USA > Iowa > Wayne County > Biographical and historical record of Wayne and Appanoose counties, Iowa, containing a condensed history of the state of Iowa; portraits and biographies of the governors of the territory and state; engravings of prominent citizens in Wayne and Appanoose counties, with personal histories of many of the leading families, and a concise history of Wayne and Appanoose counties > Part 72
USA > Iowa > Appanoose County > Biographical and historical record of Wayne and Appanoose counties, Iowa, containing a condensed history of the state of Iowa; portraits and biographies of the governors of the territory and state; engravings of prominent citizens in Wayne and Appanoose counties, with personal histories of many of the leading families, and a concise history of Wayne and Appanoose counties > Part 72
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The first case occurred in 1847. A man named Duncan had built a cabin on land claimed by another settler named Coffman, but with whom the equities rested is now forgotten. Coffman notified the officers of the society, and a meeting. was held, pre-
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sided over by W. S. Manson. The crowd proceeded to Duncan's cabin with the inten- tion of tearing it down ; but that worthy was at home, and threatened to shoot the first man who came near the house. The destruction of the cabin was accordingly deferred.
Not long afterward Coffman and Dun- can met at a house-raising in the neighbor- hood, and at noon the two men entered into an altercation over the disputed claim. Both got fighting mad, and Coffman seized his rifle to settle the dispute; but as he aimed, Duncan dodged round the corner of the half-finished building, and so escaped.
At the first session of the District Court, as stated by James Hughes, Esq., Duncan appeared before the grand jury, which was composed of the same men named else- where as the petit jury (the same men serv- ing in both capacities, by order of the judge), and sought to have Coffman indict- ed for assault with intent to kill. Mr. Hughes, who was on the panel, says that the jury repaired to his shop, and that the clerk pre-empted his bellows as a writing- desk. To his great suprise, for he had just come from Indiana where the forms of law were carefully observed, the foreman sent out for a bottle of whisky, and every juror took a drink before proceeding to business. Duncan and one or two others appeared and gave their testimony in re- gard to Coffman's threatened shooting- match. The main witness, it was under- stood, was one Bratton, who was at the grocery, and a bailiff, who had been drink- ing regularly from the jury's bottle, was sent for him. The bailiff was gone some time, but at last appeared, walking arm in arm with Bratton, and both drunk as owls. Hughes removed the iron bar which had been propped against the door, and both officer and witness nearly fell headlong as they entered into the presence of the " bul- wark of our free institutions."- Bratton
was allowed to sit down, and succeeded in giving his evidence very clearly, in spite of his condition. Most of the jurors ques- tioned him, and his answers were given in a precise, straightforward fashion. He had several times described the flight of Dun- can and himself around the cabin when Coffman raised his rifle, when Edward Bryant, one of the jurors, asked him if Coffinan could have hit Duncan. This was too much for Bratton, who probably want- ed to get back to the grocery for another drink. " Hit h-1 and d-nation!" he ex- claimed, "didn't I tell you Duncan and me was around the corner of the house!" The complaint was ignored, and the trouble did not long continue. Both parties saw that the case had taken a practical turn, and were wise enough to drop the matter.
In 1849 James Shields entered some land claimed by H. H. Foster, who laid his trouble before the claim society. A large meeting was held, and a committee was sent to confer with Shields for the purpose of getting him to relinquish the land. Shields offered to give a deed immediately, provided Foster would refund the purchase money, and pay a pretty stiff rate of inter- est. This is the only offer that Shields could be induced to make ; upon which Foster decided to take another claim rather than pay the interest asked, which ended the matter. James Wright presided over the meeting on this occasion.
A case occurred in Center Township in 1850, in which a settler complained to the society that Alfred Coatney, in taking his claim, had encroached on land held by the complainant. Considerable talk was made about calling a society meeting, but Coat- ney, who was a fair-minded, honorable man, investigated his neighbor's presump- tive boundaries, and being convinced that he had gone too far in that direction, . altered his lines correspondingly.
A case arose in Udell Township in which
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a crowd assembled and tore the roof off a man's cabin, he having "jumped" a claim held by another citizen.
