USA > Georgia > The history of the State of Georgia from 1850 to 1881, embracing the three important epochs: the decade before the war of 1861-5; the war; the period of Reconstruction, v. 2 > Part 26
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595
THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.
and pocket such a loss for Georgia. [Great applause.] Oh, my countrymen, what do you think of this warfare made upon Governor Colquitt by an ex-Governor who indorses one narrow gauge railroad for $240,000, and then buys it for $40,000-[cheers and hisses]-and who indorses for another narrow gauge road and loses it all except the pittance for which the iron and cars sold, leaving nothing else save the bare and gullied earth where it once was. [ Loud cheering.]"
Both speeches were delivered at Columbus, though at different times. These speeches will also give an idea of the heat pervading this acrimonious contest. Against the powerful array of Norwood orators were enlisted and speaking for Gov. Colquitt, Gen. John B. Gordon, Col. Raphael J. Moses, Col. John D. Stewart, Gen. O. C. Horne, G. W. Mabry, Esq., Grigsby E. Thomas, Esq., Walter B. Hill, Esq., R. W. Patterson, Esq., Hon. I. E. Shumate, Col. J. A. W. John- son, W. C. Glenn, Col. Jenks Jones, Geo. Fry, Willis Hawkins, David Vason, J. A. Billups, and others. The odds. in the number of orators were against Gov. Colquitt.
One of the Colquitt papers presented a list of the Norwood leaders, showing that the majority of them had been defeated candidates for some place and shrewdly surmised that the movement was a powerful effort to build up a new party, that would bring the " outs " in, and the extraordinary personal crusade against Colquitt, was the selected means to accomplish the end. It was the fact that attack on Colquitt was the weapon of opposition. Mr. Norwood had his point of assault written out under some sixteen heads or more, and the document was so bulky that the huge and formidable indictment evoked a storm of badinage and retort. It certainly was an incongruous thing that so many ordinarily conservative men were engaged in this bitter personal campaign, so foreign to them, and so inconsistent with their character. It was a deeper motive than one man's alleged shortcomings.
The Republican convention met on the 7th of September, 1880, after the split. It was composed chiefly of colored delegates. The question of the Republicans nominating a candidate for Governor was a very important one. The Republican Executive Committee of the State had questioned their own authority to act, and had called a convention of nine delegates from each Congressional District. W. A. Pledger, a bright young colored man, was Chairman of the Executive Committee, and called the convention to order. W. J. White was elected President .. The convention was a very turbulent one, but still quite unanimous. Col. Jonathan Norcross was a delegate, and offered a resolution for the Republicans to support Norwood. He made a speech supporting his resolution, and declaring that he had a letter from Marshall Jewell, say-
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596
THE FINAL SLANDER.
ing it was for the interest of the Republican party to go for Norwood. · A hot discussion ensued. The convention finally passed a resolution by 72 yeas to 9 nays, to make no nomination. This left the Republi- cans free to vote for whom they pleased. The colored voter was a strong factor in the contest, and was sought by both sides. The penitentiary lease system entered very largely into the canvass. A number of col- ored speakers took the stump on both sides.
Gen. Wofford made the most effective talks to the negroes, and was very potential in changing them to Norwood. The battle waxed hotter as it neared the election day. The whole State was in a turmoil. The papers were filled with the notes of the angry strife. In the midst of the stormiest time, an incident occurred that gave a tremendous shock to the Norwood cause. Col. Ben. C. Yancey published a letter charg- ing that Gov. Colquitt had drawn from the State $7,500 for the State Agricultural Society, and not accounted for the money. The next day followed the statement of the Secretary of the Society, Col. Malcolm Johnston, showing by the books the charge to be utterly unfounded, and every dollar accounted for. Col. Yancey was in Athens, and seeing the reply of Col. Johnston, he telegraphed his prompt withdrawal of the frightful error. This was the straw that broke the camel's back. The people had before become sickened with the crusade of calumny against the Christian Colquitt.
