USA > Iowa > Keokuk County > The English River congregation of the Church of the Brethren > Part 4
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As a trading point Rodman's Tavern served the interests of the Brethren settlers and their neighbors. It was located in the "Old Town" of South English. It was a pioneer store and post office, "large enough to absorb all the cash of the settlers without doing much of a mercantile business either. Dimensions of the cabin housing the business, as well as the business man and his family, were 12 ft x 16 ft.''46
45 W. D. Hall's local newspaper clippings, 1902, obtained from files kept by Mrs. Leah Coffman.
46 Seerley's Old Settlers' Day Address, South English, Iowa, 1907.
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Mail reached the tavern by means of a stagecoach from Iowa City, then the State capital of Iowa, to Sigourney, the county seat of Keokuk County. The storekeeper's supply of goods was replenished from either end of the stage route, the latter of which had no railroad facilities.
Considerable trading, including the marketing of farm produce, was done at Iowa City and Cedar Rapids, forty and fifty miles east and northeast, and later at Washington, twenty-five miles southeast. "It was next to impossible to get meal or flour without going to Cedar Rapids and owing to bad roads it was nearly impossible to make the trip and return with any considerable amount of provisions. A two-yoke team of oxen often stuck with four barrels of flour."47
Gradually these difficulties were overcome. Assistance to each other as new families arrived, together with the building of railroads and the establishment of additional towns soon removed some of the hardships of pioneering. The first railroad within reach of the community was built in 1871. It lay eight miles to the south and extended west to Oskaloosa. The town of Harper, eight miles south, be- came the nearest railroad station. The Burlington, Cedar Rapids, and Northern Railroad (now the Chicago, Rock Island, and Pacific) connecting Muscatine, Cedar Rapids, and Iowa City with Montezuma was constructed in 1879. It passed through South English. The village of Kinross, five miles east of South English, started with the establish- ment of a post office there in 1880. The Chicago, Milwaukee, and St. Paul Railroad constructed a branch line from Cedar Rapids to Ottumwa in 1884. This passed through North English, about six miles northwest of the Brethren church building.
By 1890 the local church group had pushed out from the 47 Hall's local newspaper clippings.
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center of its settlement through the major part of an area touching South English on the west, Harper on the south, Kinross on the east, and North English on the north. North English had become a field for an additional house of wor- ship, built in 1889. The area was cut across from east to west by the English River, approximately two miles north of the present church building. In 1916 the river was taken as a dividing line between the two congregations.
Native timber which was available north and west of the settlement was turned into lumber necessary for building purposes. This was supplemented occasionally from the markets at Burlington, and Muscatine, river towns on the Mississippi some sixty miles east. "It seems but yester- day", stated one of the pioneers at an old settlers' meeting in 1907, "that my father hauled the logs of oak, walnut and basswood from the wooded hills of the north and west to the saw mill. He planed the rough boards during the winter for siding and finishing the house."48 Sills were hewn and shingles were rived from logs of oak. The task of build- ing was "the occasion for earnest cooperation among mem- bers of the community. Each settler was a builder." Sev- eral of the pioneer houses of the congregation, built about 1854, are in use at present. They are large, serviceable, non-modern structures in fair condition.
Pioneer life in the community was markedly different from the life of the present. Practically all food was pre- pared and all clothing made in the home. "If we wanted meat", said one of the pioneers, "we killed a wind-splitter hog. If that was not to be found we resorted to deer, wild turkey, wild goose, squirrel, prairie chicken or quail. We had considerable range of choices in the preparation of corn for the table, among which was a long trip to the mill, grind- ing by hand on a grain or coffee mill, making the corn into
48 Seerley's Old Settlers' Day Address, South English, Iowa, 1907.
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hominy, or boiling and grating it. Any one of these meth- ods proved very satisfactory since no man or woman ever went to bed hungry or made apologies to callers because they had nothing to eat."49
Each family had its spinning wheel for both wool and flax, as well as its loom for weaving the cloth from which practically all articles of clothing were made. Carding, spinning, coloring, weaving, and tailoring, carried on in the separate homes, consumed most of the leisure time of different members of the family. Most of the boots and shoes were made by the village cobbler. Shopping was noticeably limited. "It was a long way to the nearest stores and most of the settlers had nothing better than lumber wagons drawn by teams of oxen."
