USA > Iowa > Chickasaw County > Historical and reminiscences of Chickasaw County, Iowa > Part 15
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This appeared to be its settled policy until the county became democratic, when the "skull and cross bones" were hauled down. and it came out democratic. That this will be its settled policy is more than probable, for the county appears to be unchangably democratic.
Under the promptings of a returning con- sciousness, and while nature was adminis- tering a stern rebuke during her hours of recuperation, his better nature has moved, and some of the best temperance lectures have flowed from his pen, and the exclam- ation has been, "What might have been."
These attempts have been spasmodic and succeeding issues have shown that he had again drank some inspiration that reversed these convictions, or that he had been dealt
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with by his followers as recalcitrant to the code that had given him prominence. That he should have such lapses seems strange for he has had a home life that has been in every way adapted to develop his better aspirations.
As the years go by there it a mellowing of invective, personal character is more respected, and there appears to be a desire to escape the mark of Cain that he may feel that every man's hand is not against him. Since writing the above the Tribune has been sold to other parties, and in his edito- rial valedictory the editor shows that he realizes that greener pastures must be sought, and that "natural selections" (by the . purse) has had its day, and that the type of politics has become fixed in this field. ] append his valedictory on leaving the Tri- bune, and I judge by its tone that it passed through the alembic of his own feelings:
"Why did you sell ?" I have been asked a hun- dred times. There are many reasons, chief among which is ill health. Another is rather a singular one, but it has much weight in my case. From early childhood I have been galled beyond endur- ance by anything bearing the semblance of slavery. In boyhood days I was terrified by being locked in
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a room with the key on the opposite side. When in Decorah, a number of years ago, "we boys" used to visit the ice cave and there was one place about ten feet long where a man of ordinary size could enter by crawling. Fear of getting fast in that lic .. nas "raised the hair on my head " many a time. "What has all this to do with it?" you ask. Simply this: To be compelled to run a rank partisan paper; that the character of the nominee must not be taken into consideration -in fine, to have what little intellect one possesses bolted in, and a padlock on his mouth, is too much for me. If I cannot write what I think I shall not write at all. Time was, in Chickasaw county, when a man could conduct a democratic paper, maintain his self- respect, and still make money; but according to my way of thinking that cannot now be done by any man holding my views. There are to. many partisan bosses, bull-heads, and office-seekers, mnul- tiplying without number, to suit my taste. All this is slavery in my case and I cannot brook it. However. I have much to be grateful for, and many heartfelt thanks to extend to the good and generous people of Chickasaw county. .
In the fall of 1870 C. A. Harris, of Chick- asaw, was put in nomination for Recorder. by the Republicans. The Democrats put in nomination L. R. Vanburen for the same office, and J. M. Gilliland for Clerk. It be- came evident that C. O. Case was to be elected,
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and Gilliland secured a change, he becoming the nominee for Recorder. and the other nominee on the Democratic ticket for clerk. The central committee had the Democratic tickets printed with Gilliland as Recorder, but by some oversight. there were none sent to Stapleton township, and they sent over for two hundred straight Democratic tickets. Dimick Reynolds was then foreman in the Courier office, and either from design, or by mistake, he printed the tickets as nominated by the convention, and Stapleton voted for Gilliland for Clerk, in place of Recorder, and he was defeated by eight plurality. C. A. Harris was elected for the four following successive terms. At the close of his official career, he went into the commercial busi- ness, but not meeting the success he antici- pated, he left that calling and went into a hotel, which has continued to be his busi- ness up to the present time. He is now, IS94, in Eldora, Hardin county.
In 1869 G. W. Butterfield had been elected Representative over D. B. Hanan and Win. Tucker as competitors. In 1871 Hanan again became bis competitor, and Tucker running independent, detached , enough voters to give Hanan the election.
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Hanan was taken sick soon after his elec- tion, and was confined to his room during the entire session of the Legislature, being able to leave his room for the first time on the day of its adjournment.
It was a facetious remark that this term of Hanan's official life presented the cleanest record of any man's that was ever elected to the position. Notwithstanding he was unable to appear and qualify. the Legisla- ture gave him his salary, but no traveling fees.
In 1S73 F. D. Bosworth was nominated by the Republicans, and D. B. Hanan by the Democrats. During the campaign there were complications in connection with the election of State Senator that materially interfered with Bosworth's success.