The life of the claim society may be said to have ended in 1853. Joshua Miller, Jonathan Reuger, Harrison Johnson and William D. Weir were then living in Lin- coln Township, and had incurred the ill- will of John W. Brinkley by showing some eligible tracts of land in that vicinity to some friends who were visiting the neigh- borhood. Brinkley complained of them to the society, and a meeting was called, which was attended by 200 men and four gallons of whisky. Joseph Jump, Sr., was appointed as a committee of one to wait upon the four men named above. He in- formed them that they must secure the return of the land to the claimants, or the society would resort to violence. They replied that they had in no case interfered with the just claim of any settler, and did not intend to, but when they knew that parties were claiming more than a quarter of a section, and a reasonable amount of timber, they would not hesitate to point out the surplus to any inquirer who might want it. As for violence, they claimed to be peaceable citizens, but that they could defend themselves if necessary. Jump re- ported the result of his embassy to the assemblage, and it is thought, suggested that the matter had better end there and then. It is barely possible that the whisky had become exhausted, and that the crowd adjourned to obtain a fresh supply.
THE GREAT FLOOD.
The flood of June 7, 1851, is remembered as having been the greatest ever known in Southern Iowa. It is stated that the water covered Chariton bottom to an average depth of four feet. Hon. Joshua Miller crossed the river east of Centerville, when the water was about at its highest point, with five yoke of oxen and a wagon. In
three places two yoke would swim at one time.
James Hughes says the water did not abate till about the Ist of July. The peo- ple of Centerville got out of flour during the prevalence of this flood. Some one had gone into Davis County for a supply, but was stopped on the left bank of Chariton by the high water. The people succeeded in getting one barrel across, which was divided among the families and the bread famine thereby stopped.
This long protracted wet season almost entirely ruined the crops-corn, wheat and vegetables-and many settlers lived on very plain fare in the succeeding winter. But having expected to endure privations when they chose homes west of the Mississippi, they held on bravely, and, as a rule, the few survivors of the early settlement here have been abundantly blessed "in basket and in store."
The first celebration of the Fourth of July in this county was at Centerville, in 1851. A procession was formed, headed by martial music, the drum being beaten by B. F. Packard, but the fifer's name is forgotten. The assemblage marched to a grove near town, where a quarter of beef had been roasted, barbecue fash- ion, and a bountiful dinner was served. The addresses were made by Amos Harris, James Wright and others, and it is be- lieved that Mr. Harris read the Declara- tion of Independence. Eight years, two months and three days had elapsed from the day on which the Indians had sur- rendered this part of Iowa to their white neighbors, and no doubt the red man was suitably apostrophized on this auspicious occasion.
FLUSH TIMES.
The close of 1856 was the acme of pros- perous times in the West. During 1854 and the two succeeding years, immigrants by tens of thousands had crossed the Mis-
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sissippi in quest of homes on the fertile prairies of Iowa. Times were brisk in the Eastern States, and many small farmers who were discontented with their prospects were enabled to sell their little farms to some more prosperous neighbor. Their personal effects, and such other articles as were most valuable, were loaded into the big wagon, and, with the cash realized from the auction and the "third down" on the little farm in his pocket, the adventurous spirit lifted his wife and babies into the covered wagon. The great current flowed along the National turnpike almost daily from 1850 to the middle of 1857, and by parallel roads through every country town. Country towns in Ohio, Indiana and Illi- nois reaped a silver harvest from those who did not care to camp out; but these were only one-third of the vast procession that extended from the Alleghanies to Iowa and other Western States. Arrived at their chosen homes, provisions, cattle and swine were to be bought from the pioneer farmers; breaking-plows, clothing and other articles from the dealers; lumber from the nearest saw-mills, and all paid for in hard cash. Many immigrants bought the improve- ments from older settlers, who were there- by enabled to pay their debts and begin anew. During 1855 and 1856 thousands of dollars in deferred payments for their East- ern homes followed the settlers of 1854 and 1855. In consequence, everybody was prosperous. Money was abundant and speculation was rampant. It was the hey- day of the financial millenium. Towns were laid out, colleges founded, and vast enterprises of every name and nature were set on foot. So eager was the ambition of all to join the dance around the golden- hued bubble that the rate of interest was stimulated abnormally, and it could only be borrowed at 25 per cent. Even the citizen whose only capital was his muscle shared in the smiles of the fickle goddess.
There was work for him at good prices. Thrice fortunate was he who had a stout team, for he could break prairie at $3 an acre, haul goods for the merchants at the same rate per day, or buy a threshing-ma- chine and pay for it with the season's profits.
