USA > Iowa > Johnson County > Leading Events in Johnson County, Iowa, History > Part 54
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The steward of the time, John Jordan, was duly commend- ed for his management in a situation so trying, while he acknowledged his inability to care for the occupants humanely, under such circumstances. For these reasons, the new com- mittee, recommending new and enlarged buildings, secured the approval of the entire board of supervisors.
It was further shown by the report of this committee and the steward in charge, that the cost per inmate for one week, even under these adverse conditions, was but one and a half dollars.
The relative cost of keeping the poor at the farm appeared
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to be such that from this time forward it should be the policy of the county authorities to increase the capacity until it was such that no outside aid should be furnished, implying that those who refused to go to the poor house as originally in- tended, should be left to their own resources. It is interest- ing to note here the estimated capitalization of the poor farm in 1861 as compared to the report for 1909.
The committee appointed for this purpose, consisting of James Remley, Wm. Wolf and O. B. Barrows, valued the 160 acres of farm land at $2,500; the live stock at $323, and other property at $177. The same items for 1909 estimate the 240 acres in the present farm at $24,000; the buildings as compared to the one four-room house in 1861, at $28,300; other per- manent improvements that would have been considered under the same head in 1861, brings the total of land and buildings, with fixtures, to over $60,000, while the live stock, grain, and implements amount to more than $8,500, and the total value of the farm and equipment at nearly $71,000. This is the in- vestment for the benefit of the poor and dependent, which in- cludes the care of the insane to some extent, in 1909, as com- pared to a total of $3,000 in 1861. Outside of the county home in 1909 the expenditure for the poor amounted to more than $5,000. The net cost of running the present farm for the same year is given as $5,422, while the average number of inmates, including the insane, was sixty-two, making the cost one dollar and sixty-eight cents per inmate, not very much different from what it was in 1861.
It is further noted that Mr. Jordan was elected steward to succeed himself in 1861, at a salary "not to exceed two hun- dred dollars." In 1909 the salary was $900, while the over- seer of the poor received $300, indicating the increased re- sponsibility assumed on the part of the county and the time necessary to devote to this service.
Under a revision in the law it was required to select a direc- tor for the poor farm, and for general oversight of the outside dependents so that in June, 1861, J. T. Turner, who has so recently celebrated his ninetieth birthday, was appointed to this office. From a report he made and the account of the steward during the year of his service it was shown that un- less improvements were made on the new farm, and the land
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was broken and put into full cultivation, it would be more economical to care for the poor in the former fashion, or in- dividually. Action must have followed this suggestion, for the crop of 1862 was, in wheat, 733 bushels; in corn, 1,400 bushels; potatoes, 30 bushels, and this crop was pronounced a failure; sorghum, 175 gallons, and tobacco, 30 pounds; there were "five head of horses, twenty-two head of cattle, twelve hogs to kill and eleven to keep over." Three years later it was recommended by a committee that "a yoke of oxen be pur- chased since another team was needed on the farm." A fur- ther suggestion in 1864 was to submit to a vote of the people the sale of the poor farm and the purchase of another, evident- ly with the purpose of better accommodations and more room; in a new location. It is evident that the farm had prospered, as an investment, since the result in 1863 was a surplus of more than $500.
A little more than fifty years ago this vicinity was stirred by the presence of that group headed by the man who was known by the title of "Old John Brown of Kansas." It hap- pens that one of those who followed him across the state of Iowa is now at his four score years living in Salina, Kansas, the state he went to defend, as he says, in those stirring times of border warfare. In a recent letter to the writer he says, in reply to an inquiry as to his recollections of Iowa City :
"Your letter of inquiry about Iowa City and her people should have been answered sooner, but I have been trying to think up. My thought is not clear. I have Iowa City and De Moine all mixed up, and in fact I remember but little about either. In one of these towns Brown went to a bakery and ordered a barrel of 'Boston Crackers' and they were delivered to us steaming hot. He also bought a two-bushel sack full of dark brown sugar.