According to the best information the local church group was favorable to the establishment and development of public schools. Many family names now found in the con- gregation appear in the school registers as far back as 1854-1855 in both the Liberty and the South English dis- tricts.5° Several pupils of both these schools have since held responsible positions, including a doctor of medicine, a mechanic, and a teacher. One of the pioneer Brethren taught the Liberty school during the winter of 1854 and 1855 and another taught at least a term there several years later. By 1900, a few boys and girls from Brethren homes were availing themselves of high school opportunities through paying the required tuition at the South English high school.
Elections for civil officers were held near the present site of South English as early as 1852. The voting precinct at
49 Hall's local newspaper clippings.
50 The local congregation centers in Liberty school district. The church building originally stood just west of the schoolhouse and about one-fourth mile east of it after the schoolhouse was moved to its present location.
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this point consisted of three townships, including Liberty and English River. Voting was usually carried on at the home of a pioneer. At the elections which were held a justice of the peace and a constable were to be selected, the former "to solemnize marriages and try cases and the latter to keep the peace." Apparently there was little need for more officers since "the pioneers were men who unanimous- ly paid their debts, lived within their means, and honored manliness and virtue. They had no use for the criminal, the law breaker or the indolent." The pioneers of this sec- tion organized the Horse Thief Detective Agency and since the law breaker did not care to run the risk of turning out the entire community, property was left alone. "There were no locks on the doors of the homes. None were needed. The honor of manhood was sufficient to protect property."51 Although the Brethren of those days took no part in voting and probably had little or nothing to do with the above named association, they were undoubtedly under obligations to both of these agencies for mutual benefits.
The Brethren neither patronized nor approved of saloons. "When I was a boy", states one of the present members of the church, in response to the question of the stand taken by the local congregation against the use of liquor, "there were three saloons in South English. The Brethren did not patronize them. Our people would never sign a petition for anyone to sell whiskey or anything of the kind even for medical purposes unless they had the confidence that the right granted through such petition would never be abused. As time went on it became much harder for the saloons to run. We advised strongly against patronizing them and many of us would not enter them, even on business not per- taining to them, except in cases of extreme need. I do not remember that the saloon question ever came to a vote but
51 Seerley's Old Settlers' Day Address, South English, Iowa, 1907.
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if it did those Brethren who voted, voted against it. It is 35 years since there was a saloon in South English."
According to records kept and to incidents related by several of the pioneers of South English, social life in the Brethren neighborhood and its surrounding community was enjoyable, inspiring, and uplifting in the early days. Homer H. Seerley says of these social events : "In addition to the customary school work there were the weekly spelling schools, biweekly lyceums and Sunday evening singing schools. I feel some pride in our early spelling schools where one night each week during winters the best spellers gathered in one or other of the neighboring schoolhouses. Good order prevailed. We never had a row because my school always did the best to assist me and the example was good. The lyceum encouraged every man, woman and child to take part. Programs consisted of essays, recitations, dialogs and debates. Its objectives were intellectual better- ment, culture and progress.''52
The general social activities of the larger community were supplemented by the "affairs of social interest" with- in the local congregation. One of these was the annual love feast, "which was always a community affair", says an- other pioneer. "The church used to invite us to supper following the communion service. We enjoyed this hos- pitality year after year until young rowdies began to take advantage of those good Brethren people with many prac- tices of misbehavior. This lack of behavior continued, in spite of the fact that special parties from town were ap- pointed to keep order, until finally the Brethren abandoned the practice of inviting the public to supper."
Unifying Influences. - Until recent years major interests affecting the local congregation appear to have favored 52 Seerley's Old Settlers' Day Address, South English, Iowa, 1907.