No wonder the West became delirious with the rosy picture which, in many de- tails, was a reality. The fertile soil was here, and the people were still thronging to occupy it. Often within a single week 50 to 100 per cent. could be made by the purchase and sale of a town lot or a quarter- section of land.
DISASTER.
A sudden change came over the people's dream in 1857, for in August the collapse of the Ohio Life and Trust Company, a cor- poration doing both a life insurance and financial-agency business, produced a panic in Wall street within a very few days. A score of banks suspended payments, fol- lowed in the next ten days by bank failures from Maine to the prairie-dog villages of Nebraska. So inflated had been the balloon that in two or three States and Territories speculators had been allowed to issue bills on the basis of wild lands a hundred miles west of the Missouri. The result, when the collapse came, was that the gold and silver were the first to disappear, followed rapidly by the choice bank bills of Massa- chusetts, New York and Ohio, leaving nothing but " wild-cat " bills, various kinds of scrip, and miscellaneous evidences of in- debtedness, all of uncertain value, as the only circulating medium. Prices of farm produce, cattle and horses, lands and town lots fell on the average from 50 to 100 per cent. and could not be sold for cash at any price for nearly a year. Dry-goods and groceries declined also, but not to the same extent.
Speculation was as dead as Goliath ; the
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sheriff was the only real-estate agent, ex- cept the fortunate crew who had either fore- seen the approaching storm, or had their means in cash by accident. These turned their attention to the lands offered for sale by foreclosure, and when the tax sale came in 1858, invested their piles in certifi- cates against the homes of hundreds of farmers that became, jeopardized for want of cash to pay the very moderate taxes as- sessed against them.
The granaries in Appanoose County were full to bursting with wheat, oats and corn; good horses stood in the stables, fat steers and swine in the sheds, but there was no cash to buy them. The merchants would handle them in exchange for goods or in settlement of balances ; but this was as far as their ability could go. The people, in their transactions, were compelled to rely on barter entirely for months. Notes were given for so many bushels of wheat or corn, or so many pounds of pork. If a farmer wanted a sled made, it required a laborious consultation with the mechanic as to what the farmer could spare or the mechanic could take.
The man was indeed fortunate who had a little cash by him when the crisis came. With this he could pay his taxes and escape the heavy penalties incurred by his less pru- dent or lucky neighbor. But, as a necessary measure of relief, the Legislature stepped in with a law which extended the time of re- demption for lands sold by the treasurer ; otherwise, three-fourths of the lands in Iowa must have lapsed into other hands.
The Appanoose people were not quite so badly off as their neighbors in some other counties, for they had, somewhat singular- ly, escaped the blighting effects of the rail- way fever that spread over the West in its most acute form. Having received no benefit of that kind, there was nothing to pay, and there was a grim comfort in that fact.
There was, of course, no home market for farm products, for the inflow of settlers had ceased, and the only way to raise money was to haul grain or drive hogs to Keokuk or Alexandria, a distance of nearly a hundred miles, the expense of which would eat up half the sales. Wheat was worth about 50 cents a bushel along the Mississippi, and slow sale at that. Happy was the man who could bring back a load of goods for a home merchant, and thus earn the expenses of the trip, payable in coffee, tobacco, molasses, Canton-flannel and Alabama woolens. This condition of affairs lasted without much mitigation till the fall of 1861, when the necessities of the Government quickened the flow of money, and a new era of development was ushered in.
A LIQUOR CASE.
During the operation of the prohibitory liquor law, which was passed in 1855, the people of Iowa were considerably ham- pered in obtaining liquors for " mechanical, medicinal, culinary and sacramental pur- poses," as well as for snake-bites. To sup- ply the demand that the county agents felt a delicacy about meeting, it was no uncom- mon thing for men to peddle whisky in a half surreptitious manner from town to town, and the knowing ones were thus en- abled to keep themselves supplied with so necessary a commodity.
An old settler named Zimmer had been for a year or two engaged in peddling liq- uor in the county, and some time in the sum- mer of 1857 drove into Centerville. That evening some of the young bloods of the town procured an auger, went to Zimmer's wagon, while he was dreaming of profits to be obtained next day, and bored a hole through the bottom of the wagon-box, and so into the barrel, which was thereby emptied of its contents, by virtue of the law discovered by Newton under the apple-
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tree while his housekeeper was " cleaning house." What became of the liquor is shrouded in mystery ; whether it was ab- sorbed by the thirsty soil, or whether it was conveyed in jugs to surrounding hay- mows cannot now be ascertained.
