Pioneers of Polk County, Iowa, and reminiscences of early days, Vol. I, Part 21

Author: Andrews, Lorenzo F., 1829-1915
Publication date: 1908
Publisher: Des Moines, Baker-Trisler Company
Number of Pages: 526


USA > Iowa > Polk County > Pioneers of Polk County, Iowa, and reminiscences of early days, Vol. I > Part 21


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33


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Other explorers soon followed Marquette and made their reports. Meanwhile, Marquette's narrative lay in the archives of Father Dablon's college, Frontenac, the Governor of New France, having become involved with the Jesuits and Church authorities over the sale of liquor to the Indians, the Church opposing it. He sup- pressed publication of the narrative, and it would have remained in oblivion had not Dablon and Thevenot, a distinguished French traveler and author, in 1681, discovered it and arranged for its publication.


A few years later, Canada fell into the hands of England, the Jesuits were condemned and ostracised, and the college at Quebec ordered closed, but before its close, Father Cazot, desiring to save some valuable church records and objects, gathered them together and deposited them in Hotel Dieu, a hospital in Quebec, in care of nuns not embraced in the edict against the Jesuits, and among them was the original narrative of Marquette. In 1852, the narrative was delivered by the nuns to Mr. Shea, who says :


"The manuscript comprised sixty pages, thirty-seven of which were a narrative of the voyage down the Mississippi River, from the mouth of the Wisconsin River, one leaf to the calumet pre- sented to Marquette, all in Marquette's handwriting. There was also a map charted by Marquette, on which is shown, in latitude about forty, a river. Near its mouth is inscribed two Indian vil- lages, one 'Moingowena', the other 'Peoweria.' The distance and circumstances give good reason to believe the river is now the Des Moines."


Other explorers and travelers followed Marquette-La Salle, 1679; Hennepin, 1680; Franquelin, 1688; Charlevoix, 1721; Sinex Map of North America, 1710; l'Isle Louisiana and Missis- sippi Map, 1722; all follow the nomenclature of Marquette except Franquelin, who wrote it "Moingoana."


Father Kemper, in his "History of the Catholic Church in Iowa," says :


"In the Spring of the year 1720, the Capuchin, Pére Le Grand, drafted for the Capuchin Monastery at Dijon, a terrestrial globe, which is now preserved in the public library in Dijon, in France, on which the Mississippi, Missouri, Illinois, Des Moines, and Saint


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DES MOINES-WHAT IT MEANS


Peter rivers are plainly marked, and special prominence is given to the Des Moines River, which there has the name of 'R. des Moingona'-River of the Moingonas. From this Indian tribe, the present name of the river has its derivation, and not as some have presumed, from 'R. des Moines'-River of the Monks.


"Tradition speaks of the Indian custom, from ages immemorial, of using a path from the Des Moines Rapids on the Mississippi westward, and the very name of the people of this river has refer- ence to this Indian highway, the Moingona, signifying 'The People by the Way.' When the early settlers took possession of the land, they could yet see plain evidences of this Indian trail leading to the Des Moines and beyond it to the west. It must have been at some former period a great thoroughfare, as it was worn in many places on level ground for miles, six inches in depth."


In Biddle's revised report of "Lewis and Clark's Expedition," is a marginal note saying that "Moingona" is an old word of Algon- quin origin ; it does not mean "The Monks."


Adair's "American Indians" gives the word, "Moingona."


Charlevoix, a noted French traveler, historian, and Jesuit, came over from France, stopped at the Kaskaskian Mission nearly two years, where he must have learned much of Marquette and his work, for, in 1721, he traversed the river from its mouth to its source, and in his "History of New France," as all northwestern America was then called, he wrote:


"The Moingona issues from the midst of an immense meadow, which swarms with buffalo and other wild beasts. Its course is said to be three hundred and fifty leagues in length. It rises from a lake. Going up the Moingona, we find great quantities of pit coal."


Nicollét, in his report to the United States Government, explain- ing his "Hydrographic Map of the Mississippi Basin," gives the name "Moingoana," but says it is a corruption of the Algonquin word "Mikoning."


Winterbottom, in 1795, charted it "Moin;" Bertram's map charts it "les Monk."


