History of La Salle County, Illinois, Part 17

Author: Hoffman, U. J. (Urias John), b. 1855
Publication date: 1906
Publisher: Chicago : S.J. Clarke Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1286

USA > Illinois > LaSalle County > History of La Salle County, Illinois > Part 17

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It has been argued by the prosecution that I, a foreigner, protected by the laws of my adopted country, should be the last to disobey those laws ; but in this I find nothing should destroy any sym-

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pathy for the crushed, struggling children of toil in all lands.

Surely, I have been protected. The fish in the rivers, the quail in the stubble, the deer in the forest have been protected. Shall I join hands with those who make wicked laws in crushing out the poor black man, for whom there is no pro- tection but in the grave, where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest?

It is true, sir, I am a foreigner. I first saw the light among the rugged and free hills of Scotland; a land, sir, that never was conquered, and where a slave never breathed. Let a slave set foot on that shore and his chains fall off forever, and he becomes what God made him-a man. In that far-off land I heard of your free institutions, your prairie lands, your projected canals and your growing towns. Twenty-two years ago I landed in this city. I immediately engaged on the public works, on the canal then building that connects this city with the great river of the West. In the process of time the state failed to procure money to carry on the public works. I then opened a prairie farm to get bread for my family, and I am one of the men that made Chicago what it is today, having shipped some of the first grain that was exported from this city. I am, sir, one of the pioneers of Illinois who have gone through the many hardships of the settle- ment of a new country. I have spent my best days, the strength of my manhood. I have eleven children who are natives of this my adopt- ed country. No living man, sir, has greater in- terest in its welfare; and it is because I am op- posed to carrying out wicked and ungodly laws, and love the freedom of my country, that I stand before you today.

Again, sir, I ought not to be sentenced because, as has been argued by the prosecution, I am an Abolitionist. I have no apologies to make for being an Abolitionist. When I came to this country, like the mass beyond the sea, I was a Democrat ; there was a charm in the name. But, sir. I soon found I had to go beyond the name of a party in this country in order to know any- thing of its principles or practice. I soon found that, however much the great parties of my adopted country differed upon banks, tariffs and land questions, in one thing they agreed, in try- ing which could stoop the lowest to gain the favor of the most cursed system of slavery that ever swayed an iron rod over any nation, the Moloch which they had set up, to which they of- fered as human sacrifice millions of the children of toil. As a man who had fled from the crush- ing aristocracy of my native land, how can I sup- port a worse aristocracy in this land? I was

compelled to give my name and influence to a party that proposed, at least, to embrace in its sympathies all classes of men, from all quarters of the globe. In this choice I found myself in the company of Clarkson and Wilberforce in my native land and Washington and Franklin, and many such, in this boasted land of the free ; and more than all these, the Redeemer, in whom I humbly trust for acceptance in my God, who came to heal the broken-hearted, to preach deliverance to the captives, to set at liberty those who were bruised ; yea, this very religion binds me to those in bonds as bound with them. Tell me, sir, with these views, can I be anything but an Abolition- ist ? Surely, for this I ought not to be sentenced.

Again, sir, I ought not to be sentenced, be- cause the fugitive slave law, under which I am torn from my family and business by the subtle tools of the slave-hunter, is at variance with both the spirit and letter of the constitution. Sir, I place myself upon the constitution in the pres- ence of a nation that has the declaration of in- dependence read to them every Fourth of July. and profess to believe it. Yea, in the presence of civilized man, I hold up the constitution of my adopted country, as clear from the blood of men and from a tyranny that would make crowned heads blush. The parties who prostituted the constitution to the support of slavery are trai- tors : traitors not only to the liberties of millions of enslaved countrymen, but traitors to the con- stitution itself, which they have sworn to sup- port. A foreigner upon your soil, I go not to the platforms of contending parties to find truth. I go, sir, to the constitution of my country. The word "slave" is not to be found. I read. "We. the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice,"-yes. sir, establish justice,-"to promote the general welfare, and to secure the blessing of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and estab- lish this constitution for the United States of America." These were the men that had pro- claimed to the world that ALL men were created equal, that they were endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights-life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness-and contented even unto death for seven long years. Can it be, sir, that these great men, under cover of those hallowed words. intended to make a government that should outrage justice and trample upon liberty as no other government under the whole heavens ever did ? This dreadful power that has com- pelled the great political parties of the country to creep in the dust for its power : that has de- bauched to a large extent the Christianity of the nation ; that bids a craven priesthood stand with golden rule in hand and defend the robbing of