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unification rather than dissolution. Personal contacts of the Brethren with the world at large were from the coming of members from other congregations, from attendance of delegates at district and annual meetings, and from limited missionary journeys to and from neighboring congrega- tions.
Religious "practices" or customs, including the plain dress and the close communion, the refusal to bear arms and to take the civil oath, and the non-participation in gov- ernment to the extent of refusing to vote tended to bind the local group into a unit. Avoidance of the use of law for the settlement of difficulties, the lack of agitation for higher education and the relatively small number of chil- dren of other denominations in the local schools attended primarily by Brethren children, the limitation on participa- tion in certain public gatherings and celebrations, and, finally, the tendency to marry within the denomination if not within the local group were also binding influences. Cooperative tendencies, strongly exemplified in the building of homes for newcomers, in aiding the poor, and in caring for the sick were equally unifying factors.
The forces which, about 1880, caused the dissolution of the parent body into Progressive, Conservative, and Old Order, had little influence on the local congregation. Un- official records show only four members lost to the Pro- gressives and only five members lost to the Old Order Brethren from the time of the beginning of those organiza- tions until recently.53 Two of those lost to the latter body have been recovered. Several families are reported as hav- ing gone to the Old Order Brethren during the past year
53 According to one unofficial report one of the four Progressives started the "missionary activities" which resulted in the erection of the church build- ing in North English about 1890. This group was served by ministers from the parent congregation during the nineties, however, and was organized as a local congregation of the Conservatives in 1916.
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owing to dissatisfaction of one sort or other. There is no Old Order congregation close enough to permit of their regular attendance at church services, however.
Productiveness of the land has aided in keeping the local congregation intact. Once under cultivation the land pro- duced, and continued to produce, in spite of the fact that little attention was given to the maintenance of fertility through the feeding of live stock. Farming proved a profit- able occupation and the land increased in value in even greater proportion than it did in adjoining localities or communities. Few crop failures from drouth, hail, or other causes have been experienced by members of the local group.
Thus far the factors favoring unity have outweighed the tendencies toward dissolution of the local congregation. It is questionable how long this will continue to be true, how- ever. The influences which have contributed to group soli- darity appear to be weakening. Seclusion of the local group is becoming more difficult. Barriers to travel and other means of communication are disappearing. Business con- tacts with the outer world are increasing. Formal educa- tion is broadening the outlook. Social participation with other groups is increasing. In view of these and other changes which are beginning to affect the solidarity of the local group a social study or analysis of the congregation is of interest.
SOCIAL STUDY OF THE LOCAL CONGREGATION
A social study of the local congregation was conducted by the survey method in 1920. Visits were made to 47 of the 65 homes represented in the membership of the con- gregation. The information obtained from these visits per- tained to the composition of the family; birthplaces of the parents; education, including schooling, of the different
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members of the family; farm business aspects, including farm practices; family living conditions; and recreation activities and opportunities. It was recorded on survey blanks or schedules prepared especially for the purpose. The information for 17 of the schedules was secured from the male head of the family, for 15 it was secured from the female head, and for 15 it was secured from both.
Thirty-nine of the 47 families lived in the open country and 8 lived in the village of South English. Thirty-five of the families were engaged in farming. Two other families living in the open country had retired on the home farms and two had retired on smaller (ten-acre) farms near the church. The eight families which lived in the village in- cluded three retired farmers, one teamster, three widows, and one unmarried woman.
The 35 active farmers comprised 22 owners, 9 tenants, and 4 hired men. Three of the hired men were employed by the month and one was employed by the day throughout the year. Three of the owners and one of the tenants were ministers. One of the owner-ministers placed farming sub- sidiary to church work.