Here, then, we have this name given by Marquette, used and recognized by explorers, historians, and chartists for more than one


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hundred and fifty years. They were all Frenchmen, and good scholars ; not one says it means "The Monks ;" most of them declare it does not.


Then, what does it mean ? Marquette did not give it. He prob- ably would have done so had he not died before completing his mission. His report was compiled for the Government from his notes by Thevenot, six years after his death.


Thirty years ago, I asked the old chief of the remnant of the Sauk and Fox tribes at Tama, a man over ninety years old, the meaning of the word, and he said he did not know; it was not his language.


The best source of information now, therefore, is the language used by the Indians whom Marquette met. They spoke a dialect of the Algonquin. They were descendants of the once noted Mas- cotins, or Fire Indians, who dwelt around Lake Michigan and along Illinois River.


Schoolcraft, who traveled and lived with these Indians several years, in his "Archives of the Aborigines," Volume Three, gives an extensive analysis of the language. He says :


"It is composed largely of pronouns, confined principally to inanimate things; also cluster words, every one of which is a sen- tence or affirmation. A word often is interpreted variously by a sign or gesture when spoken."


His list of key words gives "moin," meaning corn ; "gon," mean- ing land or place; "na," meaning excellent, good, always. From this, it is a fair presumption that the word written by Marquette, as best he could in French, as spoken by the Indians, is a cluster word meaning "a good place to raise corn-to live," and agrees with the sentiment expressed by the Indians to Marquette. It is not a French word.


Now, then, how came the change to "Des Moines ?"


Nicollét explains it by saying that, "The territory west of the Mississippi was all under the dominion of Spain, and all traffic or trade was that of agents, Spanish and French, of the American Fur Company, who traveled up and down the rivers, trading with the Indians, and, finding it difficult to speak the word 'Moingona,' they clipped it to 'De Mon,' 'De Mong,' etc. The Creoles did the


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same. They now do so. They say, 'Road of the Mons,' meaning the road from the head of the lower rapids to the Indian village above, so as to avoid the rapids. Early settlers followed the habit."


This clipping is shown in the treaty with the Sauk and Fox Indians as late as 1834, wherein the river is named "Demoin," and one tribe is called the "Sok." Sault Saint Marie is clipped to "Soo;" Raccoon River is clipped to "'Coon," and myriads of people do not know what it stands for.


In 1834, Congress having attached the "Black Hawk Purchase" to the Territory of Michigan, for temporary government, the Legis- lature of Michigan divided it into two counties ; the south half was named after the river, and, with little regard for history, facts or tradition, sought to euphonize it by making it pure French, and named it "Des Moines."


Instead, therefore, of perpetuating the Indian name of the river, we have a name which has no incident or tradition on which to base it, and entirely alien to that given by Marquette, a historical fact much regretted.


April Sixteenth, 1905.


MAJOR THOMAS CAVANAGH


MAJOR THOMAS CAVANAGH


E ARLY settlers of Des Moines often recall with pleasure their remembrance of Thomas Cavanagh. On Christmas Day, in 1848, he walked across the Mississippi River at Clinton on the ice, and arrived here early in 1849; a man about thirty-five years old, of large physique, athletic, muscular build, who was for many years a model, valued citizen, known to everybody as the "Major." He was of that class of pioneers noted for their humility, stability, and progressiveness.


Born of prosperous parents, in Ireland, liberally educated, with æsthetic temperament, eminently social nature, refined taste, he, with his parents, had passed through the terrible Famine of 1847-8, which had invoked the world's charity for relief. When it had partially subsided, they determined to come to America, the Land of Promise. The "Major" came in advance, bearing letters to Judge Casady and R. L. Tidrick, then in law and real estate busi- ness. He was received in the kindly, open-hearted manner of the pioneers, whose gospel of living was to help one another. Would that there were more of that among the present generation. The Judge was impressed with his politeness, courteous mien, and scrupulous neatness of apparel, for in those days, old settlers did not give much attention to fine clothes, and fastidiousness in dress was a noticeable distinction.


The "Major" had some money, which he desired to invest in the most remunerative way. The Judge naturally suggested "corner lots," he having just purchased a couple at the corner of Fifth and Walnut streets, where Clapp's Block now stands. He recommended the southeast corner of the same block, at Mulberry Street, where the Youngerman Building now is. The "Major" purchased it for thirty dollars, and received the first and original deed from the County Supervisors, the county having received its title direct from Uncle Sam by donation. In 1891, when the corner-stone of the


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Youngerman Building was laid, the "Major's" deed was, with other articles, deposited therein. He also made several other good invest- ments in real estate.


