USA > Illinois > Ninety-Second Illinois Volunteers > Part 1
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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38
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M. L.
REYNOLDS HISTORICAL GENEALOGY COLLECTION
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ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 00824 1736
Ninety-Second
92ndL -
Illinois Volunteers. 1
. What we say here will soon be forgotten ; but what they did here will ever live in the Nation's memory."-Abraham Lincoln, a: ( .. 'yeburg.
FREEPORT. ILLINOIS: ... ... PUBLISHING HOUSE AND BOOK BINDERY. 15.5.
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9 I 1
F8349.1765 1
1/02/2016
Entered according to the Act of Congress in the year 1875, by the NINETY-SECOND ILLINOIS REUNION ASSOCIATION, In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C.
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Dawes F 8349 .1765
Illinois infantry. 02d regt., 1862-1SC. Ninety-second Illinois volunteers. Freeport. Ill .. Journal steam publishing house and bookbindery. 1875. 300 p. 101cm.
Prepared by a committee appointed by the Ninety-second Illinois re- union association, at their third reunion, 1573.
SHELF CARD
1. U. S .- Hist .- Civil war-Regimental histories-III. inf .- 22d.
2-127-0
186298 Library of Congress
1505.5.02.1.
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Preface.
This work is published by the Ninety-Second Illinois Reunion Association, under the supervision of a Committee, appointed at the third Reunion, at Mt. Carroll, September 4, IS73. Neither member of the Committee had any qualification for the proper performance of the task imposed upon them; neither had a scratch of a pen to aid in the compilation of the work ; neither had time at his disposal to devote to it. The material facts have been gathered from the diaries and old letters of the members of the Regiment, and have been hastily thrown together in chrono- logical order. That it is but a broken fragment of an imperfect sketch of the services of the Regiment, the Committee well know, and full of imperfections, they fear; but they submit it to the generous consideration of their comrades, hoping that it may serve to revive, in the memory of each one who was a soldier in the Ninety-Second, some pleasant remembrance.
THE COMMITTEE.
Freeport, Illinois, January 15, 1875.
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Contents.
CHAPTER I.
What was It All About-The Slavery Question-The Missouri Compromise of 1820-The Fugitive Slave Law of ts50-The Kansas-Nebraska Bill- The Election of President Buchanan, in 1856-The Debate between Douglas and Lincoln, in Illinois, in 1558-The Election of President Lincoln, in 1860-The Deliberate secession Preparations by the South - President Lincoln's Inaugural Address-The Progress of the Contest until July 1, 1862-The Call for Three Hundred Thousand Additional Volunteers-How It Happened that the Ninety-Second Went to the 9 War
CHAPTER II.
Recruiting-Regimental Organization-The First Dress Parade-Camp Life at Rockford-Regimental Drill in Presence of the Ladies-The First March-The First Man Wounded-Camp at Covington. Ky .-- Orders to March-Company A Buy's Mutton for the Hospital-Camping in a Snow-Storm- Lexington-Mt. Sterling-The Diheulties on the Negro Question-Kentucky Methodists-Marching Away from It. Sterling-Winchester-Suits Against the Colonel for Stealing Negroes -Lexington-Nicholasville-Marching Atter John Morgan-A Slave AAuction-Taking the Oath of Allegiance- .r Louisville- Embarking
on Steamers- Good-Bye, Loyal Kentucky." 25
CHAPTER III.
Down the Ohio-Up the Cumberland-Fort Donelson-Nashville-Reso- lutions-March to Franklin-Offering Battle to Van Dorn-Brentwood -Back to Franklin-The New Chaplain-March to Trinne-Forrest's Attack on Trine-Shelbyville -- The Colour's Application to be De- tached from the Reserve Corps-Wartrace-The Regiment Mounted, and Assigned to Wilder's Brisade of Monird Infantry-Camping at
CHAPTER IN.