"I cannot recall any of the names you mention. I passed through Iowa only once with Brown. This was from Tabor to Springdale. I wish that I could help you.
"I have passed through the winter in good shape and am feeling fine. Am pleased to hear from you at any time.
Yours Truly,
"Salina, Kansas, April 22, 1911. Luke F. Parsons."
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Mr. Parsons, during the summer of 1910, prepared for an- other work, an extended discussion of the personnel of the party at Springdale, and this came from his personal acquaint- ance with the men as he knew them during the journey across the state of Iowa and the winter spent at the Maxson farm at Springdale, with some previous acquaintance in Kansas. He is the only survivor of the days of Brown's struggles in Kan- sas and his Ossawatomie battle, and also of the preparatory days before the last stand at Harper's Ferry.
It seems scarcely necessary to touch upon the topic of the days of John Brown in the community since it has been writ- ten about in detail so many times, yet it may be possible that the present generation has little acquaintance with the days that were exciting enough to those who participated in them. Only incidentally was Brown in Johnson county, as he came through here or came from his headquarters at Springdale, or Pedee, as it was usually called at that time, since the post office was of that name and was located in Iowa township, Cedar county, while Springdale is in the township of that name, just west. There were some rather strong reasons an- nounced by certain citizens of Iowa township, after Harper's Ferry, for disclaiming the fact of Brown's residence among them, and it is said that some resolutions in the form of a declaration of non-approval were adopted, but it did not affect his friends.
It is probably true that Brown came to Iowa City to inter- view certain men who had the interests of the "Free Kan- sans" at heart and that he was in danger of apprehension here, either in the hope of saving his neck or because there was danger in his methods, not only to the general government but to those whom he might bring into disrepute because of assisting him in some illegal way. The great reward offered by the state of Missouri was also an item in the case.
But war was so near that men did not hesitate to do the things most necessary to aid the cause of human freedom, and the underground railroad was running regularly when it was well known that the contest here was only a branch of the greater one going on in the southwest. A distributing point for Kansas supplies was found in Iowa City, so it is said, and naturally the agents in this matter would befriend Brown.
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One day the proprietor of a store on Washington street in Iowa City, a store that probably appears the same as in 1858, looked up from his work to see standing in the doorway that tall and straight form of the leader of the men then quartered in Cedar county, during the winter of 1857 and 1858. John Brown then inquired for William Penn Clarke, who was sum- moned by messenger. On his appearance these two passed behind the prescription case, just as it was at the recent death of Mr. Davis, and here they talked in low tones for some time. What they said has not been recorded so far as known, but it doubtless concerned that which has been written more than once, namely, the escape from the state and the transportation of the colored people who were housed at Pedee, to the Cana- dian border. What followed then involved not only local peo- ple but those in authority in connection with the only railroad that could carry them out of the state, and into the city of Chicago, by direct passage.
It appears that the house of Jesse Bowen was the head- quarters of Brown while in Iowa City, and certain other men took an active interest in assisting him in securing his trans- portation out of the country, among them S. C. Trowbridge, W. Penn Clarke as mentioned, and L. A. Duncan, then the editor of the Iowa City Republican. Not all, however, who knew of Brown's presence were exactly friendly under the reward offered by the state of Missouri for the return of fugitive slaves and probably incidentally the capture of Brown, so that there were attempts to secure a party to arrest the entire company. Whether any direct attempt was made to take them is not ascertainable at this date, and it makes very little difference now since the outcome is so well known.
Dr. Frederick Lloyd, in writing of these events, mentions Luke J. Parsons, which of course refers to the Luke F. Par- sons, named in the beginning. Parsons does not mention anything of the difficulties that have been stated regarding the affairs of the company during the winter they were at Pedee or Springdale. His description of the group and their individual peculiarities is entirely too lengthy to en- large upon here, but he specifically mentions Aaron D. Stevens, John Edwin Cook, Richard Realf, who, he said, was a protege of Lady Byron, John H. Kagi, whom he pronounced
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"the most intellectual of the bunch;" Charles Plummer Tidd, and William Leeman complete the list of those who had the major part in the followers of Brown and his son Owen, who was among the number.