It was in the unparalleled turbulence of this phase of the conflict when the opposition was thundering its heaviest volleys against Col- quitt; when it looked as if an unsparing enmity would be satisfied with nothing less than the moral wreck and political annihilation of a noble Georgian; but when the great public sense and feeling were quivering under an accumulated sense of indignation and injustice, that a chival- .rous gentleman threw himself, stimulated by his own burning sensibility into the rancorous struggle, and gave eloquent, impassioned and unan- swerable utterance to the overmastering popular sentiment that had been hitherto unvoiced. It was a dramatic incident, full of thrilling inspiration. The distinguished and brilliant citizen, who was thus irre- sistibly impelled into politics, in which he had taken no part since the surrender, was Gen. Henry R. Jackson. With every fiber of his intense soul throbbing over the prostitution of a great public election to the defilement of private character, this loyal scion of honor and courage, with the magnificent inspiration that is the child of truth and genius, under the guidance of right, struck the electrical key-note of the great conflict. It was not a question of policy or politics, of administrations
597
GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON'S GREAT SPEECHI.
or dynasties, it was something grander and more vital; the very exist- ence of civilized and Christian society demanded the crushing rebuke of slander as a political weapon and the protection of private character.
It has often happened that, in a public agitation there has been some crucial idea in the public mind that has been gathering an overwhelming silent momentum, and yet been unspoken, until at last, at a timely and inspired hour, it has been happily expressed, and carried a mighty force due to the fact that it incarnated the popular thought. And if, as in this instance, the utterance, so seasonable and suggestive, comes with the entrancing accompaniments of poetic diction, lofty spirit and glowing eloquence, and with the highest prestige of character in the speaker, , it more than bears the impression and wields the spell of resistless inspiration. The people were inflamed. The State was on fire with fierce passion. The mad battle of slander, pursued with reckless audac- ity and resisted with desperate resentment, had set the public blood throbbing in feverish pulsations. Every fair-minded man in the State was in a growing rebellion against the horrible drift of the campaign. At this opportune moment it was that this gifted Georgian, Gen. Jack- son, the very instrument for such a mission, born an orator, unstudied in political policy, careless of results in the search of the right, and a rare type of knightly sentiment, made one spontaneous, fervent, noble protest against personal defamation for political purposes, arguing Gov. Colquitt's cause with an unanswerable logic, and formulating an appeal of resistless power.
Public sentiment had been grossly outraged by a secret campaign pamphlet, entitled the "CONVICT CATECHISM," meant to put the negro vote against Gov. Colquitt, appealing to the worst prejudices of the blacks, dealing in the vilest falsehoods, and doing great injury to our State abroad in furnishing material for aspersing the very civilization of the Commonwealth. The direct charge of personal dishonesty against the Governor, circumstantially given by a responsible gentleman, and withdrawn in twenty-four hours upon the presentation of facts, easily in his access, fired the State, and brought the campaign of calumny to an explosive focus. The time and the people were both ripe for Gen. Jackson's transcendent and potential effort-his single, unsurpassable conclusive speech. The following extract from that address will afford some conception of its style and influence:
"I ask every true-hearted man who listens to my voice, whether, if he had been one of that majority, and if he had believed in the innocence of his candidate, or even bad simply believed that the charges against him were yet to be proved-whether he could
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598
GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON'S ELOQUENT SPEECH.
have obtained his own consent to surrender that candidate to such a fate ? [Cheers.] ] am aware that it is not wise to indulge in strong words, and yet I cannot restrain my. self from saying that the delegates who declared upon the floor that rather than do it they would "rot in their seats," commanded my cordial sympathy. [Cheers.] It has been contended by gentlemen, who possess my highest esteem, that Governor Colquitt's supporters, having themselves adopted the two-thirds rule for the control of the conven- tion, and he having failed to obtain a two-thirds vote, the majority could not honorably recommend him for election, and Gov. Colquitt could not honorably present himself as a candidate to the people. This is a conclusion which I cannot accept. [Applause.] My whole nature rises up in resistance to it. If I be allowed to refer to myself, I have no hesitancy in saying that, were my name placed before such a convention, and were I to lose the nomination, not simply by failing to secure a two-thirds vote in my favor, but by a two-thirds vote against me, and were I to be satisfied that this result had been reached through the belief of charges involving my integrity or my personal honor, made falsely against me, I would unfurl my flag of resistance, though it might seem to others the frailest of rags. [Cheers.] I would write my declaration of war, though the words might be traced on the sands of the seashore. [Cheers.] I would challenge the juris- diction of any nominating political convention to pronounce condemnation upon me an- heard; I would, indeed, appeal to my own people for a hearing ; would call forth each of my peers to listen to my words, and to look an honest man in the eye ; and if after all, their verdict should be rendered against me, while the hair would grow whiter on my head and the wrinkles grow deeper in my brow, and the very earth upon the verge of my grave crumble and falter beneath my feet, I would at least sink into its embrace, proudly conscious of carrying with me a heart which had not been untrue to itself, which had not tamely yielded to the despotism of a lie. [Greet cheering.] A man's country may call upon him for the sacrifice of his time, his limb, his life ; but for the sacrifice of his honor-never ! never ! never ! [Cheers ] That is something between himself, his con- science, his prosperity, and his God. Let us beware that, in the excitement of tempo- rary conflict, we do not trample upon heaven-born principles which must ontlive the stars !