His parents came soon after, went to an Irish settlement in Dallas County, and the "Major" joined them, where he laid out and established the town of Redfield, remaining there five years. It was while there he got the title of "Major," which he carried by common consent, and his own hearty assent, to the end of his days. In his little town was a couple of Southerners, jolly, jovial fellows, named Owens and Burns, who were his close chums. Under the rule that all Southerners are "Colonels," Owens was dubbed the "Colonel," Burns the "Judge" (a title that he afterward actually acquired), and Cavanagh the "Major," and the titles stuck.


At the September Term of the District Court, in 1854, the "Major" was admitted to the Bar of Polk County, and the next year returned to Des Moines and opened an office as a lawyer, real estate broker, and emigrant agent.


The bibulous Judge McFarland was then on the bench, and one day a divorce case was up for a hearing. The Judge had evidently been out the night before with agreeable friends. He came into court "half seas over," and, after getting into his seat and turning over his record, called the case, but before the lawyers had got fairly ready to proceed, he had lapsed into somnolence. The first witness was asked if he knew the parties to the suit. He replied, "Not very well, but they were always fighting and fuddling around."


The Judge aroused himself from his stupor, and mumbled : "Fud-dling around and a-r-o-u-n-d. Call the next case."


Such a spectacle was so abhorrent to the "Major," he seldom appeared before that court, and confined himself to his real estate business. He at once came into public esteem and favor, for he was of that temperament which drew people to him. His extreme suavity and courtesy gave him the distinction of being the most polite man who ever lived in the city. There was nearly the counter- part of him in J. D. Seeberger, the well-known hardware merchant. Old-timers would frequently smile when those two, meeting on the streets, would tip their hats and side-step to give the right-of-way, and the parting bow.


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The "Major" became prominent in social affairs-not the fash- ions of society, but in that which pertains to the betterment of social life. He was an ardent friend of the Church and School, and a strong temperance advocate. In 1856, when Father Plathe was striving to build the first Catholic Church, at the corner of Sixth and Locust, the "Major" did valiant service, and when, in 1863, that grand, good man, Father Brazil, sought to build a larger and finer structure on the same spot, at a time when it was harder to raise one hundred dollars than it is now one thousand dollars, the "Major" canvassed the town with him for funds, and one day they ran up against Isaac Brandt, who is known to be a radical hater of whiskey. Isaac agreed to subscribe twenty-five dollars, provided- he tied a string to it, half hoping it would be refused-that Father Brazil should occasionally preach a good temperance sermon to his congregation. Both men quickly grasped his hands, and said the terms pleased them greatly. Some time after the new edifice was dedicated, Isaac thought he would go there one Sunday and hear the sermon. The usher gave him a seat well in front, and not far away sat the "Major." The house was packed. Whether or not Father Brazil knew of his presence, Isaac never learned, but the sermon was a most eloquent and scathing one against the evils and wrongs of intemperance, in which he made pointed allusion to the habits of a well-known man there present, now dead-he might as well have given his name-in which he said a man who will get drunk, spend his earnings for whiskey, and deprive his wife and children of the many things money would bring them, he would refuse to give absolution. The sermon had its intended effect. The man reformed and became a useful member of the church and the com- munity. Isaac has never regretted the investment of that twenty- five dollars.


The principles of sobriety and right-living thus founded by Father Brazil and the "Major" permeated society generally, and have remained to this day. It is a fact that very few communicants of the Catholic Church are ever seen in the Police Court.


