a right to veto a par- don in a murder case.
The case illustrated the unyielding persistence of Governor Brown's character, and his unswerving adhesion to what he conceived to be his duty. The unfortunate subject of this controversy died within the last
142
.C. J. JENKINS JUDGE OF SUPREME COURT.
year in the asylum. Commenting upon this case, the Augusta I). .. patch had these words:
" We are not much of an admirer of the 'one man power,' but the judgment, justice and bravery with which Governor Brown has exercised it makes us almost in love with it."
Judge Linton Stephens having resigned as Judge of the Supreme Court, this Legislature did a.graceful act of honor to the State in elect- ing Charles J. Jenkins.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE MOST VITAL CHAPTER OF GEORGIAA HISTORY-HER SECESSION FROM THE UNION.
Georgia Foremost in the Slavery Agitation .- Her Potential Men .- Her Destiny of Leadership to Continue through Joe Brown .- Carolina Secession .- Its Flaming Effect .- Bartow and Lochrane .- Gov. Brown's Seizure of Fort Pulaski .- H. R. Jackson -A. R. Lawton .- The Convention Endorses Brown .- The Southern Press on the Seizure .- The Macon Companies .- Richard R. Cuyler .- The Secession Con- vention .- Georgia the Pivotal State .- Personelle of Convention .- Ablest Body of Georgia Annals .- E. A. Nisbet .- T. R. R. Cobb .- Dr. Joseph P. Logan .- Nesbit's Secession Resolution .- ex-Gov. Johnson's Famous Substitute .- A Debate of Giants. -Tom Cobb gives the Key Note .- An Historic Picture .- Robert Toombs .- " We Accept War."-Committee to Draft Secession Ordinance .- The Ordinance .- The Signing .- The Protest of Six .- The Ship given to the Lightning and the Gale .- The Inspiration and the Effect of Georgia's Secession.
FROM 1850, when Georgia leaped to the front in the slavery contro- versy, and gave to the country the famous " Georgia Platform," as the crucial enunciation of Southern doctrine on slavery, up to the crisis in 1860, our state had been the foremost in the agitation. The phenomenal Stephens had focalized the national gaze in the memorable contentions about this subject. The imperial Toombs had led the Southern states- men with a blended brilliance, ability and audacity, that no man ever surpassed in any forensic arena. The large-souled Cobb had guided the policy of Buchanan's administration in the culminating years of the political strife. In her ponderous-brained Johnson the state had fur- nished as a Vice-Presidential candidate on the Douglas ticket one of the pivots of the campaign. Around the name and agency of Georgia hung the most potential prestige of any Southern state. Her positive instrumentality in the drama was destined to continue. We have seen how Mr. Toombs drove the impending storm to a crisis. We shall see how from this time on, the focal figure in Georgia during the four deadly years that followed was Joseph E. Brown. He had done little during the long birth of the revolution. But when it became inevitable, his agency as a leader was something marvelous. It seemed as if nature had put him in the place for the emergency. His peculiar qualities found a fitting field for their display and the public benefit. His acts
144
BURNING SPEECH OF F. S. BARTOW.
seemed like inspirations. There was a prevision of needs, a forecast .. of events, a vigor of action and a daring in responsibility, that exactly met the appalling crisis and savored of the heroic. The man seemed born for the time. The homespun mountaineer, hero of the plowing bull and the calico bed-quilt, had ripened into the acknowledged genius of a great commonwealth in the ordeal of a mighty revolution. The people, masses and leaders, looked to his cool sense, iron nerve, and resourceful capacity in this trial, and he met their demands and hopes fully. His leadership was intuitive, masterly, undisputed. He did as one made for the era.
Precisely at fifteen minutes past one o'clock on Thursday, the 20th day of December, 1860, under an ordinance of secession passed in sov- ereign convention, the State of South Carolina withdrew from the Union of the United States, and resumed her independent state sovereignty. That act was the first step in the great civil commotion of the century. It was the beginning of an end of illimitable extent. It was not the practical inauguration of the war, but it was the preface to it. The news stirred the South wildly. It fired the Southern people into a sort of delirium. All over Georgia the people celebrated the startling event with gatherings and speeches, and a general exhilaration. In Atlanta guns were fired at sunrise. An immense crowd assembled, and a hun- dred guns echoed the public joy from noon until sunset. There was a grand torchlight procession and a balloon ascension. Abraham Lincoln was burned in effigy, and Howell Cobb made a burning and powerful speech.