" The conclusion cannot be questioned that the minority of the convention, by their action during its session, and by placing a candidate in nomination after its adjourn- ment, practically resolved themselves into the grand inquest of a criminal court, with the prosecutor and the State's counsel enrolled among their number, and proceeded to pre- fer an indictment before the people of Georgia. [Applause.] They have thus made of every voter a petit juror to try the issue of guilt or innocence. I have not failed to pursue the argument of the case, in some instances falling from the most eminent lips, and yet wholly ineffective to control my convictions. I have seen that charges, involving absolute personal infamy, have been solemnly, and yet most remarkably made. The honorable withdrawal of such may indeed rectify the personal ; I do not think it cau wholly rectify the public mischief. Despicable appliances have been resorted to, which, as it seems to me, cannot fail to tarnish the character of our State abroad. No author can be found to father them ; but unquestionably, the parties who engendered the con- flict, are practically responsible for their appearance. [Applause.] Under these cir- cninstances, the fact that I was myself at one time opposed to Gov. Colquitt; that I, too, have made complaints of him, never in public, but among my friends, has made me feel the more restless, and the more anxious to repair any mischief which might pos- sibly result from a word of mine. [ Applause.] Before the wrongs which, in my judg- ment, have been inflicted upon him, anything of which I may have complained, has been
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599
THE BROWN APPOINTMENT.
constrained 'to pale its ineffectual fire.' [Applause.] And now, as the canvass draws to a close, so far as I am capable of forming a correct judgment, the calm, exhaustive letter which he wrote at the beginning, remains unanswered, and in all essentials is a good defense. Therefore have I raised my voice here in his support, and will hereafter, cordially give him my vote." [Great cheering.]
The effect of this speech on those who heard it was indescribable. Cheer upon cheer followed in deafening succession. It was copied all over the State, and thousands sent out by mail. It struck a universal feeling, and met with an endorsing response everywhere.
One of the main issues of the campaign was the Brown appointment, and, in consequence, Gov. Brown flung himself into the struggle with his whole strong energy. But this issue was curiously complicated. Col. Norwood ignored it entirely, though Gen. Lawton, who was run- ning for the United States Senate, upon a magnificent presentation of his name by the people of Chatham county, for that august office, took bold ground against Gov. Colquitt, in conflict with the usual consider- ations of prudential policy that govern candidates. Gen. Wofford, who was supporting Norwood, favored Brown for the Senate. Gen. Toombs took no stock in the slanders upon Colquitt, but opposed the Brown appointment. It was right amusing when Gen. Wofford was booked for a speech at Columbus, where Gov. Brown had many opponents, that he should have been alarmed away by the threatened development of his support of Brown.
The gubernatorial and senatorial issues ran along together. Gov. Colquitt warmly championed his appointment of Brown, meeting that issue handsomely, and planting himself squarely upon its propriety. Gen. Lawton and Gov. Brown were worthy foemen, but the contest was not equal. Gen. Lawton stood at that terrible disadvantage result- ing when a strong man is shorn of his strength. He was handicapped by Norwood's cause, and carried a double burden. He had many friends among Gov. Colquitt's supporters, yet his course drove them from his cause with a few exceptions, notably the powerful Chronicle and Constitutionalist of Augusta. Gov. Brown had his own massive backing, and he had Gov. Colquitt's too, almost unbroken, since the defeat of Brown was the condemnation of Colquitt on a question involving alike official honor and personal integrity. It was a striking feature of this whole campaign that nearly every issue was foolishly freighted by the minority with some uncompromisable question of sacred character, to have yielded which would have been an unforgiva- ble and crushing dishonor in Gov. Colquitt, and desertion in his friends.
600
GOVERNOR COLQUITT'S ACTIVE FRIENDS.
And this very overmastering subject of conflict of Gov. Brown's appointment a's United States Senator carried with it the vital repute of Colquitt, Brown and Gordon. The opposition made a controlling matter of a simple act, practically unimportant, properly regarded.