Composition of the Family. - The term, family, as here used refers to the persons who were living at home at the time of the survey. Adult sons and daughters who had left home are not included in the parental family. The parentage of 9 husbands and 8 wives in the families visited is accounted for in 9 other families included in the study. Several young people now in college are considered mem- bers of the families visited. There were 177 persons in the 47 homes of the study, including 43 male and 47 female heads of families. The 87 children were distributed among sex and age groups, as indicated in the table on the follow- ing page.
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The average age of male heads of families amounted to 44 years, compared to an average age of 42.5 years for the female heads of families. The average size of family was 3.8 persons. This was lower than a similar average for the State as a whole which in 1920 was 4.1.54
AGE
MALE
FEMALE
TOTAL
5 or less
16
14
30
6 - 10
12
8
20
11 - 15
6
5
11
16 - 20
9
9
18
21 or more
4
4
8
-
Total
47
40
87
Birthplace of Parents. - Twenty-one of the 43 male heads of families were born in Iowa, 15 in Virginia, 5 in Illinois, 1 in Missouri, and 1 in Indiana. Twenty-seven of the 47 female heads were born in Iowa, 10 in Virginia, 3 in Penn- sylvania, 3 in Illinois, 2 in Indiana, 1 in Ohio, and 1 in Colorado. Parents of 33 of the male heads of families were born in Virginia; 3 had parents born in Virginia and Iowa, 2 in Virginia and Pennsylvania, 2 in Iowa and Pennsylvania, 1 in Ohio, 1 in Indiana, and 1 in Illinois. Parents of 25 of the female heads of families were born in Virginia, of 7 in Iowa, of 3 in Pennsylvania, of 3 in Ohio, of 2 each in Ohio and Indiana, and Ohio and Virginia, and of 1 each in Illinois and West Virginia, Iowa and Pennsylvania, Iowa and Virginia, Ohio and Switzerland, and Ohio and Germany respectively. Nativity of the female heads of families, as well as of their immediate ancestors, shows the wider range.
The data in the preceding paragraph bear out the pre- valent opinion that the English River congregation is pri- 54 United States Census, 1920, Vol. II, p. 1267.
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marily of "Virginia origin". While the first group of pioneers came from Allen County, Ohio, the homes of the majority of their followers seem to have been the better farming sections of Virginia, especially the Shenandoah Valley.
Schooling. - Twelve of the 43 male heads of families had had more than eight grades of schooling or its equivalent. With the exception of one high school graduate, however, none of the 12 had gone beyond the tenth grade. Three of them had taken some work, including special Bible study, at the Mount Morris Academy. Another, a minister, had spent two years at the Bethany Bible Institute. The high school graduate had completed one year's work at Mount Morris College and had attended the Iowa State Teachers College during one summer term. Nine of the female heads of families had had high school work. Two of them were twelfth grade graduates, three had been students at the Mount Morris Academy, and two had taken special work at the Iowa State Teachers College. One of the two com- pleted the two-year teachers' training course. Four of the nine had taught at some time in the rural schools of Vir- ginia or Iowa.
Nine of the boys had taken some high school work. Two of these had graduated from the twelfth grade, two dropped out in the eleventh grade, and the others were enrolled in school at the time of the study. Four of the girls were in high school. Another girl, a high school graduate, with six weeks normal training, was serving as a rural school teacher. One boy and one girl were attending the Mount Morris Academy.
None of the parents of the heads of families included in the study had had more than eight grades of schooling. Fathers of two of the heads of families had been teachers.
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Fathers of sixteen of them and brothers of eighteen of them had served as Brethren ministers.
The above figures indicate the lack of hostility, as well as indifference to, formal schooling of members of the local congregation. A further indication of this lack of hostility to education is gleaned from the answers to the questions of whether consolidated schools and better State institutions of higher learning, involving higher taxes, were favored. Twenty-five of the persons questioned favored higher taxes for consolidated schools, twelve opposed them, and nine were undecided. Seven of the favorable answers were qualified with "if for the best interest of education", "if the transportation problem can be solved", "if the school can be located in the open country and made a community center", "if consolidation does not mean a new building for a year or two", "voted against the plan proposed to get consolidation in our district", and "consolidate the schools, with higher taxes if necessary". Six of the un- favorable answers were qualified with, "not a good thing for the state of Iowa", "rural school is better if it could be had", "tuition plan in village serves as well", "trans- portation is the main draw back", "children are on the road too long", and "children are not benefited by being on the road from two to four hours a day".