It was generally understood that in the Senatorial District, which was composed of Howard, Bremer and Chickasaw counties. that the Senator was to come to Chickasaw county. Bremer holding her convention first, Hiram Bailey went before her conven- tion and claimed to be the choice of Chicka- saw county, and secured instructions of that delegation to himself. When Chickasaw came to hold her convention, in place of ini-
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structing for Bailey, her delegates were instructed for A. J. Felt.
Howard county came instructed for a man of her own. Thus Bailey was a candidate in opposition to his own county. The feel- ing of the Bremer delegation was decidedly in favor of Felt, but they considered them- selves bound by their instructions. The balloting was continued until adjournment for supper, when it was agreed that on the second ballot after supper, Bremer delegates would vote for Felt.
Learning this, there was a successful effort made to have Howard's delegates go to Bailey on the first ballot after supper, and thus the nomination of Bailey was secured, notwith- standing a large majority of the convention personally preferred Felt. Bailey was noti- fied and appeared before the convention. and it was fortunate that it was after the nomi- nation in place of before, so far as his candi- dacy was concerned. It was arranged that the friends of Bailey should take charge of his interests, and Bailey was to remain on his farm.
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The friends of Felt were chagrined that he should have been beaten by a man of Bailey's caliber, and called a convention, with a view
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of putting him in the field as a people's can- clidate.
At this convention Wm. Tucker was also an aspirant. and when the convention met, was clearly the choice of the convention, but the call had been made to nominate Felt, and no obstacle was to deter them.
Tellers were appointed favorable to Felt. and when the vote was announced, Felt was declared the nominee notwithstanding Tuck- er had a majority, and the ballots were scat- tered upon the floor. Felt at once challenged Bailey for joint discussions but Bailey's friends insisted that he should stay at home and pose as an honest granger, obliged to attend to his farm work.
This did not meet the ideas of Bailey, for his nomination had so inflated him with the idea of his ability, that he accepted the challenge.
Of course Felt's friends stood by him, and when he went to his first appointment, in Bremer county, he was accompanied with a long string of carriages containing his sup- porters, and Capt. Lucas put in an appear- ance to see what could be done for Bailey. Felt had things his own way, as Bailey lacked both ability and experience, and Felt
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lacked neither. Bailey was at sea and became angry, calling Felt names and charging him with being a liar. Lucas was disgusted, and told Bailey that he was defeated. Just at daylight the next morn- ing, Bailey called me out and telling me the trouble, wanted to know what to do. I repeated my first advice, and told him to go home and stay there.
When Lucas arrived home, he found a batch of coupons cut off from a lithographed railroad bond, that I had sent him, on which Felt's name appeared as secretary. Taking these he put in an appearance at the next meeting and asked the privilege of appear- ing for Bailey, who had been called home by urgent farm matters. Leave was granted, and Lucas made a vigorous attack upon Felt as Secretary of a snide railroad that was levying taxes and issuing bonds to swindle the farmer and tax-payer. When Felt came to reply, he denied that he was in any way connected with a railroad that had issued bonds, denied that any bonds had been issued, and in general called Lucas a prevaricator. When Lucas came to reply, he produced the coupons, signed by Felt as secretary of the company. Felt wanted to
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see them, but Lucas said that any other man in the meeting might take them, but not Felt. for "a man that would lie would steal," and that he wanted to keep them. Felt pro- tested that he never signed any bonds, but admitted that the signature was his. Lucas and the others believed that Felt was falsify- ing, but he was telling the truth. Felt did not know of the existence of the bonds. the same having been lithographed under the auspices of the President of the road, with- out his knowledge.
