USA > Iowa > Black Hawk County > Historical and biographical record of Black Hawk County, Iowa > Part 13
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At the first session also arose the ques- tion of the re-location of the capital. The western boundary of the State, as now determined, left Iowa City too far toward the eastern and southern boundary of the State; this was conceded. Congress had appropriated five sections of land for the erection of public buildings, and toward the close of the session a bill was introduced providing for the re-location of the seat of Government, involving to some extent the location of the State University, which had already been discussed. This bill gave rise to much discussion and parliamentary ma- neuvering, almost purely sectional in its character. It provided for the appointment of three commissioners, who were author- ized to make a location as near the geo- graphical center of the State as a healthy and eligible site could be obtained; to select the five sections of land donated by Con- gress; to survey and plat into town lots not exceeding one section of the land so se- lected, etc. Soon after, by " An act to locate and establish a State University," approved February 25, 1847, the unfinished public buildings at Iowa City, together with ten acres of land on which they were situated, were granted for the use of the University, reserving their use, however, by the General Assembly and the State officers, until other provisions were made by law.
When the report of the commissioners, showing their financial operations, had been read in the House of Representa- tives, at the next session, and while it was under consideration, an indignant member, afterward known as the eccentric Judge McFarland, moved to refer the report to a select committee of five, with instructions to report " how much of said city of Mon- roe was under water, and how much was burned." The report was referred with- out the instructions, but Monroe City never became the seat of Government. By an
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act approved January 15, 1849, the law by which the location had been made was re- pealed and the new town was vacated, the money paid by purchasers of lots being re- funded to them. This, of course, retained the seat of Government at Iowa City, and precluded for the time the occupation of the building and grounds by the University.
After the adjournment of the first Gen- eral Assembly, the Governor appointed Joseph Williams, Chief Justice, and George Green and John F. Kinney, Judges of the Supreme Court. They were afterward elected by the second General Assembly, and constituted the Supreme Court until 1855, with the exception that Kinney re- signed in January, 1854, and J. C. Hall, of Burlington, was appointed in his place.
At this session Charles Mason, William G. Woodward and Stephen Hempstead were appointed commissioners to prepare a code of laws for the State. Their work was finished in 1850 and was adopted by the General Assembly. This " code" con- tained among other provisions a code of civil practice, superseding the old common- law forms of actions and writs, and it was admirable for its simplicity and method. It remained in force until 1863, when it was superseded by the more complicated and metaphysical system of the revision of that year.
The first Representatives in Congress were S. Clinton Hastings, of Muscatine, and Shepherd Leffler, of Des Moines County. The second General Assembly elected to the United States Senate Au- gustus Cæsar Dodge and George W. Jones. The State government, after the first ses- sion, was under the control of Democratic administrations till 1855. The electoral vote of the State was cast for Lewis Cass in 1848, and for Franklin Pierce in 1852. The popu- lar vote shows that the Free-Soil element of the State during this period very nearly held the balance of power, and that up to
1854 it acted in the State elections to some extent with the Democratic party. In 1858 Lewis Cass received 12,093 votes, Zachary Taylor 11,034, and Martin Van Buren, the Free-Soil candidate, 1,226 votes, being 167 less than a majority for Cass. In 1852 Pierce received 17,762 votes, Scott 15,855, and Hale, Free-Soil, 1,606, being for Pierce 301 votes more than a majority.
The question of the permanent location of the seat of government was not settled, and in 1851 bills were introduced for the removal of the capital to Pella and to Fort Des Moines. The latter appeared to have the support of the majority, but was finally lost in the House on the question of order- ing it to its third reading.
At the next session, in 1853, a bill was introduced in the Senate for the removal of the seat of government to Fort Des Moines, and on first vote was just barely defeated. At the next session, however, the effort was more successful, and January 15, 1855, a bill re-locating the capital within two miles of the Raccoon Fork of the Des Moines, and for the appointment of commissioners, was approved by Governor Grimes. The site was selected in 1856, in accordance with the provisions of this act, the land being donated to the State by citizens and property-holders of Des Moines. An asso- ciation of citizens erected a building for a temporary capitol, and leased it to the State at a nominal rent.