The Campaign Against Chattanooga-Over the Cumberland Mountains- Artillery Practice at Harrison's Landing- First Scout on Lookout Mountain-Leading the Army of the Cumberland into ( hatt.moon-
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Catawba Wine-Fighting Forrest at Ringgold, Georgia-Rebel Spies Pretending to be Deserters-Gordon's Mill-Marching Down Lookout Mountain in the Storm and Darkness-Scouting Along the Chattanooga Before the Battle-The Battle of Chicamauga-How MeCook's Corps Was Surprised and Ronted-Back to Harrison's Landing-A Dying Woman-Back Again Over the Cumberland Mountains-Caperton's Ferry-Off for Huntsville-Judge Hanmond's Plantation-The Cold New Year's Night, 1864-Pulaski, Tenn .- Back to Huntsville-Skirmish at Bainbridge Ferry-Fight at Sweetwater-Trianna-Scouting Along
the Tennessee-Detached from Wilder's Brigade.
......
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CHAPTER V.
From Huntsville to Ringgold-Beautiful Camp at Ringgold-The Massacre at Nickojack-Reconnoissances Under Kilpatrick-Nickojack Avenged -Lieutenant Colonel Sheets and Major Bohn Complimented in Reso- Intions-General Movement of Sherman's Army Against Jo Johnston -- Kilpatrick Wounded-Reseca-Guarding the Railroad-Kilpatrick Re- turns-Outpost Duty on the Chattahoochee-Dave Boyle's Capture and Escape-Band Horses Gobbled-Laying Pontoons at Sandtown-Cut- ting Railroad at West Point-Raiding Around the Rebel Army at Atlanta-Night Fighting at Jonesboro-Kilpatrick, Surrounded, Cuts His Way Out-Swimming the Cotton River-Saving the Bridge Across Flint River-Brilliant Diversion on the Right of the Army of the Tennessee-Glass's Bridge-Fall of Atlanta -- The Summer's Campaign Ended 192
CHAPTER VI.
No Rest-Off Again After Hood-Powder Springs-Drawing the Enemy's Fire-Picking Out a Farm-Van Wert-Washing for Gold in the Gold Mines-Marietta-Getting Ready for the Great March-The Start-Bear Creek-Pontoons Described-Feinting on Forsyth and Macon-Crews's Rebel Brigade Scattered-Repulsing the Enemy Near Macon-Sher- inan's Bummers -- Milledgeville-" Blowed Up" -- Holding the Rear Against Wheeler and hampton-Repuking the Rebel Cavalry Near Buckhead Creek-Resting at Louisville, Georgia-Destroying Railroads -The Battle of Waynesboro-Capturing a Rebel Major-A Negro He's thave-Covering the Rear of the 14th A. C .- Our Friends Cruelly Le!1 Belfind-Covering the Rear of the Ith A. C .- Fall of Fort MeAl- Hver-Midway Church-Down to the Ocean's Edge-Lockridge's Capture and Escape-Fall of Savannah-Sherman's Letter to Kilpatrick - 105.
CHAPTER VII.
In! Kontakt About So much -Starting on the March Again - : Hot Bath Into Sol mona-Hanwei-The Rebel Trap .. When The Nine ty-Second, Completely Surrounded by the Enemy, Gallontty Cuts It. Way Ont-Exchanging Prisoners with Wheeler- Sending Up Sky-Rocket-Running Into the Rebel Camps at Night - Bragaboto -Benton ville - News of Lee's Surrender-Fighting Near
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Raleigh-Entering Raleigh -- Chapel Hill -- Marching Along, Gray-Coat and Blue-Coat, Together-Concord-Mustered Out -- Homeward-Bound -- The Three Years' Soldiering Ended. 207
CHAPTER VIII.
Roster of Field and Staff-Roster of Each Company of the Regiment -- Ros- . ter of Unassigned Recruits 25L
CHAPTER IX.