There had been some difficulty about the payment for lithographing, and one of the bonds had been slashed, and with the attached coupons, sent to me to collect pay- ment for the job. I took the remainder of the coupons not sent to Lucas, to Howard county, and gave a coupon to each Grange in the county, Howard county was full of Granges then, and secured the endorsement of both political parties of Bailey's candi- dacy, and a bitter denunciation of Felt as a railroad swindler. Learning late one evening that J. M. Hooker of Ionia. was seen going east on the cars, I surmised that he was enroute for Howard county, in the interest of Felt. I started across the country and
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the next morning met him coming south from Cresco, and on asking him how things looked, he said "you have put it up wicked and well." On returning in the night fol- lowing. I got lost on the prairie and brought up at Frank Dane's about two o'clock in the morning. Felt carried Chickasaw and Bremer counties with good majorities, but failed to overcome Howard's solid vote, and Bailey was elected. In securing the defeat of Felt, we believed we were paying him for his perfidy to our friends, but we have always doubted if we did not pay too great a price for our victory. We certainly missed the broarder view that Felt would have had. In this fight Bosworth was sacrificed on the senatorial altar and Hanan was elected.
In the fall of 1S71, W. W. Birdsall having held the office of County Treasurer for three terms, became an aspirant for the fourth term. As he had been in position to place many parties under obligation to him, and as his official life had made him an expert in using his friends, he was able to manipulate the township caucuses so as to give himself a majority in the county convention, and secured the nomination at the hands of the republicans. There was a large wing of the
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republicans who were opposed to his hold- ing the office another term. In fact there had grown up a general dissatisfaction, it being claimed that holders of county war- rants, which were at, great discount, could not get them cashed, and that they were forced to sell them to the Chickasaw County Bank, and that when there were county funds in the treasury, the bank always appeared to know it before any other holder of county warrants. It was thought useless to try and beat him with an independent republican, for his family relations would carry a majority of the democrats, and the prestige of being the regular candidate would hold a majority of the republicans. In searching for an opposing candidate it must be some one that could hold the Catholic and Irish vote. After a full canvass it was decided to bring out John Foley, a young Irishman, living on Crane creek, in Jacksonville town- ship. There were some reasons why he should not be the candidate. and, among others, his intense partisanship and his bel- ligerency. Time has shown that this belig. erency was but the exuberance of Irish impet- uosity, for no more considerate or tolerant gentleman lives in the county than Mr. Foley.
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The fight during the campaign was bitter and called out some of the most scathing articles, which were written by Dr. Mixe: under a nom de plume, and published in the New Hampton Courier. Foley was elected, and thus he entered upon his successful career, holding the office of County Treasurer four consecutive terms. He also desired to con- tinue in the office, but there was a revulsion of feeling against one man continuing so long in office, and he was defeated by J. A. Green.
It was more than intimated that he too was not entirely void of offense, in forming rings to control the township cancuses, in his own interest. and even his own party aided to give a rebuke. That this feeling was ephemeral, was shown by his party electing him as a member of the state legis- lature.
After the second term of Hanan in the legislature, Frank Dane, of Jacksonville, became an aspirant for the office of Repre- sentative, and had carried enough of the township caucuses to give him the nomina- tion, if he carried his own township,. which was conceded to him. Their caucus was to be held the night before the county
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convention, and all unsuspectingly and in full confidence, Dane went to the caucas, expecting that as a matter of course that delegates would be selected in his interest. To his surprise he found that MeHugh. of Lawler, had come into the township and secured the co-operation of some of Dane's neighbors, and by importing men, both Democrats and Republicans, from Stapleton, secured the election of delegates in the in- terest of McHugh. Of course this took Dane out of the field. Subsequently the Demo- crats proposed that they would support Dane in good faith if he would come out as an independent candidate, and as there were many Republicans who felt that the means used to defeat him in his own town- ship, were unjustified, and that they would like to support him, Dane consented. The Democrats appeared to be working in good faith until the last moment, when the man who was taking the ballots to Washington township. containing the name of Dane, was overtaken and he was induced to return to New Hampton and destroy the ballots first received, and supply their place with McHugh ballots. As he was burning the Dane ballots he exultingly exhibited a hun-
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dred dollars he claimed for the job, exclaim- ing. "Here is the money that is to carry North Washington for John MeHugh." but refused to tell who gave it to him. There was much interest taken in the campaign, and among other things, there was issued a circular, a set of verses in the interest of Dane, of which the following is a copy:
DANISH LYRICS.
Come over the Wapsie and Cedar.
.. Come over the Turkey and Crane, And rally around our Old Leader,
And vote for HONEST FRANK DANE!
Come ont from the Grove and the Prairie,
Come out from the Hill-side and Plain,
And though toil-worn with harvest and weary, Come out for Old Honest Frank Dane.