On the 28th, a few days later, Francis S. Bartow and O. A. Lochrane addressed the citizens of Atlanta. While Bartow was speaking, a dispatch was handed him just received, that Fort Moultrie in Charles- ton Harbor had been burned by the Federal troops, and the garrison had gone over to Fort Sumter, and Charleston had ordered out two regiments. The scene that followed baffles description. The audience became wild with enthusiasm. Three cheers were given for South Carolina amid such a tornado of applause as is rarely heard. The ready and impassioned Bartow, resuming his speech with folded arms, rang out with a biting sarcasm, " Yes, while you talk of co-operation, you hear the thunders of the cannon and the clash of sabers reach you from South Carolina." The applause was deafening over this. Continuing. the orator thrilled forth: " Is this gallant, noble state of South Carolina, that had the boldness to take the lead in this matter, to be left to the cold calculating of the co-operationists of Georgia ? " Vehement replies
145
SEIZURE OF FORT PULASKI.
of No! Never !! Never !!! Never !!!! thundered from every part of the dense gathering.
This action of the Federal authorities in regard to Forts Moultrie and Sumter inflamed the already high war fever of the South to an over- mastering fury. Even such far-sighted men as Gov. Brown were not decided that the North would attempt coercion of the seceded states. They believed that war possibly might not follow. But the Fort Sum- ter matter left no doubt of the Federal purpose to resist forcibly seces- sion. The appointment of Mr. Holt as secretary of war in the place of Floyd confirmed this, Mr. Holt being alleged by Mr. Toombs to be inimical to the South, and his selection foreshadowing active hostility. Under the light of this momentous revelation of policy, so full of un- speakable results, the disunion sentiment still further increased. It was under this knowledge that the practical genius and prompt decision of Gov. Brown came into play with one of those strokes of action for which he has been noted. He began a series of daring assumptions of responsibility that made Georgia memorable, and himself famous. He took a step of decisive leadership that at once showed the people, not only of the State, but of the South, and of the rapidly disintegrating Union, that Georgia's Governor was fully equal to the needs of the emergency. And it was this step that continued the remarkable agency of this State as the most potential factor in this great strife, and it gave to Georgia whatever of glory may attach to committing the first overt act of war. Georgia, it must be remembered, was still a member of the Union. She did not secede until the 19th of January, 1861. She was in the Union, while Carolina was out of it. The seizure of the coast defenses was not only therefore a dictate of military forecaste and wisdom, but it was an aggressive act of war against the Federal gov- ernment, whose authority was still operative.
Fort Pulaski at the mouth of the Savannah river commanded the ap- proach to that city, and was the chief fortification on the Georgia coast. Quick to conceive a practical idea, Gov. Brown was as quick to execute it. In the event of war, Fort Pulaski was a military necessity to the State, and war was coming. Gov. Brown determined to seize it im- mediately. There had been some private movement in Savannah look- ing to an occupation of the Fort by the citizens of the city, but the cooler-headed men advised against such an act, and the Governor was advised of the purpose. He went to Savannah in person to decide, and promptly determined to officially order the seizure. The first regiment of Georgia Volunteers was commanded by Col. Alexander R. Lawton, 10
146
GOV. BROWN'S ORDER TO GEN. A. R. LAWTON.
to whom the Governor issued the following order, which was carefully prepared, and explains the reasons for the act.
" HEADQUARTERS GEORGIA MILITIA, SAVANNAH, January 2, 1861.
Colonel A. R. Lawton, Commanding Ist Regiment Georgia Volunteers, Savannah:
SIR: In view of the fact that the Government at Washington has, as we are in- formed upon high authority, decided on the policy of coercing a seceding State back into the Union, and it is believed now has a movement on foot to reinforce Fort Sumter at Charleston, and to occupy with Federal troops the Southern forts, including Fort Pulaski in this State, which if done would give the Federal Government in any contest great advantage over the people in this State; to the end therefore that this strong. hold, which commands also the entrance into Georgia, may not be occupied by any hos- tile force until the Convention of the State of Georgia, which is to meet on the 16th instant, has decided on the policy , which Georgia will adopt in this emergency, you are ordered to take possession of Fort Pulaski as by public order herewith, and to hold it against all persons, to be abandoned only under orders from me or under compulsion by an overpowering hostile force.
Immediately upon occupying the fort, you will take measures to put it in a thorough state of defense, as far as its means and ours will permit ; and for this purpose you will advise with Captain Claghorn, Chatham Artillery, who has been charged with all mat- ters relating to ordnance and ordnance stores and their supply.
You will further arrange with Captain Claghorn a series of day and night signals for communicating with the city of Savannah, for the purpose of calling for reinforcements, or for other necessary purposes. And you will arrange with Mr. John Cunningham, Military Purveyor for the time being, for the employment of one or more steamboats, or other means of transportation by land or by water that may be necessary, and for other supplies (except for ordnance stores, for which you will call upon Captain Clag- horn) as may be required.
If circumstances should require it, the telegraph will be placed under surveillance.
I think from our conversation you fully understand my views, and relying upon your patriotism, energy and sound discretion in the execution of this important and delicate trust, I am, sir, very respectfully,
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