The passage by Congress of the act or- ganizing the Territories of Kansas and Ne- braska, and the provision it contained abro- gating that portion of the Missouri bill that prohibited slavery and involuntary servi- tude north of 36° 30' was the beginning of a political revolution in the Northern States, and in none was it more marked than in the State of Iowa. Iowa was the "first free child born of the Missouri Compromise," and has always resented the destruction of her foster parent.
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HISTORY OF IOWA.
The year 1856 marked a new era in the his- tory of lowa. In 1854 the Chicago & Rock Island Railroad had been completed to the cast bank of the Mississippi River, opposite Davenport. In the same year the corner- stone of a railroad bridge that was to be the first to span the "Father of Waters," was laid with appropriate ceremonies at this point. St. Louis had resolved that the enterprise was unconstitutional, and by writs of injunction made an unsuccessful effort to prevent its completion. Twenty years later in her history, St. Louis re- pented her folly, and made atonement for her sin by imitating Iowa's example. Jan- uary 1, 1856, this railroad was completed to Iowa City. In the meantime, two other railroads had reached the east bank of the Mississippi-one opposite Burlington, and one opposite Dubuque-and these were be- ing extended into the interior of the State. Indeed, four other lines of railroads had been projected across the State from the Mississippi to the Missouri, having eastern connections.
May 15, 1856, Congress passed an act granting to the State, to aid in the con- struction of railroads, the public lands in alternate sections, six miles on either side of the proposed lines. An extra session of the General Assembly was called in July of this year, that disposed of the grant to the several companies that proposed to com- plete these enterprises. The population of Iowa was now 500,000. Public attention had been called to the necessity of a rail- road across the continent. The position of Iowa, in the very heart and center of the republic, on the route of this great high- way of the continent, began to attract atten- tion. Cities and towns sprang up through the State as if by magic. Capital began to pour into the State, and had it been em- ployed in developing the vast coal measures and establishing manufactories, or if it had been expended in improving the lands, and
in building houses and barns, it would have been well. But all were in haste to get rich, and the spirit of speculation ruled the hour.
In the meantime, every effort was made to help the speedy completion of the rail- roads. Nearly every county and city on the Mississippi, and many in the interior, voted large corporate subscriptions to the stock of the railroad companies, and issued their negotiable bonds for the amount. Thus enormous county and city debts were incurred, the payment of which these mu- nicipalities tried to avoid, upon the plea that they had exceeded the constitutional limitation of their powers. The Supreme Court of the United States held these bonds to be valid, and the courts by mandamus compelled the city and county authorities to levy taxes to pay the judgments re- covered upon them. These debts are not all paid, even to this day ; but the worst is over, and the incubus is in the course of ultimate extinction. The most valuable lessons are those learned in the school of experience, and accordingly the corpora- tions of Iowa have ever since been noted for economy.
In 1856 the popular vote was as follows: Fremont, 43,954; Buchanan, 36,170, and Fillmore, 9,180. This was 1,296 less than a majority for Fremont. The following year an election was held, after an exciting cam- paign, for State officers, resulting in a ma- jority of 1,406 for Ralph P. Lowe, the Re- publican nominee. The Legislature was largely Republican in both branches.
One of the most injurious results to the State, arising from the spirit of speculation prevalent in 1856, was the purchase and entry of great bodies of Government land within the State by non-residents. This land was held for speculation and placed beyond the reach of actual settlers for many years. From no other one cause has Iowa suffered so much as from the short-sighted
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policy of the Federal Government in selling lands within her borders. The money thus obtained by the Federal Government has been comparatively inconsiderable. The value of this magnificent public do- main to the United States was not in the few thousands of dollars she might exact from the hardy settlers, or that she might obtain from the speculator who hoped to profit by the settlers' labors in improving the country. Statesmen should have taken a broader and more comprehensive view of national economy, and a view more in har- mony with the divine economy that had prepared these vast fertile plains of the West for the " homes of men and the seats of empire." It was here that new States were to be builded up, that should be the future strength of the nation against foreign invasion or home revolt. A single regi- ment of Iowa soldiers during the dark days of the Rebellion was worth more to the nation than all the money she ever exacted from the toil and sweat of Iowa's early settlers. Could the statesmen of forty years ago have looked forward to this day, when Iowa pays her $1,000,000 annually into the treasury of the nation for the ex- tinction of the national debt, they would have realized that the founding of new States was a greater enterprise than the re- tailing of public lands.