There were others, it is true, who joined Brown in the vicin- ity of Pedee, or Springdale, but they do not have anything to do with the local history, although their lives were and are inevitably linked with the settlement from which they went out and with the name of John Brown, since one of them, Edwin Coppock, gave up his life at Charleston jail.
Kagi was known to men now living in Johnson county, and the late John E. Jayne remembered him very well, and there are a number who can describe Brown minutely. If anyone cares to read the personal account of Luke F. Parsons the reference herewith given may be consulted.449
Very much could be said in connection with the affairs of this group of men, bent on a desperate mission as Brown saw it, but it is not of any direct value in relating local history, although it has previously been included as part of what was considered as local.
It is simply a matter of a stopping place of a man whose name, like many another, is fixed in American history, and just so far as his life touched the community as he came and went, should it be mentioned, since to give the general career of John Brown is not permitted.
A strange item appears in the accounts of certain bills running through the records of the county commissioners from 1845 to 1850. The first is the allowance of forty-seven dollars and some cents to Sheriff M. P. McAllister for "pro- visions and corn and oats purchased by him and used in his trip to arrest certain Mormon prisoners in the western part of the territory in the present month." No previous hint is given of the case or charges against such prisoners. The old settlers know more about it than any record can furnish.
Another item in July of this same year, 1845, is plainly suggestive of "war," "William Dupont was given an allow- ance of nineteen dollars for provisions and feed furnished the
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soldiers and officers in the 'Mormon War.'" Warren Stiles and Charles Connelly were each "allowed for board furnished officers and soldiers" in this same war. Who the officers were, who the soldiers were, whether militia or regulars, is not stated. From other sources, however, it is inferred that these were "volunteers."
The commissioners were now confronted with the problem of allowing expenses to all comers or to none after this, and hence we find on presentation of an "omnibus bill" by A. Arrowsmith, W. A. Henry and others for services in this same "enjoyment" they rejected the claim.150
Time, however, the agent that makes objections less prom- inent, caused the commissioners to reconsider the action of the former session in July, 1845, and nearly four years after a petition came up from divers citizens asking that these bills be allowed. This then was heard. We must remember that a new membership had changed the character of this board. These men may have been charitarly inclined. At least they did not refuse the request of the petitioners and a long string of bills, covering more than two pages, is recorded in January, 1849, to pay for expenses incurred in 1845, while chasing a few harmless Mormons encamped in Marshall county.451 They were also heard from in adjoining counties where they appear as industrious contractors and where they left lasting names on districts of their encampment. "Mormon Hollow" is a fixed point in Cedar county, and descriptions of locations are based on roads leading in that direction. Mormons came up the river in Iowa in their expeditions from Nauvoo in search of supplies of corn and flour. They engaged in a contract to dig a mill race on one of the earliest flouring mills in the Cedar valley, but failed to complete their contract.
In the expedition under consideration, some were arrested and brought to Iowa City and naturally Sheriff McAllister had to feed them and then collect his bill if he could If one cares to peruse the items enumerated in these accounts he will find them in the places mentioned in the reference list.
The total cost to the county as given in the report of the county treasurer for April, 1849, was $419, up to that time, and all the items allowed later should be added.
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A loose order in the records reads as follows : 152
"Iowa City, Ia., March 9, 1849.
"S. B. Gardner,
"Sir,- please pay to Mr. Brown, the bearer, the county orders that are due me as a volunteer in the 'Mormon War.' "S. M. Shaff."
Note, "Issued $10 to Gen'l Brown." 1
The last echo of this 1845 expedition is heard in January, 1850, the man concerned was named "Dennis." He had lost his original order for his long past services and furnished an affidavit to prove that he had possessed it, whereupon he was granted a second order, while he promised faithfully to refund the sum should the original order ever appear. So far it has not been reported, yet one may almost conclude that from this long period of making a settlement it may yet appear.