Statement of Charles W. Reynolds, who was Taken Prisoner at Nickojack -Statement of Nathan C. Tyler-Statement of Don R. Frazer -- Carry- ing a Dispatch -- Chat with a Southern Lady-Foraging in South Caro- lina -- Venison Steak, and How the Boys Got It -- Captain Smith's New Boots -- Serenading a Deaf and Dumb Asylum ... 306
CHAPTER X.
The Reunion at Polo, September 4th, 1867 -- General Atkins's Address-A Reunion Association Organized -- The Reunion at Freeport, September 4th, 1870 -- General Sheets's Address -- The Reunion at Mt. Carroll, Sep- tember 4th, 1873-Major Woodcock's Address.
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CHAPTER I.
WHAT IT WAS ALL ABOUT .- THE SLAVERY QUESTION .- THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE OF IS20 .- THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW OF 1850 .- THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL .- THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT BUCHANAN IN 1856 .- THE DRED SCOTT CASE .- THE DEBATE BETWEEN DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN IN ILLI- NOIS IN IS58 .- THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN IN IS60 .- THE DELIBERATE SECESSION PREPARATIONS BY THE SOUTH .- PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS .- THE PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST UNTIL JULY 1, IS62 .- THE CALL FOR THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND ADDITIONAL VOLUNTEERS. -HOW IT HAPPENED THAT THE NINETY-SECOND WENT TO THE WAR.
What was it all about? How did it happen that the Ninety- Second Regiment went to the war? These are questions for a reply to which the old members of the Ninety-Second will have no need to look into a book; they will find the ready answers engraven upon the tablets of their memories in characters that can never fade. But their children will be asking these questions. and we may as well answer them now. What was it all about? But that question reaches so far back into the past that we cannot 'eil the whole story. It was about the rights of man, and they began when Adam was created. If you throw a stone into a pond, a little circular wave will be caused upon the surface of the water, and the circle will grow larger, and inside of it will come another circle, and yet another, and another: and by and by are since oder je ciber side of the circle. wil once the print and that apply to further shore. And so it is with the great events in history. only there are no shores for the circles of influence to break upon : they go back, by relation, many hundreds of years in the past,
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and no man can tell how far the widening circles of influence of the great deeds of any age may reach into the coming centuries. We said it was about the rights of man. We will be more specific. It was about the rights of the black man; for, we think it safe to say now, whatever was said at the time, that African slavery was the real cause of the war. That is what it was all about. When the American Colonies were settled African slaves were intro- duced into the Colonies; the first were landed at Jamestown, in Virginia, by a Dutch trading vessel, in the year A. D. 1620. They were afterwards introduced into other Colonies, and before the American Revolution African slavery existed in most of the North American Colonies. During the Revolution the American slaves aided the American patriots in many ways. Many people believed that the Declaration of American Independence, upon which the American Revolution was fought, when it said "all men are created equal," meant ALL men, black as well as white: but many also believed that it did not apply to slaves, or Indians, or to any but white men. And when the American Revolution was ended, and liberty had been gained, it was construed not to mean liberty to black men, but to white men only. The Southern Colonies did not wish to give up slavery, yet there appeared at that time to be a general sentiment among the people at the North and South that slavery was wrong, and detrimental to the best interests of the newly developing communities: and when Virginia, in the year 1787, ceded to the General Government her title to the Territory out of which the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan have since been formed, on July 13, 1787, in the last Congress that convened under the Articles of Confederation, the Northwest Ordinance was passed for the government of all the Territory at that time owned by the infant Republic. And by Article VI of that Ordinance it was provided : "That there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said Territory otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." That was the way our revolutionary fathers provided for the government of the Territory belonging to the Union in the first legislative act they passed upon the subject.