In January, 1857, another Constitutional Convention assembled at Iowa City, which framed the present State Constitution. One of the most pressing demands for this con- vention grew out of the prohibition of banks under the old Constitution. The practical result of this prohibition was to flood the State with every species of " wild- cat" currency.
The new Constitution made ample pro- visions for home banks under the super- vision of our own laws. The limitation of the State debt was enlarged to $250,000, and the corporate indebtedness of the cities
and counties was also limited to 5 per cent. upon the valuation of their taxable property. The judges of the Supreme Court were to be elected by the popular vote. The per- manent seat of government was fixed at Des Moines, and the State University lo- cated at Iowa City. . The qualifications of electors remained the same as under the old Constitution, but the schedule provided for a vote of the people upon a separate propo- sition to strike the word " white" out of the suffrage clause, which, had it prevailed, would have resulted in conferring the right of suffrage without distinction of color. Since the early organization of Iowa there had been upon the statute book a lawy pro- viding that no negro, mulatto nor Indian should be a competent witness in any suit or proceeding to which a white man was a party. The General Assembly of 1856-'7 repealed this law, and the new Constitution contained a clause forbidding such disquali- fication in the future. It also provided for the education of "all youth of the State" through a system of common schools. This Constitution was adopted at the ensuing election by a vote of 40,31 1 to 38,681.
October 19, 1857, Governor Grimes issued a proclamation declaring the city of Des Moines to be the capital of the State of Iowa. The removal of the archives and offices was commenced at once and continued through the fall. It was an undertaking of no small magnitude; there was not a mile of railroad to facilitate the work, and the season was unusually disagreeable. Rain, snow and other accompaniments increased the difficulties; and it was not until Decem- ber that the last of the effects,-the safe of the State Treasurer, loaded on two large " bob sleds " drawn by ten yokes of oxen, -was deposited in the new capitol. It is not imprudent now to remark that during this passage over hills and prairies, across rivers, through bottom lands and timber, the safes belonging to the several depart-
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ments contained large sums of money, mostly individual funds, however. Thus Iowa City ceased to be the capital of the State, after four Territorial Legislatures, six State Legislatures and three Constitu. tional Conventions had held their sessions there. By the exchange, the old capitol at Iowa City became the seat of the university, and, except the rooms occupied by the United States District Court, passed under the immediate and direct control of the trustees of that institution. Des Moines was now the permanent seat of govern- ment, made so by the fundamental law of the State, and January 11, 1858, the Sev- enth General Assembly convened at the new capitol. The citizens' association, which built this temporary building, bor- rowed the money of James D. Eads, Super- intendent of Public Instruction, and leased it to the State. In 1864 the State pur- chased the building. At the session of the General Assembly in 1858, James W. Grimes was elected United States Senator as successor to George W. Jones.
During the years 1858-'60, the Sioux Indians became troublesome in the north- western part of the State. They made fre- quent raids for the purpose of plunder, and on several occasions murdered whole fami- lies of settlers. In 1861 several companies of militia were ordered to that portion of the State, to hunt down and expel the thieves. No battles were fought. The Indians fled as soon as they ascertained that systematic measures had been adopted for their punishment.
PATRIOTISM.
The Presidential campaign of 1860 was the most remarkable and exciting of all in the history of Iowa. The fact that civil war might be inaugurated and was threat- ened, in case Mr. Lincoln was elected, was well understood and duly considered. The people of Iowa indulged in no feeling of
hatred or ill-will toward the people of any State or section of the Union. There was, however, on the part of the majority, a cool determination to consider and decide upon our national relations to this institu- tion of slavery, uninfluenced by any threat of violence or civil war. The popular vote of Iowa gave Mr. Lincoln 70,409; Stephen A. Douglas, 55,011; Breckenridge, 1,048.