Come out then. my fine Irish yeoman,
Come out then, in Sunshine or rain,
Come Yankee and Norseman and German, And rally round Honest Frank Dane.
They say he is lank and ungainly,
They say he is coarse in the grain.
But his heart it is true, and all vainly They sneer at Old Honest Frank Dane. He is honest like Abe, and as homely, And faithful to friends will remain,
And his foes are all false, though more comely, Then hurrah for Old Honest Frank Dane.
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He is six feet and upwards in stocking. And he stands withont blemish or stain. And good thoughts forever are Hocking Around the kind heart of Old Dane.
He has wallowed through snows of hard winters, He has waded through mud with his train, And smash all our timber to splinters If we turn on Old Honest Frank Dane.
Money lender, and buyer and seller, May come with the tricks which are vain, But kid gloves and shoes of prunella,
Won't win against Honest Frank Dane.
For his hands are all horny with labor, His feet have gone bare o'er the plain. And he loveth and heineth his neighbor; Who shouts for Old Honest Frank Dane. He soweth the grain that he reapeth, And his head is as sound as the grain, All tender and true his heart keepeth This Honest Old Farmer Frank Dane.
He has earned what he's got, and no bummer Shall treat him with scorn or disdain;
Then away with your starched up new comer, And Hurrah for Old Honest Frank Dane.
Come over the Wapsie and Cedar. Come over the Turkey and Crane, Come rally around our Old Leader, And vote for Honest Frank Dane.
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In Lawler these lines were parodied and sung in the saloons when there was a full head of McHugh inspiration, closing each stanza with the refrain, "To hell with old Frank Dane." MeHngh was elected, but Dane carried a majority of the republican vote, and it was generally conceded that if it had not been for the Washington episode, and if there had been no religious influence brought to bear, McHugh being a Catholic, Dane would have been elected. Dare came out of the campaign retaining his full self- respect, and continued to hold that of his fellow-citizens.
Frank Dane entered the county in 1854 driving a pair of oxen attached to the for- ward part of a bob sled upon which was his supplies for himself and team. He com- menced building a log house upon his claim in Jacksonville, he being the third settler in the township, and occupied his new house as a bedchamber before the roof was completed. Sleeping where his vision was unobstruced from gazing upon the sparkling diamonds that bespangled the vaulted roof above him. the handiwork of Him "that maketh the seven stars of Orion," he closed his eyes to peaceful slumber, the sweet reward of honest
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toil that brings a morn of refreshed and vitalized vigor for the labors of another day. Industry, economy, and good jugment have been his, and these, supplemented by a strong and enduring constitution, have all conspired to bring success, and he now has the largest farm, the most profitable herds, and the full- est granaries, of any farmer in the county. And the reward is not unmerited, nor the accumulation unjust.
A native of Vermont, receiving his first experience amid the rocks and hills of that sterile state, knowing more of work than of thought, more of physical than mental action, slow to develop, weighted as he was with physical effort in making a home in the wilds of the west, it was many years before he became conscious of the hidden force that lay within, uncultured, undeveloped and untried as it was, and when it dawned upon him, his astonishment was as great if not greater, than that of his friends, and although not always expressing himself clasically, he has developed a power that makes one sigh for what might have been, had his opportunities been equal to his possibilities. His wife has been a veritable help meet, and "Aunt Jane" will long be remembered as one that brought
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sunshine wherever she was known. The neighbors who aided in his defeat, have some of them been aspirants for public favors, but as yet success has not perched as a crowning chaplet upon their brows, and the future does not present glowing prospects for their success.
In 1872 R. O. Sheldon was elected sheriff and held the office for five consecutive terms. At his first and second elections he was opposed by Horton Manderville of Nashua. He was first elected as a Repub- lican, but as time went on party affiliations hung loosely and he built up a "Sheldon party," and it was more than intimated that he looked after his personal interests with more care than after official duties.
He carried scores of unserved executions and it was the current belief that every exe- cution debtor against whom he held unserved executions was his staunch sup- porter. His methods of electioneering were peculiarly his own. It was reported that while with the Irish, he claimed that his name was R. O'Sheldon, and with the Nor- wegians that his initals stood for Rye Ole Sheldon. The ten years during which he held the office were the most lucrative ever
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known in the county, reaching as high as $7,000 per annum, but he failed to develop any talent for accumulating and when he took off his official robes he was a poor man.