But the invention of the Cotton Gin, a machine to separate the cotton seed from the cotton fibre, invented by Eli Whitney. in 1792, and afterwards brought into general use, made the culti- vation of cotton in the South, by slave labor, profitable: and also the cultivation of rice and sugar cane, by slave labor, becoming
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profitable at the South, there was built up thereby in the Southern Colonies a sentiment strongly favoring slavery. There were no such reasons for continuing slavery in the Northern Colonies, and it was abolished in New York and Pennsylvania, and the Colony of Massachusetts Bay refused to permit slavery when its State government was established. And in a few years after the adoption of the Federal Constitution, in 1789, there were but few slaves in the Northern States, and very few colored people. When the Federal Constitution was adopted, slavery was indirectly recognized in that fundamental law of the new Nation, by its providing, in Section IX of Article I, that "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress, prior to the year ISoS." This was well known to refer to the African slave trade, and it was a concession to the extreme Southern States. It did not apply to the Territories out of which new States might be carved, and afterwards admitted into the Union, but only to the States at that time existing. But in the early days of the Republic the best and most enlightened sentiment of the nation, North and South, tended toward the broadest liberty, and the American Congress, soon after the constitutional prohibition expired, prohibited the African slave trade, by declaring it piracy upon the high seas. For many years afterward, in the South, slavery continued to grow more and more profitable; in the North it died out entirely, and a strong senti- ment inimical to slavery rapidly grew up. In IS20, when Missouri was erected into a State, with slavery, it created great excitement and profound discussion in Congress and throughout the Nation ; but slavery already existed in Missouri by a clause in the treaty ceding the Louisiana Territory, out of which the State of Missouri was formed, to the United States, and at the instance of Jesse B. Thomas, United States Senator from Illinois. Slavery was allowed in that State, but prohibited in all the Western Territorial possessions of the United States in the future, North of 36° 30', that being the Southern line of the State of Missouri. That is known in history as the Clay Compromise, or Missouri Compromise of 1820. Some statesmen thought that it was the final settlement of all dificulty on the slavery question; but compromises seldom settle anything, and the Missouri Compromise of iSzo did not settle the slavery question ; it only postponed the day of settlement. The people of the South did not any the less desire to extend the area of slavery : the people of the North did
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not look with any less aversion upon the institution of slavery itself. The South saw the North prosperous, rapidly advancing in wealth and population, and new States preparing for admission into the Union, in which slavery would not be permitted. And the South saw its own section languishing in enterprise, and no new States continually coming into the Union at the South, to enable that section to hold the sanie relative political power in the Union ; and political power was passing rapidly into the possession of the more populous, more enterprising free States of the North. Slaves escaping from the plantations in the South were aided by Northern citizens, fed and clothed, and secretly and illegally forwarded on their journey to freedom, in Canada. Free men of color from the North were reduced to slavery in some portions of the South. Freedom of speech was denied in a great portion of the South, and any one who there asserted that slavery was wrong was at the mercy of the mob, and always of a mob that had no mercy. Slaveholding was denounced in the North in a portion of the public press, and from the pulpit and the stump. In 1850 there was great excitement again in Congress ; the ghost of slavery, although compromised out of sight in 1820, would not stay down. The South demanded, with bitterness and threats of war and disunion, additional safe-guards against the escape of their slaves; and the North, or many people at the North, did not like to become slave-hunters for Southern slave masters. But the South, being united, succeeded in dividing the North, and carrying with its section a portion of the Democratic party of the North, passed the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, so harsh in its terms as to meet the bitter denunciation of many of the wisest and best men at the North Many men refused to obey the law, and were sustained in such refusal by the Supreme Courts of many of the Northern States. In 1854 Kansas and Nebraska were organized into Territories, and the bill for that purpose, introduced into the Senate by Stephen A. Douglas, Senator front Illinois, in express terms trampled down the compromise adopted at the instance of Jesse B. Thomas, Senator from Illinois, in IS20. The excitement was intense, and the slavery question was almost the only question publicly discussed in the press and on the stump, both at the North and South. The South was united and the North divided. Most of the Democratic party at the North. following the lead of Senator Douglas, joined with the united South, and the Kansas- Nebraska bill was passed, on July 13. IS54. providing that Kansas and Nebraska, notwithstanding the Com-
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promise of 1820, dedicating that Territory to freedom, might come into the Union as States, "with or without slavery," as the people might determine at the time of their admission into the Union. Then came a race as to who should settle up those Territories, Southern people favoring slavery, or Northern people favoring freedom. The Southern planter went with his slaves, his prejudice against education, his pistol and his bowieknife. The Northern people sent out colonies of settlers with bibles and Sharpe's rifles, and the Northern settlers in Kansas built school houses and churches, and roads, and mills; read their bibles as their Pilgrim Fathers had done before them, and defended their settlements with their rifles. They were raided upon and many times temporarily overpowered by the bands of slaveholders from Missouri and Arkansas, but the Northern settlers in Kansas went to stay, and they did stay. In the long run intelligence and free labor always triumph over prejudice and slavery. They triumphed in Kansas and Nebraska.