The General Assembly of the State of Iowa, as early as 1851, had by joint resolu- tion declared that the State of Iowa was " bound to maintain the union of these States by all the means in her power." The same year the State furnished a block of marble for the Washington monument at the national capital, and by order of the Gen- eral Assembly there was inscribed upon its enduring surface the following: "Iowa: Her affections, like the rivers of her borders, flow to an inseparable Union." The time was now approaching in her history when these declarations of attachment and fidelity to the nation were to be put to a practical test.
The declaration of Mr. Buchanan's last annual message, that the nation possessed no constitutional power to coerce a seced- ing State, was received by a great majority of our citizens with humiliation and dis- trust. Anxiously they awaited the expiring hours of his administration, and looked to the incoming President as to an expected deliverer that should rescue the nation from the hands of traitors, and the control of those whose non-resistance invited her des truction. The firing upon the national flag at Sumter aroused a burning indigna- tion throughout the loyal States of the re- public, and nowhere was it more intense than in Iowa; and when the proclamation of the President was published, April 15, 1861, calling for 75,000 citizen soldiers to " maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our national Union, and the perpetuity of popular government,"
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the good people of Iowa were more than willing to respond to the call. Party lines gave way, and for a while, at least, party spirit was hushed, and the cause of our common country was supreme in the affections of the people. Peculiarly fort- unate were the citizens of Iowa at this crisis, in having a truly representative man, Samuel J. Kirkwood, as executive of the State.
Within thirty days after the date of the President's call for troops, the first Iowa. regiment, was mustered into the service of the United States, a second regiment was in camp ready for the service, and the General Assembly of the State was con- vened in special session, and had by joint resolution solemnly pledged every resource of men and money to the national cause.
The Constitution of Iowa limited the State debt to $250,000, except debts con- tracted to " repel invasion, suppress insur- rection, or defend the State in war." The General Assembly authorized a loan of $800,000 for a war and defense fund, to be expended in organizing, arming, equipping and subsisting the militia of the State to meet the present and future requisitions of the President. Those in power looked to the spirit rather than to the letter of the Constitution, and acted upon the theory that to preserve the nation was to pre- serve the State, and that to prevent in- vasion was the most effectual means of repelling it. A few, however, in both branches of the General Assembly were more careful of the letter of the Constitu- tion. Three votes in the Senate and sev- enteen in the House were cast against the loan bill. These bonds were at 7 per cent. interest. Only $300,000 were ever issued, and they were purchased and held chiefly by our own citizens. At this crisis James W. Grimes and James Harlan were in the United States Senate, and General Samuel R. Curtis and General Vandever in
the House of Representatives. During the first year of the war, Iowa furnished sixteen regiments of infantry, six of cavalry and three batteries,-in all, 22,000 soldiers. Iowa had no refuse population to enlist as " food for powder." Her cities contained none of that element found about the pur- lieus of vice in the great centers of popu- lation. Her contribution to the armies of the republic was a genuine offering of manhood and patriotism. From her fields, her workshops, her counting-houses, her offices, and the halls of her schools and colleges, she contributed the best muscle, sinew and brain of an industrious, enter- prising and educated people. The first regiment of Iowa soldiers fought the bat- tle of Wilson's Creek after their term of enlistment had expired, and after they were entitled to a discharge. They were citi- zen soldiers, each of whom had a personal interest in the struggle. It was to them no question of enlistment, of bounty or of pay. When the gallant General Lyon placed himself at their head, and told them that the honor of Iowa and of the nation was in their hands, he addressed men who knew what the appeal meant, and to whom such an appeal was never made in vain.
At the fall election of 1861, party spirit had revived; and the contest for the control of the State administration was warm and earnest. Dissensions arose in both parties but the election resulted in a majority of 16,600 votes for Kirkwood, who was thus retained as Governor of Iowa. In 1863 the Republicans elected their candidate for Governor, William M. Stone, by a ma- jority of 29,000.