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mothers of their babes and husbands of their wives ; that bids courts decree injustice. Sir, I plant myself upon the constitution, or demand for justice and liberty, and say to this bloody Moloch, away! Sir, the world has never fur- nished so great a congregation of hypocrites as those who formed the constitution, if they de- signed to make it the greatest slave-holder, slave- breeder and slave-catcher on earth. He is a great slave-holder that has a thousand slaves, but if this law is a true exponent of the constitution, this government, ordained for justice and lib- erty, holds four millions of slaves.

No, sir! no! for the honor of the fathers of my country, I appeal from the bloody slave-hold- ing statute to the liberty-loving constitution. While these fathers lived, state after state, in carrying out the spirit of the constitution, put an end to the dreadful system. The great Wash- ington, in his last will and testament, carried out the spirit of the constitution. But, sir, the law under which you may sentence me violates both the letter and the spirit of the constitution. I have a word to say upon the articles of the constitution, which it is claimed the fugitive slave law is designed to carry out. "No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or reg- ulation thereof, be discharged from such service of labor, but shall be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom such service or labor is due." This is the provision that is claimed transforms the government into a monster of iniquity. I have read over and over that article interpreted by all laws of language known to a plain man. How these three or four lines can transform this government, ordained to secure justice, into a mean tool to aid the plunderers of cradles, the destroyers of homes, the ravishers of women, and the oppressors of men, to carry on their hellish work-how can it do this thing. I cannot see. That article binds the several states separately not to pass a certain law, but where in it do we find a fugitive slave law? Where do you find a commissioner? Where do you find that the government is to hunt up and return at its own expense a slave that flees from his cruel and bloody master? Where in those lines is the au- thority to compel me to be a partaker in the crimes of the man-stealer? The general gov- ernment is not once mentioned; but the states in their separate sovereignties are named. But sir, this article expressly provides that the party making the claim shall have owed him service . or labor due from the party claimed. If Jim Grey owed service or labor, or money, to Phil- lips, I am the last man in the world to raise my

voice or hand to prevent Phillips, or any man from obtaining their dues. What I would grant to the devil himself I would not withhold even from the slave-holder-his due. Jim Grey claims that he does not owe Phillips a day's work 01 a dollar of money. Phillips claims that he owes him every day's work that has been de- posited in his bones and sinews; yea, the toil of his body and mind both, till death shall end the period of stipulated toil. Here is a ques- tion for legal examination and judicial discus- sion. Does the man Grey owe this man Phillips anything? The constitution is very clear and very plain in pointing out the way this question is to be settled.

But, sir, I have one consideration more that I will urge why sentence ought not to be pro- nounced against me. This law, which I think I have proved outrageous to the rights of man, is so obviously at variance with the law of that God that commands me to love Him with all my soul, mind, might and strength, and my neighbor as myself, and the Redeemer that took upon Him my nature and the nature of the poor Jim Grey, has been so particular in telling me who my neighbor is that the path of duty is plain to me. This law so plainly tramples upon the divine law that it cannot be binding upon any human being, under any circumstances, to obey it. The law that bids me do to other men as I would have other men do to me is too plain, too simple to be misunderstood. But, sir, I am now left to the general law of love in searching for my duty in this particular case. Permit me to refer your Honor to the oldest law book in existence, though it may not be in use in this court, yet I think it better authority than Blackstone, or any law book that ever was written. It is the Book of books. In that Book I find some special enactments given to the Hebrew commonwealth that leaves me no doubt as to my duty in ref- erence to this law: "He that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hands, he shall surely be put to death." Again: "Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee; he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates where it liketh him best, thou shalt not oppress him." These plain statutes, with many more that I might give, leave mne in no doubt as to the mind of the unchanging Jehovah in reference to man-stealing and slave-hunting. Sir, the whole system of slavery originated in man-steal- ing, and is perpetuated by fraud and violence and plunder. Others may have their doubts as to their duty under this law. I, sir, have none. This law is just as binding on me as was the law of