When Zimmer discovered his loss he proceeded forthwith to a magistrate, to whom he unbosomed himself, and warrants were issued for the arrest of those naughty young men. The papers were served, and the young fellows were taken before the justice. The prosecution decided to dis- miss the complaint as to R. S. Morris, in the hope that his evidence would hold the rest. Sheriff Ferren then served the sub- pæna, the witness promising to attend in a few minutes, returned into court and tossed the document upon the table. Judge Tannehill picked it up, and, in a moment of abstraction, chewed the subpoena into pulp. Meantime Morris had got half a mile out of town and was improving in his gait at every step. The attorney for the prosecu- tion at last became impatient and asked the justice for a bench-warrant. The jus- tice appeared willing to comply, but, as a preliminary, required Sheriff Ferren to cer- tify his return on the neglected subpoena. The sheriff made a vigorous search for some time without success, and finally ex- claimed, " Dog on my cats! I had service on him, anyway !" His remark was true enough, but as the law required a written return, his verbal one, though forcible, was regarded as insufficient, and the prosecu- tion was reluctantly abandoned.
It is needless to add that the sympathy of the court and the community was with the young men, and so Justice raised one edge of her hoodwink and winked at the transaction.
THE ONLY CASE OF HANGING.
Some time in 1856 William Hinkle, of Davis County, was arrested for the murder
of his wife, by poison. The woman had died suddenly, and Hinkle, before a year had elapsed, made preparation to marry a girl who had been working in the family at the time of his wife's death. This led to an investigation, and Hinkle was arrested and indicted. He took a change of venue to Appanoose.
The case was called April 12, 1858, John S. Townsend being judge, and the trial began on the following day. Those composing the jury were, Henry Robley, Alexander Jones, Gilbert McCoy, James P. Anderson, Jonathan Rinker, Henry Stephenson, Isaac A. Brannon, John Gor- don, William B. McDonald, John Barnett, George W. King and Henry Ellidge. The trial was concluded on the 16th, and the jury, after a short absence, returned with a verdict of murder in the first degree.
The next day, Judge Townsend ordered the prisoner to be hanged within one mile of Centerville ; but, a motion having been made for an appeal to the Supreme Court, the case was continued, and the prisoner remanded to jail in Bloomfield pending the hearing of the appeal.
A special term of the District Court hav- ing been called July 6, 1858, and notice having arrived that the verdict and judg- ment had been affirmed, Judge Townsend ordered the prisoner brought into court, and he was produced on the 8th, when he was sentenced to be publicly executed on the 13th day of August following, between the hours of 1 and 3 o'clock in the after- noon, within one-half milc of the town of Orleans, a little village in the eastern part of Washington Township. This was the nearest convenient point midway between Bloomfield and Centerville, and the Judge no doubt thought that the people of the two counties had a common interest in seeing Hinkle die.
Nor was he disappointed; for on the appointed day, it is said, 10,000 people
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assembled to witness the execution. An eye-witness states that Hinkle went up to the platform with a firm step and resolute bearing. The trap fell, and, as the rope received Hinkle's full weight, he being a heavily built man, it snapped and he fell heavily to the ground. He was picked up and with difficulty replaced on the scaffold, fear having seized him at last. He was asked before the rope was adjusted the second time if he had anything to say, to which he answered that he was innocent, a statement that he had never varied from. It was generally believed at the time that he had placed the poison in the young wom- an's hands for the purpose of compassing his wife's death, and that his denial was therefore technically true.
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD.
For several years prior to the war, it was no unusual circumstance for negroes to pass through Appanoose County, while fleeing from slavery in Missouri to freedom in Canada. Just what was done to help them on their way, and who were the peo- ple helping them, is not clearly understood, even in the vicinity of Cincinnati, which was a prominent station on the subterra- nean road, except by the persons who have furnished the facts upon which the follow- ing summary of incidents is based.
Thus, it is a commonly-received tradition that Luther R. Holbrook and family, who reside at Cincinnati, used frequently to hide and care for fugitive slaves, sometimes disposing them under their own bed for greater safety. This is denied point-blank by the family, who add the proviso that they never had a chance to do so.