Seventeen of the replies to the question, "Do you favor better State institutions of higher learning, involving or necessitating higher taxes?", were in the affirmative and eleven were in the negative. Nineteen of the persons ques- tioned were undecided. Five of the affirmative answers were qualified with, "they mean better opportunities", "I like to see men educated", "I think we need educated men", "better State institutions, higher taxes if necessary", and "if higher taxes are needed". Two of the negative answers were qualified with, "I like to see better schools, but taxes
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are high enough", and "how do they (State institutions) help the farmer?" About half of the undecisive answers were in the form of, "I don't feel much concerned about such things", "I'm not well enough read to answer", or "I can't answer intelligently".
According to the opinions expressed by several of the persons visited, a closer relationship between the farmers and the State College of Agriculture would prove a decided advantage to the welfare of the neighborhood. Two of the men who had attended a farmers' short course several years ago felt well repaid for time and money spent in doing so. Three others expressed opinions to the effect that more advantage should be taken of help offered by the State Col- lege of Agriculture as a means of securing better results in farming.
Fifteen of 39 farm families were receiving or had re- ceived at one time or another bulletins from the State Col- lege of Agriculture. Ten of the 15, in addition to 3 others, were familiar with the farmers' bulletins of the United States Department of Agriculture. Three farmers stated that they received benefits from the State Agricultural Ex- periment Station work through the columns of several farm journals.
Farm Business Aspects. - The size of farms operated by the 22 owners ranged from 52 to 280 acres with an aver- age of 144.4 acres per farm. For the 9 tenants the range was from 80 to 268 acres, with an average of 148.4 acres. The average size of farm for both owners and tenants is about midway between similar averages for Keokuk County and the State - 135.5 acres and 164.9 acres respectively.55
The average value of farm land, drawn from estimates as high as $500 per acre on the one hand and as low as $200
55 Census of Iowa, 1915.
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per acre on the other hand was $333 per acre for the 31 farms. A part of the wide range in estimated land values was due to differences in topography : the more rolling or rougher the land, the lower the estimated value placed on it. Some of the range in estimated values was attributed to differences in improvements on the land.
Four of the 31 farms included in the study changed hands during the year ending April 30, 1920. This was to be ex- pected, however, since several farms not included in the study within the neighborhood and a relatively large num- ber outside the neighborhood changed hands during the same period.
An indication of the diversity of farm operations may be gained from the average number of acres devoted to the three principal farm crop enterprises for the year of study.
AVERAGE NUMBER OF ACRES PER FARM IN CROPS
Corn
Oats
Hay
All farm operators (31) Owner operators (22)
46
29
11
45
28
9
Tenant operators (9)
48
31
16
Fifteen of the owners and seven of the tenants kept hogs and cattle. Five of the owners, and two of the tenants kept hogs only. Two of the owners raised no hogs or cattle other than for securing meat and milk for family living uses. One of the tenants had a fair-size flock of sheep. Twenty of the owners sold both corn and oats from the farm. One sold corn, and one sold oats only. Two bought corn for fatten- ing stock, primarily cattle which were shipped in car load lots when finished.
The 22 owner operators employed paid labor for approx- imately 4 months per year, on an average. In addition they
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used unpaid labor amounting to the equivalent of a farm hand for 4 months per farm per year, primarily boys over fifteen years of age in the family. The tenant operators employed hired labor for 5.3 months per farm per year. There was no unpaid labor on the tenant farms. The wages paid per month to employed farm hands averaged $68 for owner operators, compared to $58 for tenant operators. Room, board, laundry, and pasture for a horse were fur- nished in addition to money wages paid to hired men who were housed with the employer's family.
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