In 1862, during the exciting events of the Civil War period, when a Democrat was suspected of being a Rebel, a Copperhead, or a member of the Knights of the Golden Circle, the "Major" was


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nominated for City Mayor. He was a Democrat, but not a poli- tician. He knew very little of the chicanery of politics, and took no part in it, or the excitement of the times. Such was his popu- larity, he was elected. Scarcely had he taken the office, when, on the Twenty-eighth of June, occurred the murder of Michael King by A. D. Marsh, the City Marshal, a hot-headed Kentuckian, con- spicuous for his immense watch chain, which hung down to his knees, and his truculent nature, which found vent a short time prior by shooting a German and arresting a negro without a war- rant, with evident purpose to deliver him to his slave master. King was a man of athletic build, at times a little pugnacious. Some ill- feeling existed between him and Marsh over the impounding of some of his pigs by Marsh. The two met at the Sherman Building, corner of Third Street and Court Avenue, in which then were the city offices. On the way upstairs, they got into an altercation, when Marsh stabbed King, who struggled up to the Mayor's room, in the third story, where he died in a few moments. Marsh, seeing he was dying, quickly went to his home, and immediately fled the country. A Coroner's Jury was called, before whom the Mayor testified as follows :


"I was coming up the stairs toward my office, in company with King and Marsh. They were very unfriendly, and passed hard words as they came up. I was in advance of them, and when they were about turning the platform to get up the upper flight of stairs, as I supposed, I heard a noise which I supposed was King and Marsh at blows or quarreling. I turned around and saw Marsh putting a dirk in the scabbard. King came up the stairs, and when he had reached me at the top of the stairs, he said: 'I am stabbed.' I told him to sit down. He commenced falling, lay down, and grew worse very fast. He repeatedly said: 'Marsh has stabbed me.' I ordered a doctor, who was soon in attendance. I also acquiesced in the suggestion that Marsh be arrested."


The whole community was aroused, especially the Irish, and summary vengeance was threatened against Marsh. Search for him for several days was made, with great caution, as his desperate character was well known, but no trace of him could be found, and the event was passing into history, when, several years later, T. E.


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Brown, the lawyer and capitalist well known in the early days, returned from a business trip to Texas, where he said he saw Marsh and had a little experience with him. He was informed while there that Marsh had formed a conspiracy to rob him, knowing that he was accustomed to carry large sums of money. He did not propose to give him the opportunity. He had him arrested on a charge of murder, and he was put in jail. Sheriff McCalla and Jonathan Stutsman were sent after him, and in due time returned, but with- out Marsh, to explain which they said that when passing up the river from the gulf of New Orleans, Marsh, who had declared he would not be taken to Des Moines alive, watching the opportunity, suddenly leaped overboard; his ankles and hands being heavily manacled, he at once went down in the rapid current and was seen no more. Articles in their possession taken from him gave credence to their statements. But some time later, James F. Kemp, a boot and shoe merchant, was in New Orleans, where he said he met Marsh, who said he was in the cattle trade in Texas. No further attempt to get him was made, and it became the general opinion that his escape from the Sheriff was a myth-that he was given opportunity to get away and stay away, thus saving the county con- siderable expense.


That was the second murder in Des Moines, the first being that of a woman, also named King.


The "Major" was an efficient official, performing the duties of Mayor and Police Magistrate upon a higher plane than is usually given the place. He closed his term with so much credit, he was nominated for a second term. The city was in a most turbulent condition. The war spirit was high. A draft for the army had been ordered. United States Marshals were here, hunting Knights of the Golden Circle, which the Register declared was a "secret organization, a Jesuitical sneak, plotting in the dark against the liberties of the people." Every Democrat was an alleged sympa- thizer with Jefferson Davis, but the most scathing attribute that could be applied to the "Major" was to call him the "acquiescent" candidate, referring back to his testimony in the King murder hearing.


The campaign was an exciting one, and so was the election, the "Major" using his best effort to allay the tumult. When the time


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for counting the votes came, there was a big crowd present. Several acrimonious disputes arose, in one of which, Hy. Hatch, an active politician and well-known character, told the "Major," who was present counseling a fair and honest count, to "Go to h-1," to which the "Major" quietly replied, "I cannot do that," clearly illustrative of his character.


The result of the count was : Leas, four hundred and sixty-four ; Cavanagh, four hundred and forty-eight, the defeat of the "Major" by sixteen votes.


To show the intense feeling prevailing, the Register the next morning announced in big type: "Great Union Victory !" "Cop- perheads Floored !" "Old Acquiescence Subsides !" "Copperheads Carry One Ward !" "We wonder if Kavanaugh [witness the spell- ing] 'acquiesces' in the decision ?"