Another story is told with considerable glee, and is applied both to Solomon Hol- brook and J. H. B. Armstrong. As related of Mr. Holbrook, the story runs that, dur- ing a very dry season, probably in 1860, a negro came to his mill at Cincinnati to have
some grinding done. The negro lived in Missouri, and was a slave. There were several other grists ahead of the negro's load, but Mr. Holbrook proposed to the darkey that if he would run away to Canada, he would not only grind his wheat at once, but would furnish him some money for the trip. The negro was advised that he could convert the team and wagon, as well as the flour, into cash on his journey northward, and thus reach Canada with a little capital. The negro consented, started north ward with his flour, made a circuit around Cen- terville and got home sooner than his mas- ter expected, having Mr. Holbrook's dona- tion for his own pocket-money. Others apply the same story to Mr. Armstrong ; but it is pure fiction in both cases-a good story, but too romantic for history.
The following circumstances, however, are strictly authentic, having been commu- nicated by the old officers of the Cincinnati Station.
The first case happened in the winter of 1852-'53. A negro lad, about sixteen years old, came to the house of J. H. B. Arm- strong, in Pleasant Township, in the night, and applied for shelter. He was fed and lodged until the next night, when Mr. Armstrong took him to the house of his brother-in-law, Mr. Calvert, near Center- ville. On the way, after a silence of half an hour, the boy broke into a guffaw loud enough to startle the prairie chickens for a mile around. Mr. Armstrong asked him rather sharply what he was making so much noise for. The boy continued his laugh and exclaimed : "How mas'r will be disappointed when he goes to look for dis chile." The boy's statement was that his mother had reared fourteen or fifteen other children, who had all been sold as they grew up. He and another lad had pledged each other to run away at the first opportunity. Their master lived in Clark County, Missouri, and his son lived sixty
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HISTORY OF APPANOOSE COUNTY.
or seventy miles further south. The young man had come up to visit his father, and had ridden a valuable horse, which got out of the stable early the next morning and started homeward. As soon as the loss was discovered the lad was ordered to eat a " snack " at once, after dispatching which he was mounted on a fleet and valuable animal, and was ordered to ride hot foot in pursuit of the stray. He instantly re- solved to make an attempt for his liberty while devouring his breakfast, and informed his mother of his design, who heartily en- couraged the plan. He had no time to notify his chum of his intention, and con- cluded it best to take the chance when he had it. He rode south a few miles, turned into a by-road, and then made northwest as fast as he could push the horse. When he reached Armstrong's, he said he had ridden 200 miles without stopping to sleep, and the appearance of the horse justified his statement, for the poor brute had been badly punished. The lad was anxious to take the horse with him, but Messrs. Arm- strong and Calvert would not allow him to do that, and the animal was turned loose near the Missouri line The horse was soon after taken up as an estray, appraised before Mr. Armstrong, who was justice of the peace at the time, and who, in his no- tice, stated that the animal had either been stolen or had stolen somebody. The horse was kept a year, and sold for charges.
Another well-remembered case was that of Davy Crockett, which occurred in 1861. Davy was a free man but had become frightened by the persistency of his more remote neighbors in demanding to see his papers every month or so, and had decided to leave Missouri. Having got into Frank- lin Township, Davy was met by Moses Joiner, a citizen of that township, who was a thorough pro-slavery man. Joiner halted him, but Davy succeeded in getting off for the time being, and started in the direction
of Bellaır. On his way he met a member of the Wesleyan Methodist church, of whom he inquired the direction to Mr. Armstrong's. The Wesleyan advised him to go to his house for supper, and he would accompany him to Armstrong's after dark. Meantime, Joiner, fully convinced that Crockett was a runaway slave, assembled a crowd of about forty choice spirits, who proceeded to Armstrong's, fully bent on capturing Davy and returning him to his supposititious master. They reached the house about an hour before midnight, roused up the Armstrongs, and insisted on searching the barn. The mows had just been filled with hay, and Armstrong stur- dily objected for sometime, warning them that if they went near the barn they would do so at their peril. Having protracted the argument as long as he could, he told them that he knew nothing about the fugi- tive, but that if any one had been hiding there he had doubtless made off dur- ing the long talk they had had. Satis- fied, at last, that Armstrong was not harboring the fugitive, the crowd left for their respective homes. An hour had not elapsed till the Armstrongs were again disturbed by Mr. Calvert, who had brought Crockett over to stay all night. The mob had started too soon from Armstrong's. It was considered unsafe to keep the negro at Armstrong's, and he was accordingly transferred to the house of Daniel Mc- Donald, where he remained two days, and was sent on in the direction of Drakeville, the next station on the line.
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