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Egypt to slaughter the Hebrew children; just as binding as the law that said, worship the golden image, worship not God; just as binding as the law forbidding Christ and his Apostles to preach the gospel. Send me a law bidding me to rob or murder my neighbor; I must decline to obey it. I can suffer, but I must not do wrong .. Send me a law bidding me to join hand in rob- bing my fellowmen of their freedom; I cannot do so great a wrong. Yea, send me a law bid- ding me stop my ears at the cry of the poor, I can suffer the loss of all these hands have earned, I can suffer bonds and imprisonment, yes, God helping me, I can give up my life, but I cannot knowlingly trample upon the law of my God nor upon the bleeding prostrate form of my fellow- man. I go not to Missouri to relieve oppressed humanity, for my duty has called me nearer home; but when He that directs the steps of men conducts a poor, oppressed, panting fugitive to my door, and there I hear his bitter cry, I dare not close my ear against it, lest in my ex- tremity I cry for mercy and shall not be heard. Sir, this law so flagrantly outrages the divine law that I ought not to be sentenced under it.

A single remark and I am done. From the testimony, part of which is false, and from your rendering an interpretation of the law, the jury have found me guilty ; yes, guilty of carrying out the great principles of the declaration of inde- pendence ; yes, guilty of carrying out the still greater principles of the Son of God. Great God, can these things be? Can it be possible ? What country is this? Can it be that I live in a land boasting of freedom, of morality, of Chris- tianity? How long, oh how long shall the peo- ple bow down and worship this great image set up in this nation? Yes, the jury say guilty, but recommend me to the mercy of the Court. Mercy, sir, is kindness to the guilty. I am guilty of no crime ; I, therefore, ask for no mercy. No, sir, I ask for no mercy; I ask for justice. Mercy is what I ask of my God. Justice in the courts of my adopted country is all I ask. It is the in- human and infamous law that is wrong, not me.

My feelings are at home. My wife and my children are dear to my heart. But, sir, I have counted the cost. I am ready to die, if need me, for the oppressed of my race. But slavery must die, and when my country shall have passed through the terrible conflict which the destruc- tion of slavery must cost, and when the history of the great struggle shall be candidly written, the rescuers of Jim Grey will be considered as having done honor to God, to humanity, and to themselves.

I am told there is no appeal from this Court, yet I do appeal to the court of high heaven,

where Judge Drummond and Judge Caton, the rescuer and the rescued, shall all have to stand at the judgment seat of the Most High.

I have, sir, endeavored to obey the divine law, and all the laws of my country that do not con- flict with the laws of my God. My humble wish is that it may then appear that I have done my duty. All I wish to be written on my tombstone is: "He feared God and loved his fellowmen."

THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE.

History was making rapidly in the '50s. The slavery question, which we have seen so pro- foundly affected the people of La Salle County, was causing like desperation all over the country. The constant efforts of the Democratic and the Whig parties were directed toward keeping down agitation on this question. The Missouri Com- promise of 1820 was thought would take the question out of national politics. This law de- cided definitely which could be slave territory and which must be free. It was thought that the slave states would be satisfied and that the north- ern people would now be quiet on the subject, for they had nothing to fear.

But the people who fought the institution on moral grounds would not be quiet. The Aboli- tionists grew more numerous and vehement. The cry that to discuss this question endangered the Union and that every patriot should at least keep still was quite effective. The agitators were gen- erally looked upon as traitors to the country. Then came the war with Mexico in 1846, which was clearly a slave holders' war to secure more territory for slavery. This again brought a more bitter discussion of the dread question, but was allayed by another compromise measure and a more drastic fugitive slave law.

Now that every northern man could be com- pelled to become a slave catcher, feeling rose to a high pitch among those who had been trying their best to keep still on the question.

So much feeling was aroused over the slavery question during and after the Mexican war, that in 1848 a large number left the Democratic party, nominated Martin Van Buren for president and called themselves "Free Soilers." The new party favored the abolition of slavery by the United States government wherever it could do so con- stitutionally, the prohibition of slavery in the ter- ritories and the non-interference with slavery in the slave states. Being composed of Democrats it helped to elect General Taylor, a Whig.