Iowa City, since it was the capital of the territory and also of the state for some years, became a prominent point on the east and west routes of travel, and was particularly so during the emigration to the gold fields of California and Pike's Peak.
However, previous to this and of local interest, was an or- ganized attempt to settle the Oregon territory which is de- scribed in the current events of the time.
Great interest was manifested in this county in the settle- ment of the Oregon territory about the year 1843. A meet- ing of citizens of Clear Creek settlement (there were no civil townships then), was held at the house of Jarvis H. Frost, one of the pioneers of that section. It was here that the or- ganization of an "Oregon Emigration Society" was under- taken. The customary officers for temporary business were chosen when Asa Calkins, Esq., of Iowa City, stated the object of the meeting and it also appears that a committee had been appointed before this time to draft a constitution and by-laws for this society, who made their report at this time.
One cannot fail to inquire as to what inducement was of- ered for breaking away from the almost endless opportunity in this new county to cross the Rocky mountains into the newer one of Oregon. Only patriotic reasons, surely, could be of- fered, and the constitution adopted at this time suggests this reason.
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This instrument, called a constitution, is worthy of consid- eration since it prepared for a colony of some extent and pro- vided for certain classes of citizens who could be expected to comply with the demands of a new country.
The legislative authority, so it was stated, was vested in four trustees and twelve councilmen, to be chosen by the male members of the society, who were entitled to vote for civil officers under this constitution. An election of these officers was called at the house of Mr. Frost. No one could hold any of the offices mentioned unless he had reached the age of twenty-five years.
Provisions in this instrument for all the emergencies on the march are specified, even to the consulting with the mil- itary officers of the company on the journey. They not only made the laws to govern the society, but they provided for judicial power as well in determining all complaints, and the executive power was determined so far as dismissing undesir- able members was concerned. No person of intemperate habits, dishonest or immoral characteer could enter the organ- ization. This was a stock company, judging from the provi- · sions made in the constitution.
Altogether there were seven articles in the instrument and the authors must have modeled it after the constitution of the United States. Article two "vested the executive authority in one president and two vice presidents, who were to be chosen annually, by all male members entitled to vote," and this meant all those seventeen years of age or over. The president and vice presidents must be at least thirty years of age.
The military authority was vested in a captain, two lieuten- ants and three sergeants and they were elected also. Every male member between the ages of seventeen and forty-five must be armed and drilled and be liable to military duty. It is especially provided in article five that "no Black or Mul- lattoe persons shall in any case, or under any circumstances whatever, be admitted into this society or be permitted to emigrate with it."
The officials of the company were exempt from military duty on the march, but they were, however, to fully arm and equip themselves and in case of emergency "shall remain with and protect the families and baggage." Possibly the makers
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had in mind some of the campaigns of Caesar in the Gallic wars and wished to make distinct provision for each arm of the expedition.
Finally, this constitution could be amended at any time by giving twenty days previous notice through publication in the newspapers of Iowa City of the time and place of meeting and "provided two-thirds of the number present concurred there- in." It is written that the constitution was "unanimously ap- proved," and "that a large number of citizens present sub- scribed their names to the same." The first trustees elected were: A. Calkins, David Switzer, Israel L. Clark, and J. L. Frost. Calkins was requested to give a public address at the next meeting of the company.
The only question propounded by the press of that day was: "would congress pass the bill for the occupation of Oregon?" And further: "would emigrants go there without the protec- tion of the government?"