The mere filling of a three weeks' vacancy in as high an office as United States Senator was a trivial occurrence. When it was con- strued to involve betrayal of Senatorial trust in Gordon, barter of Gu- bernatorial integrity in Colquitt, and the base purchase of distinction by Brown, it became magnified into overwhelming import, it comprehended · the transcendent idea of the purity of public service, and it engendered inevitably a conflict of personal disgrace and political extermination. And the intensity and desperation of the struggle were proportioned to the magnitude of the cause. Gov. Brown has never been a mediocre political fighter. He gave to this supreme contest his best effort of brain, experience and energy. He rallied his vast legion of personal and political friends to Gov. Colquitt's support. He devoted every resource of his extraordinary management to this conflict.
Effective work was done in all parts of the State by enthusiastic coadjutors for the Colquitt cause. A series of unusually trenchant and argumentative articles upon the issues appeared in the Macon Telegraph and Messenger, over the signature of "No-Axe." Their author was Walter B. Hill, Esq., one of the foremost young lawyers in the State. Among those who did a large work in their localities were ; Dr. W. H. Pilcher of Warren, H. W. Hopkins of Thomas, E. F. Lawson and Jenks Jones of Burke, Judge E. R. Harden of Brooks, Judge T. G. Holt and Charles Bartlett of Bibb, Phillip M. Russell and Gen. George P. Harrison of Chatham, G. E. Thomas and H. Bussey of Columbus, A. D. Abrahams of Lagrange, A. L. Hawes of Baker, G. W. Mabry of Glynn, Judge W. D. Nottingham of Houston, Col. J. W. Preston of Jasper, Col. M. C. Fulton of McDuffie, Col. H. R. Harris of Merri- wether, Col. L. F. Livingston of Newton, C. M. Bozeman, Gen. O. C. Horne and George T. Jordon of Pulaski, B. F. Adams of Putnam, Judge W. F. Eve of Richmond, B. D. Evans and T. J. Smith of Washington, Col. W. A. Harris of Worth, Dr. H. R. Casey of Colum- bia, R. L. Barry, and a host of others. Dr. Casey has been a prominent figure in State politics, and stands among the first citizens of Georgia.
The day of election came, and the result was such an overwhelming victory for Gov. Colquitt, and crushing defeat for the minority candi- date as to excite a wonder that so small an opposition had been able to make such a deceiving show of strength, as indicated by the noise.
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GOVERNOR COLQUITT'S GREAT VICTORY. 1 601
The whole vote was, 182,353. Gov. Colquitt received of these, 118,349, and Col. Norwood, 64,004. Gov. Colquitt's astounding majority was 54,345. The import of this triumph may be estimated by comparison. In the large Northern States, where there are from a half to three- quarters of a million of voters, majorities run to a few thousand only in heated contests, and a 40,000 majority is something exceptional. The people spoke in no uncertain voice, and with an overmastering emphasis. And the condemnation of personal slander as a political weapon was befitting our great State. Hon. Clifford Anderson was elected Attorney General, Hon. N. C. Barnett, re-elected Secretary of State, Hon. Wm. A. Wright elected Comptroller General, and Hon. Daniel N. Speer, Treasurer.
The State House offices were in the main most admirably filled, and well organized. The Executive Department proper had the original staff of the Governor nearly entire. Major J. W. Warren and Col. I. W. Avery, were and are the Executive Secretaries, Col. John B. Baird, the Adjutant General, Mr. R. A. Murphy the Warrant Clerk, and Col. T. C. Howard in charge of the minutes. Col. Baird has taken a zealous interest in the organization of the Military department, whose present status is largely due to his labors. Mr. Murphy is a tall, dark-bearded gentleman, of uniform suavity of manner, and a most pleasant associate. The Comptroller's assistants are Robert A. Hardeman, one of the most accomplished book-keepers and rapid and tasty penmen of the State, a brother of Col. Thomas Hardeman, and a marvel of figures, memory and correctness, Dr. William King and Mr. Will Haralson. Mr. Speer, the Treasurer, is aided by his brother, W. J. Speer, and both are close business gentlemen. The State Librarian is Mr. Frank L. Haralson, a handsome and bright young lawyer, talented and aspiring, and with the promise of both legal and political distinction before him. Capt. John W. Nelms, the Principal keeper of the Penitentiary, a faithful official, and a true man, has his half brother, Mr. Turner, doing his clerical work. Prof. Gustavus J. Orr, State School Commissioner, has for his assistant, Col. Mark Johnston, one of the most pleasant and efficient of the State House attaches. The staff. of Col. John T. Henderson is a strong one, composed of Mr. J. R. Redding, Mr. J. S. Newman, Wm. H. Howell and W. B. Henderson, all attentive and skilled in their duties. Col. N. C. Barnett has had with him for years a gallant officer of the Confederacy, Col. J. F. Jones, who well suits his venerable and irreproachable chief.