But, while the contest was being fought out in Kansas and Nebraska-Yankee intelligence and freedom against Southern prejudice and slavery-many other interesting phases of the con- test were developing. One of the most interesting, and one that ultimately assumed the most prominent part in the solution of the slavery question in the United States, was a law case that arose in the State of Missouri; an action of trespass vi et armis, by Dred Scott, a negro, against one Sanford, who claimed to be his master, to try the question of Dred Scott's freedom, and the freedom of his wife and children: which case found ity way into the Supreme Court of the United States. The facts in the case were as follows: Dred Scott, the negro, was taken by his master, voluntarily on the part of his master, in the year 1534, to Rock Island, in the free State of Illinois, and for two years held in Rock Island as a slave, forty-seven years after the adoption of the North-West Ordinance of 1;87, which threw its protecting shield of freedom over all the Territory from which the State of Illinois was formed, and sixteen years after the Free State Con- stitution of Illinois was adopted. The negro was then taken by his master to the military post of Ft. Snelling, in Minnesota, and there held as a slave two years longer. During the time he was held as a slave in Minnesota, Dred Scott was married, and had two children born unto him. The case was argued in the Su- preme Court of the United States, at December Term, A. D. 1855; but it was not decided at that term. The Presidential cam-
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paign of 1856 was approaching. The Democrats nominated James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, for President; the Republi- cans nominated John Charles Fremont, who was the first Republican candidate for the Presidency. The canvass was exceedingly earnest, and the points upon which it turned were the extension of slavery and the breaking down of the Missouri Compromise of IS20. The supporters of Fremont were called " black Republicans," and " negro worshippers," and great preju- dice seemed to exist against them. They were not successful in that Presidential campaign, and James Buchanan, the Democratic candidate, was elected President of the United States. The Senate and Lower House of Congress were overwhelmingly Democratic. The South had apparently triumphed ; they controlled two of the three important branches of the Government under the Constitution of the United States-the Executive and the Legislative-and they were sure of the other branch-the Judicial. Surely, if now, having the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government with them, they could "clinch" the repeal of the Missouri Compromise with a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, then abolition hate, and Yankee ingenuity and pluck, could not prevail against them. The decision came immediately after the election. The Dred Scott case was decided by the Supreme Court of the United States, at the De- cember Terin, 1856. In that case, it was decided to be the law of the land, so far as the Supreme Court of the United States could decide it to be law: First, that negroes had no rights which white men were bound to respect, and consequently that no person who had African blood in his veins could be a citizen of the United States, even to the extent of being able to sue in its courts for his liberty or the liberty of his child. Second, that the right of property in human beings was distinctly affirmed in the Constitution of the United States. Third, that slavery could not be prohibited in the Territories by any authority whatever, or any- where else where the Constitution of the United States was the paramount law. Fourth, that Dred Scott was lawfully held as a slave, both at Rock Island, in the free State of Illinois, and at Ft. Snelling, in Minnesota, and that it would have made no differ- ence had he been taken there with the intention of a permanent residence.