In 1854 Senator Douglas from Illinois intro- duced an amendment to a bill admitting Kansas and Nebraska, which repealed the Missouri Com- promise. This was enacted into law and thus

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permitted slavery in the territories. Close upon this came the Dred Scott decision of the United States Supreme Court, declaring that a slave holder could take his slaves into any state and keep them there. This opened every state to the despised institution.

So intense was the feeling against Douglas that he said he traveled all the way from Washington in the light of the fires which were kindled to burn him in effigy. When he returned to Chi- cago and on a Saturday night in a public meet- ing tried to explain his course, the audience howled until midnight. Douglas unable to speak pulled out his watch and sail. "It is now the Sab- bath. I am going to church and you may go to hell."

Douglas was a candidate for re-election to the senate in 1858. Two years before the new Re- publican party had elected its candidate for gov- ernor, Wm. H. Bissell. They hoped to elect a senator and put forward as their candidate Abra- ham Lincoln.

Mr. Lincoln challenged Senator Douglas to a joint debate of the political issues. This Douglas hesitated to do. He told his friend Lincoln had everything to gain and nothing to lose, while he being well known, had nothing to gain and every- thing to lose. Then, too, he said Lincoln was more able in debate than was generally known.

But the agreement was entered into and the first meeting was to take place in Ottawa on the 21st day of August.

By this time all the dissatisfied, excepting a few uncompromising Abolitionists had allied themselves with the new Republican party, Whigs, Free Soilers, Anti-Nebraska Men and a few Know-Nothings. The losses from the Dem- ocratic party both in numbers and in the charac- ter of its men were by no means insignificant. The question no longer was merely political, it was moral and took deep root in the conscience of the people.

The Buchanan administratin was against Douglas and desired him defeated. This unfair attitude of the administration, together with Douglas' great name and winning personality. aroused the enthusiasm of his friends. They were eager that the Little Giant should win and put forth every effort to that end.

The Republicans entered upon the contest with the greatest enthusiasm, yet not without misgiv- ings. Douglas' great ability, extensive experi- ence made him appear in their eyes a little giant not to be despised. Lincoln's awkard and ungain- ly figure, his record that of an unsophisticated country lawyer, seemed even to his closest friends as a poor match for Douglas. But Lincoln him- self seems to have had no misgivings. He knew

himself, he knew his opponent, he knew his cause and he knew the people. He was like them, just one of the common people.

We can readily believe this was a great day for La Salle County. About everybody went to Ot- tawa. The account of it in the Ottawa Repub- lican of August 29th gives and makes real how it appeared to the Republicans. It is to be re- gretted that the files of the Free Trader do not contain the copy of that paper of the same date.

FROM THE OTTAWA REPUBLICAN.

Should the weather be pleasant we expect to see many thousands of people in Ottawa. who will come to hear the great contest between free and slave labor for the supremacy, discussed by their respective Illinois champions, Lincoln and Douglas. Mr. Lincoln will be received by thou- sands of warm hearts, but in a simple, unostenta- tious manner, that being more agreeable to his wishes. The Douglas worshipers have bled themselves freely for money to make an impos- ing reception for their idol. They intend to re- pair to Buffalo Rock and take Douglas from the cars, and tote him into town as the Hindoos would a pagoda. The Republican committee have made the following arrangements for the Repub- lican procession, and it is hoped that all will join :

REPUBLICANS, ATTENTION.

The following will be the order of proceed- ings on tomorrow-between Hon. A. Lincoln and Hon. S. A. Douglas :

Mr. Lincoln is expected to arrive at II :45 a. m. on a special train from Chicago. He will be met at the depot by the committee and the Re- publican citizens en masse-and he will be re- ceived with a salute of thirteen guns. The Re- publican citizens will then be formed in proces- sion, and escort Mr. Lincoln through the princi- pal streets, to the residence of Hon. J. O. Glover. The following named persons are appointed mar- shals and they will meet the various delegations on reaching town, and assign them their place in the procession :

James Keeler, Chief Marshal.