The Legislature elected, which convened on the 3d of November, 1880,
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JOSEPH E. BROWN ELECTED SENATOR.
gave an overwhelming endorsement of the appointment of Gov. Brown as United States Senator by Gov. Colquitt, by electing him to the august responsibility over his worthy and distinguished competitor, Gen. A. R. Lawton, by a vote of 146 for Brown to 64 for Lawton, or 82 majority in 210 votes. Both Gov. Brown and Gen. Lawton gave public utterance to their views. It was a right suggestive contest in its philosophical aspects, and it was an even, fair battle, honorably fought and unobjectionably won. The issues were clearly presented by these illustrious intellectual foemen. The night before the election, Gov. Brown made a speech in De Gives Opera House in Atlanta, in which he made an explicit declaration of his opinions. He reviewed the course of the Democratic party, and his own position, on the recon- struction measures, and the fourteen and fifteen constitutional amend- ments; and showed conclusively, that his present position on those questions was identical with that occupied by him in 1868; and that he now stood upon the precise platform occupied at present by the Demo- cratic party on those questions. He took position in favor of a faith- ful and just execution of the constitutional amendments in letter and spirit. He was for a free ballot and a fair count. Laying aside obso- lete issues, he favored a broad progressive statesmanship, embracing in its benefits every section of the Union. "The world moves," said he, "and we must move with it." It was one of the ablest and most remarkable speeches of the age-a bold, advanced, progressive enunci- ation of public sentiment. An anonymous writer, "John Temple," in the Sunday Banner, gave a sketch of the scene that is well worthy of preservation as a clever piece of word-painting.
" I sat in the Opera House the other night and watched a scene of unusual interest.
"A crowded house-the beauty and the chivalry of Georgia's capital fairly glittering in the blaze of gas-light : an eager, brilliant throng, throbbing in sympathy with the occasion, or thrilling with the pain of unavailing regret. * *
* The stirring strains of music from a band of Union soldiers, a brief demonstration as the prominent figures in the General Assembly filed in and took seats upon the stage, and then a pause, a hush, and a burst of passionate applause as a gray-bearded and attenuated man walked awkwardly in.
" The members of the Assembly arose and bowed profoundly.
" The gray beard bowed ungracefully in return.
" Its wearer sunk into a sofa, and, while the band played a stirring lyric, we had time to scan him well.
" Nothing in the man's appearance or manner suggested the idea of a more than ordinary occasion.
" Not a line of the calm, meek face betrayed emotion ; not a quiver of the thin lips, not a flash of the gray eye, or a nervous movement of the frame; and yet that gray-
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603
A VIVID CONTRAST.
bearded figure, sitting there so quietly under the glare of the footlights, faced the eve of a consummated and realized ambition for which he had watched aud waited, toiled, planned and hoped for a weary life-time.
" It was a singular face-not a line or a curve that suggested birth or blood ; not a touch of the aristocrat had been born of the twenty years of affluence that had rolled over him ; a calm face, with a wonderful depth of quiet patience and tranquil determi- nation in its placid outlines-the face of a man who would have smiled calmly at the stake, not from warrior pride or fortitude, but because the equable pulse of his disci- plined and philosophical temperament accepted the inevitable.
"And now he sat, facing a to-morrow that would bring, with a certainty which he had calculated to a mathematical nicety, the realization of his life-dream.
" It had come at last.
" From the plow handles to the helm of State, from Gaddistown to the National Cap- itol, and from handling the rope that ' gee'd ' or ' haw'd ' the famous ' bull' to handling the reins that veered the Government.
" He rose to speak. His first sentence, awkward like himself, spoken in the vernacu- lar of the masses, proclaimed himself of the people-a commoner indeed. But there was a homely strength in what he said, a practical vein of thought, a well-defined and evident purpose in his life, a sort of utilitarianism breathing in his policies that com- mended him to an impoverished people, and, withal, a telling force in his ideas, that jus- tified, perhaps, his elevation to the high position which he fronted. *
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