In running for his sixth term he was con- fronted by his old antagonist, H. Mander- ville, and results showed that his ten years fitting had developed his running qualities so that he passed the pole ahead of his old opponent. He held the office for two terms and made a very efficient officer. He was a man of many good qualities, an inveterate joker, a jolly companion, and although a bachelor, he had a warm place in his heart for children (and sometimes for their moth- ers) and many a sorrow has been soothed, and many a burden made lighter by his timely benevolence, and although his inter- pretation of some parts of the decalogue was not strictly orthodox, he never let his right hand know what his left hand did.
Wm.B. Perrin was elected the two succeed- ing terms of the legislature, having for his opponent, the first term, O. K. Hoyt, and the second term his opponents were George McCaughey, who was a candidate of the Grangers, and Michael Ries, of North Wash- ington, who was the democratic candidate.
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As Perrin was unacquainted with many of the people in the north part of the county, he invited me to make the canvass with him, and I found him, what I knew before, a gen- tleman of culture and ability, and one who could appreciate favors received, with as much warmth, and acknowledge them with as much gratitude. as "favors to come," and this is a rare gift among politicians, for in my experience of over a third of a century, he is one of the three that were in political life, who was possessed of that virtue. It was my fortune to visit the State Capital during the session of the legislature in which he was serving, and I was proud of him as our representative, and could but contrast his standing, as compared with his predecessor, who was obliged to vote against a resolution of his own introducing. he not having the sagacity to comprehend its politi- cal significence until it was beaten into him by his party associates. Modest and retir- ing, almost to a fault, he will never pose as a candidate, of his own volition, yet he will never shrink from a public duty that he believes that he should perform, and what he does will be faithfully and well done.
O. K. Hoyt, his opponent, was a young man
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with an ephemerally brilliant mind, that flashed forth like a meteor, but want of cor rect personal habits, did for him, what it has done for so many brilliant minds. wrecked him before his usefulness was hardly begun.
George McCaughey, who was brought out by the "Granger" element, as one of the candidates that run against Perrin at his second election, was a man of sterling worth. handicapped somewhat by his large family and by an official bee in his bonnet. He had served as a member of the board of super .. visors, and had shown himself possessed of practical business talent. The grange move- ment had mounted several unpracticable hobbies, and of course was to run a brief career and the hobby horse died, as a politi- cal party, with the ride of this candidate for legislative honors. The Democrats nomi- nated Michael Ries, of Washington township, and he was a man of more than ordinary ability, having been justice of the peace and general business adviser to his neighbors for many years. He was no politician, and could have been beaten by any shrewd poli- tician. even if his party had been in the majority, which it was not, having been
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depleted by the grange movement. Ries stands as one of the best and most reliable men in the county, and ranks next to Frank Dane in his landed possessions. He came to Chickasaw county in 1S5S, and purchased a small farm that has continued to enlarge as year after year he has added the results of earnest toil.
There is one subject that gives me pain to speak of, as it shows the moral trend of the practical workings of modern politics. For years after I came to the county, it would have been the death knell of any man run- ning for office, to have had it known that he used money to induce any one to use his time or influence to secure votes. This was so cardinal a principle that a candidate that was expected to carry a large majority came near losing his election for the reason that the report got out that he had sent money to one township to buy a barrel of beer with which to influence voters, and this was before the days of prohibition. Probably the first demand of any significance upon the managers of a party came from Jack- sonville from a man that demanded twenty- five dollars for his influence in controlling the Norwegian vote of the northeast part of
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the county. Under the stress of the occa- sion, as party success appeared doubtful, the committee weakly yielded and paid the sum demanded. It appeared to have accom- plished its object and the voters cast their suffrages as desired, but it is very doubtful if it was caused by the influence of the hired party, for experience has shown that no class of people are more moved from principle than our Scandinavian citizens. At the next election the committee found themselves confronted with the same proposi- tion, and for three consecutive years the twenty-five dollars was paid.
A new chairman was placed at the head of the central committee, when this demand was ignored and his influence counteracted, as against the party, by reporting the man who was claiming to deliver the vote of his countrymen on sale, and if he ever had any influence with them, his locks were shorn as closely as was the victim's of Delilia's perfidy. The reaction against him left him in a very unenviable position and he never again became the almoner of an elec- tioneering fund.