ASSISTANT MARSHALS.

Chas. Paver. Thos. Hickey,

J. M. Tarbell, Thos. R. Courtney,

A. C. Putnam, William Fox.

J. B. Miller, O. A. Bates,

Albanus Grow, (). H. Bullen.

Frank Whitmore, John D. Olmstead,

E. W. Chamberlin, B. C. Mitchell,

D. W. C. Gooding, Chauncey Wade,

H. W. Hopkins, Solomon Degen,

Capt. John Hossack.

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The speaking will take place at the stand in Washington Square at 2 o'clock p. m., Mr. Doug- las will open and will speak one hour. Mr. Lin- coln will follow for one hour and a half and Mr. Douglas will rejoin for half an hour.

By Order of the Republican Committee. Ottawa, August 20. 1858.

POOR DOUGLAS.

In the past, while opposing Senator Douglas and his principles, we have ever accorded to him commanding talents, and, in point of ability, have ranked him among the first of our statesmen. So regarding him, we were surprised-amazed-at his opening speech on Saturday last. Had we not heard it from his own lips, we could scarcely have believed him capable of giving utterance to one so perfectly puerile and pointless. As a pot-house harangue it would take high rank, but as a vindication of principles it would dis- grace a tyro in politics. Instead of boldly pro- claiming the principles by which he expects to stand or fall, he indulges in low and ribald allu- sions to his opponent instead of laying down his platform and giving his reason for the faith that is in him,-he catechizes his opponent on irrevelant issues ; from this he proceeds to glorify himself in consequence of the position he has reached from an humble origin, while in the next breath he attempts to throw obloquy upon Mr. Lincoln's early life, who, according to his ( Doug- las) own showing has, like himself, risen to his present position by the force of talents acquired in the face of difficulties and adverse fortune. It is with regret that we witnessed this descent of Senator Douglas from the high-toned gentle- man to a pot-house brawler. We say it with re- gret, for we have heretofore felt a state pride in his acknowledged abilities, and it affords us no pleasure to see this evidence of his having passed the zenith of his greatness, and to mark how rapid is his decline. Even now, when the wrongs he has, through the promptings of mad ambi- tion, committed upon a people who trusted and honored him, are about to be terribly avenged and himself blotted from political existence, we pity him,-aye, we pity him-and would to God we could do away with the wrongs he has done himself and attempted to do the cause of human freedom. But the fiat has gone forth-mene, mene tekel upharsin will be his doom, and we will hear that doom rung loudest by many of the noble and honest hearts who aided to place him in his present position, but who now discard and disown him. Poor Douglas !

GREAT POLITICAL DEBATE

IN OTTAWA

BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS !

At an early hour processions began to arrive from the country, and until noon the stream of teams pouring from every direction were inces- sant. The extra train of cars from the west about II o'clock brought from three to five hun- dred from counties west of us; the eastern train a little later, had sixteen cars well filled, contain- ing not less than a thousand. The Marseilles and Morris delegations, nearly three hundred each came on canal boats, with banners and mottoes. They were nearly all Republicans and were re- ceived with tremendous shouts from the Repub- lican crowd. As Douglas came from Peru in a private carriage, his worshipers were all sent by the marshals that way to meet him. The Re- publicans repaired to the railroad depot to meet Mr. Lincoln who came on the special train from Chicago, about 12 o'clock. By this time the crowd about the depot had become immense, and as Lincoln made his appearance from the cars, three hearty cheers rent the air from thousands of Republican lungs, and the whole multitude appeared wild with delight. Mr. Lincoln was conducted to a carriage which had been beauti- fully decorated by the ladies ; two bands of music struck up a lively air and the procession moved down La Salle street-thence along Columbus to the mansion of Mayor Glover, whither Mr. Lin- coln was conducted amid the cheers of the im- mense crowd. All then dispersed to find dinner as best they could.

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History of La Salle County, Illinois, Part 17

Author: Hoffman, U. J. (Urias John), b. 1855 Publication date: 1906 Publisher: Chicago : S.J. Clarke Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1286

Author: Hoffman, U. J. (Urias John), b. 1855
Publication date: 1906
Publisher: Chicago : S.J. Clarke Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1286