This was but a local phase of a movement over the west, as the west was then known, for taking possession of Oregon ter- ritory. Emigrant trains passed this way as noted by ob- servers "on their way to Oregon." An item of the time reads: "within the past week some six or eight ox-wagons accompanied by men, women and children, cows and dogs, passed through our town. It was their intention, we believe, to strike for the Raccoon Forks of the Des Moines and then to Fort Leavenworth, and from there to make their way across the mountains to the Columbia River." +53
Daily accounts of the great trains of gold hunters appear in the journals of eastern Iowa, during the Pike's Peak excite- ment in 1859. Locally the items give names of those who are leaving and mention the numbers of wagons and occupants who pass through the city and across the river, westward. During two weeks of April, 1859, two hundred teams bound for the gold fields, crossed Metcalf's bridge and about the same number over Folsom's bridge. The average number of men was three to each team, making about twelve hundred who passed this way, and this was only one point on the line west- ward. These came for the most part from Illinois and Wis- consin. They came from the laboring classes of men, those who were accustomed to hardship. The number of teams cros-
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sing these bridges was easily accounted for since both were toll bridges.
The rush homeward was noted in the month of June, fol- lowing the account above. Once more they paid the toll to cross the Iowa river and were counted among the experienced ones who sought "quick riches." 45+
During this summer, of 1859, a great storm visited this county, causing much destruction and even loss of life, which is best told by eyewitnesses. It was between the hours of six and seven, on May 24, 1859, when one of the most remarkable and destructive storms on record passed through this county. It was described as "a whirlwind and waterspout, and of tornado violence." The day was not more than ordinary un- til toward evening; heavy clouds then appeared upon the western and southwestern horizon, what appeared to be an ordinary thunderstorm. Nothing unusual seemed to be threat- ening until it was a few miles distant, when three sharp flashes of lightning followed by heavy thunder warned the onlooker of something unusual. At about this time a black cloud was pointed out, jagged and broken, from which was suspended like an inverted cone or funnel, a smaller cloud. Not many minutes later it became longer and came in contact with the earth. This was very gradual and actual contact was delayed for sometime or until it was southwest of the city proper. The noise from this cloud resembled that of heavy wagons on a plank road, a rumbling and continuous roar, dis- tinctly heard by all listeners. Many remarked concerning this phenomenon, but did not realize the destructive nature of it.
The first observation of its effects came from a man who was overtaken while on horseback and his experience was viv- id enough. He had great difficulty in keeping the saddle and his horse could scarcely make his way. The sensation after the storm had passed was that of complete exhaustion as if the struggle had been for hours. The storm fell upon the house of General Morris, and the destruction was terrific. It crossed the river about two miles below Iowa City, near the house of Mr. Foster. Here his house was unroofed and a fine orchard ruined. Then passing nearly due east it caused great destruc- tion and even death at the house of Andrew Morgan. He, his
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son, and grandson were killed and the remainder of the family injured. Some remarkable incidents are related as occurring near this point. A wagon was carried away and from this, one of the tires was found doubled and flattened, as two pieces of iron fastened at the ends; a plow lying in the furrow had all the wood stripped from the iron.
Mr. McCoy, who lived with Mr. Harris, but worked on Mr. Berry's farm, had a stake driven in just back of the shoulder from which wound he died the next morning. Mr. Dyer, the tenant of the farm had his arm broken and when he recovered consciousness he found himself three-fourths of a mile from the house near the railroad track.
At the home of Jesse Berry the storm seemed most violent and a minute discription would be necessary to make an under- standing of the form of the storm possible. On this farm at the time there was a number of people who found temporary refuge in some shelter. Mr. Berry and a teamster were in the barn and when the barn was destroyed, the former, well known citizen, was instantly killed by a falling timber.455
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REFERENCES AND NOTES
1 Tacitus Hussey in Annals of Iowa, January, 1910, p. 401. See Laws of Iowa, 1857, p. 254; 1858, p. 289.
Originally as passed in 1857 it became unlawful for any one except on his own premises "to kill, ensnare, or trap any wild deer, elk or fawn, wild turkey, prairie hen or chicken, grouse or quail between the first day of February and the fifteenth of July," in any year. It was amended in 1858 to read "from the first day of January to the fifteenth day of August," in any year.
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