While he was disposed of, it opened the door to an abuse that was bound to grow,
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and while the sums demanded have gener- ally been very modest. claiming, ostensibly, to charge only for time spent. yet no chair- man of a central committee but what is importuned for funds for "personal work," and this has grown to such an extent that a new man running for office in the county is appalled at the demands made, and the class of men making them. There are many men of pronounced political faitb that give a candidate of their party to understand that if they are not remembered in a substantial way, their success will be problematical, at least. These men are known in both parties and provision is made to dispose of their claims, either by political promises, submit- ting to their demands, or by counteracting their influence by giving out their offer to buy and sell their followers, which generally acts as a squelcher, for voters rebel against being creatures of barter. Not only does this destroy his power to deliver, but places him in a position where he generally votes his party ticket with considerable ostenta- tion, to show that there is nothing merce- nary about him, but that he is actuated by the highest of motives, that of standing by his principles. There is quite a large per
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cent, and has been for years, of voters while professedly belonging to one party or the other, have no fixed principles, but are sub- ject to temporary influences, either material or personal. These are what is called the "floating vote," and a list is kept and most of the fine work of our later political cam- paigns has been with this class of voters. The minority party is at a disadvantage with this class for the reason that the probable defeat of a candidate does not tend to open his purse, and further, many like to be on the winning side so that they can dilate about our victory.
I have known of some laughable occur- rences in this buying influence. A demo- cratic candidate for clerk desired to secure a line of Norwegian votes and went to a man who claimed he could deliver him twenty of his friends and relatives who generally voted the other way, and the candidate paid him ten dollars for his services in seeing that they were all at the polls and voted for him. The chairman of the republican committee hearing of this, he being a candidate for a county office himself, requested me to go with him and have an interview with this man who claimed he could deliver the votes,
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and when we found him he complacently gave us the facts, but was finally persuaded to retain his allegiance to his own party, and received an additional ten dollars for special work that was to be done for his own party on election day. The day before election, the democratic candidate heard of what had been done and went to see about it. All the facts in connection with the transaction were freely given to him and he reinforced his former influence with an addi- tional five dollars and left in high glee. thinking that he had outwitted the Repub- licans by having the last interview. The next day being election, the much influenced man stayed at home and dug potatoes all day, retaining his twenty-five dollars with an innocent smile. Much of this pernicious growth has been fostered by some of the newspapers, they making it a point to treat an election as a time to tax candidates for supporting then. While this has been more marked with a kind of piratical jour- nalism, yet these are not the only ones not without sin, for I have known papers that claimed to be organs of a party, demand hundreds of dollars for supporting the regu- lar nominee of the party. The claim was
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put upon the ostensible ground that they had a costly plant and could not afford to carry the investment unless candidates paid them for their support. This fallacious posi- tion has too frequently been yielded to. for these self-same papers hold their standing and sustain their circulation and advertis- ing patronage largely because they are the organs of a party, and the party has just as moral and legal right to make demand of them for this influence as they have to demand payment of a representative of the party for support.
Much of this deplorable practice has been remedied by the reform ballot. Quite recently a brother democrat, one who has been high in the councils of his party, said to me, that the success of a certain party as a candidate would be assured if the ballot was as it used to be, "for then we could 'rush the growler' on the quiet, and then take the voter by the collar, and placing a ballot in his hand, lead him to the polls and see that he voted it all right." All hail that day when we can feel and know that a ballot always represents an intelligent conviction of principle.
In stating early memories there are many
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things that come crowding in, and there is a long procession of old timers that come marching before me, but it would be impos- sible to mention them in detail, or give the incidents connected with each; and, as I trust that others may be prompted to give their carly experiences, I desist from multi- plying the number receiving mention by me. To detail events nearer the present time, would divest them of the reminiscent and make a statement of current events. That there is crudeness in presenting these inci- dents of the past, none can more fully appre- ciate than myself, and many will condemn the selections; such is the fate of all effort, but I have enjoyed recounting them, and hope that others may be incited to record their experiences, and thus perpetuate from memory what otherwise will soon pass into oblivion.
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