The "Major" was satisfied with politics. That was the only public office he held. He thereafter devoted his energies to the social side of life, in the broadest, humanitarian sense. He was a diligent helper of churches and schools. Though an ardent member of the Catholic Church, his catholicism and liberality of sentiment embraced all things which tended to promote good society. It was not uncommon to see him, a large, robust man, going about visiting schools and other public functions with S. F. Hanna, a very dimin- utive person, of frail physique, about four feet high, a good Pres- byterian, for they were great chums, both bachelors, and popular. It was amusing, as it was singular.


In 1862, when the Savery House (now Kirkwood) was opened, the "Major" was one of the first guests, and there made his home until his marriage, in 1872.


He was one of the founders of the City Public Library, and one of its firmest supporters.


He had a fine library of law and literature. Occupying a part of his office was a pseudo-lawyer, who one night left town, taking with him the "Major's" library. Some time after, he returned the "Major's" much cherished family Bible, for which manifesta- tion of conscience, the "Major" expressed complete satisfaction.


He retired from business in 1890, and died April Twenty-fifth, 1891, leaving a wife and three children.


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Those who knew him will bear witness that he was ripened, cul- tured, benevolent, public-spirited, and the best type of manhood. For womanhood and motherhood, he had the most profound regard. It is no marvel, then, that with so many estimable qualities, he had the esteem and confidence of all good people. He held many important fiduciary trusts, as administrator of estates. As a bene- factor to Des Moines, and especially to its domestic and social life, it can be truly said of him, as it was of the renowned French states- man, Thier, at his death, "He has lived."


April Twenty-third, 1905.


VOL. I-(19).


EDWIN R. CLAPP


EDWIN R. CLAPP


I F you search his old family records, you will probably find it written, Edwin Ruthven Clapp, but for the last fifty years he has been familiarly known as Ed.


He came to Henry County with his parents in the year 1837, a young boy, and has eaten the ashen crust of poverty in common with many other pioneer lads, who, with willing hands and deter- mined purpose, have assisted their parents in opening up farms and doing the drudgery which usually fell to the lot of the pio- neer boys of sixty years ago.


He started out in the world with merely a hint of education. Two Winter terms of three months each, in a log schoolhouse near Mount Pleasant, Iowa, was all that was vouchsafed to him. There was no time nor place, after that, for even a partial educa- tion. Penury and untoward circumstances chained him to such manual labor as could be found, and his own busy hands and resistless energy carved out a career and fortune of which any citizen of Iowa might well be proud.


His entire time, after the death of his father, which occurred very soon after arriving in Iowa, was employed, together with an older brother, in supplying, very scantily, food and raiment for the widowed mother and young sister. Later, he found employment at the Tiffany House, Mount Pleasant, at the sum of four dollars per month. His duties were various-from stable boy to table waiter.


In 1845, his brother Wallace came to Fort Des Moines to engage in the grocery business. Ed. followed him a year later, in Febru- ary, walking the entire distance, his trunk coming on a wagon-load of groceries from Mount Pleasant, the driver kindly giving him that much of a lift, his purse being lighter than his trunk. He was a young man of eighteen years, with pluck, ambition and great expectations. For one of such temperament, the town presented


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little encouragement. It was composed of the log cabins deserted by the soldiers, and about a hundred people. He did whatever he could find to do. His first job was running a ferry-boat for the season at ten dollars a month, and it was not an easy one, for the rush of people into the new territory was great. He worked a year as clerk for his brother, who had a general store in the log building used by the soldiers for commissary storage, down at The Point, just east of 'Coon bridge.


As the community increased, so did its needs. Transportation facilities were meager. There were no railroads. The river was passable for steamboats only at flood times in the Spring. Flour mills were a hundred miles away. St. Louis was the nearest point for merchants to get supplies, which were sent by boats to Keokuk, and from there hauled by wagons to The Fort. At Fairfield and Oskaloosa were the nearest flour mills. That was an opportunity for Ed. He went into the business of hauling freight from Keokuk and flour and meal from the mills. He often made trips from Des Moines to Keokuk and back. He was a good handler of stock. He drove oxen well. Alone, he would drive a yoke of oxen the one hundred and eighty miles to Keokuk, and return, laden with sup- plies. The old flint-lock musket was his only protection; and that meant only the one shot. Trouble he may have had on these jour- neys, but he always managed to come through it smoothly, for he was a man of cool nerve.




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