It was supposed by many that this decision, by the most august judicial tribunal in the world, would settle the slavery question forever. The fact was that it unsettled it more than the
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passage of the Fugitive Slave Law in IS50, or the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854. The court went too far. It was easy to be seen that, if that decision was to be followed out to its logical extent, there was no such thing as freedom anywhere in the United States for the black man; not in the Territories, nor yet in the States, for the Constitution of the United States was recognized as the paramount law in all the States and Territories. The Northern people, the anti-slavery people of the United States, denied the binding authority of that decision. They pronounced it monstrous, but they never dreamed of going into a rebellion over it. In the press, and in the pulpit, and on the stump, it was denounced. Greater political excitement prevailed than was ever known before. More colonies of settlers, and more bibles, and more rifles were sent by Massachusetts to Kansas. In IS58, in Illinois, the most remarkable political debate that had ever occurred in the history of the United States took place. Senator Stephen A. Douglas, the author of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, which repealed the Missouri Compromise of ISzo, and Abraham Lincoln, Esq., of Springfield, Illinois, met in joint public debate, and the turning points of the whole series of debates were the questions of the extension of slavery, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott case. Senator Douglas, as the champion of the Democratic party, athirmed the wisdom of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the binding force of the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott case; and Mr. Lincoln, as the champion of the Republican party, deplored both, and contended for a return to the tendencies in favor of freedom, which prevailed in the infancy of the Republic. It was the contest of intellectual giants. But Illinois went Democratic, and Senator Douglas and the Democratic party had the immediate victory. So confident was the South, in complete victory, with every department of the Government sustaining slavery, that the African slave trade was actually revived, and a ship load of African slaves imported into Georgia, by G. B. Lamar, of Savannah.
In 1860 came on another Presidential campaign. Four candi- dates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States were presented for the suffrages of the people. The contest was one of the most exciting that had ever occurred. The Demo- cratic party was divided; one wing of that party supported Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, for President, and Herschel V.
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Johnson, of Georgia, for Vice-President; the other wing of the Democratic party supported John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, for President, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Vice- President. The old-line Whigs supported John Bell, of Tennessee, for Presi- dent, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The Republican party supported Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, for President, and Hanibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Vice-President. Under the Constitution of the United States the vote is not direct for President and Vice-President; but in each State the voters vote for "Presidential Electors," as many as the State has Senators and Representatives in Congress. After the election, these Presidential Electors form an Electoral College, and a majority of votes in the Electoral College elects the President and Vice-President. The result of the Presidential election in 1860 was that, in the Electoral College, Lincoln and Hamlin had one hundred and eighty electoral votes; Douglas and Johnson had twelve electoral votes; Breckenridge and Lane had seventy- two electoral votes: Bell and Everett had thirty-nine electoral votes; that is, Lincoln and Hamlin had a majority of fifty-seven electoral votes, in the Electoral College, over all opposing candi- dates. Curious students of history may wish to examine the popular vote, which was as follows: Lincoln and Hamlin received 1,857,610; Douglas and Johnson, 1,365,976; Breckenridge and Lane, S47,553: Bell and Everett. 590,631. The election of Lincoln and Hamlin was the first great victory of the Republican party, and the anti-slavery sentiment of the Nation. And never was there a fairer election held, except that the supporters of Lincoln and Hamlin were mobbed in many, if not all, of the Slave States. Had the Democrats not quarrelled, and voted solidly, they must have succeeded. It seemed that the Southern Democrats deliberately resolved to quarrel, divide the Democratic vote, and thereby help to elect Lincoln and Hamlin, and for no other reason than that they might organize the Rebellion ; and in support of this view it may be mentioned that, at Charleston, South Carolina, the hot-bed of secession, on November 7th, IS(x), the very day following the election of Lincoln and Hamlin, the news of their election was received with cheers by the Secession. isto of that rebel city, and oil lamps for a " Southern Con federacy:" and on the ninth of November, Des only two days after the election of Lincoln and Hamlin, the citizens of Charles. ton, South Carolina, attempted to seize the United States arms in Fort Moultrie, one of the United States forts in Charleston Harbor.
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