Meanwhile the General Assembly had passed a law authorizing the "soldiers' vote," that is, citizens of the State in the volunteer military service of the United States, whether within or without the limits of the State, were authorized to open a poll on the day of the election, and to make re-
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turn of their votes to the proper civil au- thorities. In the Presidental contest of 1864 the popular vote at home was as follows: Lincoln, 72,122; McClellan, 47,- 703. The soldier vote returned was: Lin- coln, 16,844; McClellan, 1,883.
The General Assembly did all in its power to encourage enlistment and to pro- tect the soldiers in the field and their fami- lies at home. Statutes were enacted sus- pending all suits against soldiers in the service, and all writs of execution or attach- ment against their property; and county boards of supervisors were authorized to vote bounties for enlistments, and pecuni- ary aid to the families of those in the serv- ice. The spirits of our people rose and fell, according to the success of the Union armies. One day the bells rung out with joy for the surrender of Vicksburg, and again the air seemed full of heaviness be- cause of our defeats on the Peninsula; but through all these dark and trying days, the faith of the great majority never wavered.
The Emancipation Proclamation of the President was to them an inspiration of a new hope.
In the Adjutant's department at Des Moines are preserved the shot-riddled col- ors and standards of Iowa's regiments. Upon them, by special authority, were inscribed from time to time during the war the names of the battle-fields upon which these regiments gained distinction. These names constitute the geographical nomen- clature of two-thirds of the territory lately in rebellion. From the Des Moines River to the Gulf, from the Mississippi to the Atlantic, in the Mountains of West Virginia and in the valley of the Shenandoah, the Iowa soldier made his presence known and felt, and maintained the honor of the State, and the cause of the nation. They were with Lyon at Wilson's Creek; with Tuttle at Donelson. They fought with Sigel and with Curtis at Pea Ridge; with Crocker
at Champion Hills; with Reid at Shiloh. They were with Grant at the surrender of Vicksburg. They fought above the clouds with Hooker at Lookout Mountain. They were with Sherman in his march to the sea, and were ready for battle when Johnston surrendered. They were with Sheridan in the valley of the Shenandoah, and were in the veteran ranks of the nation's deliverers that stacked their arms in the national cap- itol at the close of the war.
The State furnished to the armies of the republic, during the war, over 70,000 men, and 20,000 of these perished in battle or from diseases contracted in the service.
We append herc a brief notice of each regiment :
The First Regiment was organized under the President's first call for three-months volunteers, with John Francis Bates, of Du- buque, as Colonel. It comprised various independent military companies that had been organized before the war, who ten- dered their services even before the break- ing out of hostilities. They were mustered in May 14, and first saw service under General Lyon in Missouri.
Second Infantry ; Samuel R. Curtis, of Keokuk, Colonel. This was the first three- years regiment, and made a most distin- guished record throughout the South, go- ing with Sherman to the sea, returning through the Carolinas, etc. After the battle at Fort Donelson, the unenthusiastic General Halleck pronounced this regiment " the bravest of the brave."
Third Infantry ; Nelson G. Williams, of Dubuque County, Colonel. Veteranized in 1864, but before the new officers received their commissions the regiment fought itself out of existence at the battle of Atlanta !
Fourth Infantry ; G. M. Dodge, of Coun- cil Bluffs, Colonel. Engaged in the prin- cipal battles of the South.
Fifth Infantry ; William H. Worthington, of Keokuk, Colonel; 180 veteranized in
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1864 and were transferred to the Fifth Cavalry.
Sixth Infantry ; John A. McDowell, of Keokuk, Colonel. Engaged faithfully in many of the prominent battles.
Seventh Infantry ; J. G. Lauman, of Bur- lington, Colonel. It lost 227 at the single battle of Belmont.
Eighth Infantry ; Frederick Steele, of the regular army, Colonel. Most of this com- mand suffered in rebel prisons for eight months. Was on duty in Alabama nearly a year after the collapse of the Rebellion.
Ninth Infantry; William Vandever, of Dubuque, Colonel. Was in almost every Southern State, traveling altogether 10,000 miles ; marched more than 4,000 miles !
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