USA > Illinois > Illinois in the fifties; or, A decade of development, 1851-1860 > Part 11
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Lincoln, as you will remember, made the opening speech at Freeport, and although his most telling points
166
One Listener "Talks Back"
were enthusiastically applauded, there was practically nothing in the responses of his audience to indicate that there were any Democrats among them. Douglas, in fact, opened his rejoinder with a compliment, not to the speaker for his calm and persuasive speech, but to the assembly for "the kind and respectful attention which they yielded not only to political friends but to those opposed to them in polities." He himself received at first the same kind of treatment, being even more fre- quently and vociferously applauded than Lincoln; but as he warmed up to his argument he began seemingly to try to irritate his opponents by calling them always "black" Republicans, with an angry and contemptuous emphasis on the word "black." The taunt was re- ceived in silence for a few times, and then loud eries of "white, white," began to come from all directions, every time he used the offensive epithet, and the clamor pres- ently became so great, after a peculiarly irritating ap- plication of it, that Douglas paused to remind his hearers "that while Lincoln was speaking there was not a Dem- ocrat vulgar and blackguard enough to interrupt him." It was at this point that my adhesion to republicanism became complete, and I shouted up to Douglas at the top of my boyish voice: "Lincoln didn't use any such talk." I was sharply reproved by those about me, and told that I must not "talk back"; and so stood in mor- tified silence until Lincoln again took the stand, when he began by saying: "The first thing I have to say to you is a word in regard to Judge Douglas's declaration about the 'vulgarity and blackguardism' in the audi- ence,-that no such thing as he says, was shown by any Demoerat while I was speaking. Now, I only wish, by way of reply on this subject, to say that while I was
167
"Who Is This Man Lincoln?"
speaking, I used no 'vulgarity or blackguardism' toward any Democrat." With this elaboration of my own sen- timent I need not say that I was relieved and delighted, or that I joined in the hearty "laughter and applause" with which the verbatim account of the speech says that this rejoinder was received. The published report, by the way, is not complete at this point, for I distinctly remember that Lincoln twice used the word "gentle- man," saying that the Democrats treated him like gen- tlemen, because he treated them as a gentleman should.
This was, of course, the crisis of my day's experience, and I recall nothing else of any consequence, probably because I had had my fill, and, like Abner Dean of the Stanislaus, the subsequent proceedings interested me no more.
Very truly yours,
STEPHEN A. FORBES.
While the leaders had implicit confidence in Lincoln's ability to hold his own many others were in dread lest their champion would prove no match for Douglas. As for the Democrats they spoke contemptuously of Lin- coln and were confident he would be badly worsted.
Time works many changes. In 1858 the question often asked was, "Who is this man Lincoln?" And the answer not infrequently was, "Oh, he's a lawyer from Springfield who imagines he can debate with Douglas!" The manner and tone in which these last words were spoken cannot be conveyed. but told much of the speak- er's contempt for what he conceived Lincoln would be able to achieve.
Today the young inquirer asks, "Who was Stephen A. Douglas ?" And the answer that the old citizen
168
Young Putnam at Cooper Union
makes is, "Oh, he's the man who opposed Lincoln in the great debate of 1858."
In a word, in the fifties Douglas brought the un- known Lincoln in the lime-light; today the fame of Lin- coln rescues Douglas from obscurity.
But notwithstanding the fears of some, in a moral and intellectual way, Lincoln more than held his own and really came out victor over the "Little Giant," as the admirers of Douglas were fond of calling him. But while in the election following the great debate Lincoln received the largest popular vote, yet the majority of the legislators elected were for Douglas and consequent- ly he was returned to the national senate.
Although Lincoln failed of election he won a reputa- tion in his debate with Douglas that could not be con- fined within state limits ; and later he accepted an invi- tation to address an audience in New York City where he delivered, his famous Cooper Institute speech that added greatly to his reputation in the East, and later helped him to win the presidential nomination.
One of Lincoln's greatly interested hearers was a cer- tain youth who later recorded what he heard, saw and felt on that memorable occasion as follows :*
"In February, 1860, it was my good fortune to se- cure a personal glimpse of Abraham Lincoln, the man who was to have the responsibility as leader in the great contest for the maintenance of the Republic. Lincoln had been invited by certain of the Republican leaders in New York to deliver the first of a series of addresses which had been planned to make clear to the voters the
*George Haven Putnam in "Memories of My Youth", G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1914.
169
The Man From the Prairies
purposes and the principles of the new party. As a result of the series of debates with Douglas in 1858, Lincoln's name had become known to many Republi- cans in the East. It was recognized that he had shown clear understanding of the principles on which the new party had been organized and that his counsel should prove of distinctive service in the shaping of the policy of the coming Presidential campaign. The Committee of Invitation included, in addition to a group of the old Whigs, of whom my father was one, representatives of Free-Soil Democrats such as William Cullen Bryant and John King.
Lincoln's methods as a political leader and orator were known to one or two men on the Committee, but his name was still unfamiliar to an Eastern audience. It was understood that the new leader from the West was going to talk to New York about the fight against slavery; and it is probable that the larger part of the audience expected something "wild and woolly". The West at that time seemed very far off from New York and was still but little understood or little realized by the communities of the East. New York found it diffi- cult to believe that a man from the prairies could have anything to say that would count with the cultivated citizens of the metropolis. The more optimistic of the hearers were hoping that perhaps a new Henry Clay had arisen, and these were looking for utterances of the ornate and grandiloquent kind, such as they had heard from Henry Clay and from other statesmen of the South.
My father had the opportunity, as a member of the Committee, of smuggling me in upon the platform at Cooper Union, and from the corner where I sat, I had
1
170
Not "Wild and Woolly"
a fair view of the speaker. The meeting was presided over by Bryant and the contrast between the cultivated chairman and the speaker was marked. Bryant, while short, gave the impression at once of dignity and of control. His magnificent big head, with the mass of flowing hair, was that of a bard. Bryant's fame as a poet has possibly eclipsed the importance of his service as an editorial teacher with the highest standards of citizenship and as a wise and patriotic leader of public opinion.
The first impression of the man from the West did nothing to contradict the expectation of something weird, rough, and uncultivated. The long, ungainly figure upon which hung clothes that, while newly made for this trip, were evidently the work of an unskilled tailor; the large feet and the clumsy hands of which, at the outset at least, the speaker seemed to be unduly conscious; the long gaunt head, capped by a shock of hair that seemed not to have been thoroughly brushed out, made a picture which did not fit in with New York's conception of a finished statesman. The first utterance of the voice was not pleasant to the ear, the tone being harsh and the key too high. As the speech progressed, however, the voice gained a natural and impressive modulation, the gestures were dignified and natural, and the hearers found themselves under the influence of the earnest look from the deeply set eyes and of the absolute integrity of purpose and of devo- tion to prineiple which impressed the thought and the words of the speaker. In place of a "wild and woolly" talk, illumined by more or less incongruous anecdotes, in place of a high-strung exhortation of general prin- ciples or of a fieree protest against Southern arrogance,
171
Restriction of Slavery Insisted Upon
the New Yorkers had presented to them a calm but forcible series of well-reasoned considerations upon which was to be based their action as citizens.
It was evident that the man from the West under- stood thoroughly the constitutional history of the coun- try; he had mastered the issues that had grown up about the slavery question; he realized, and was pre- pared to respect, the rights of his political opponents. He realized equally the right of the men whose views he was helping to shape, and he insisted that there should be no wavering or weakening in regard to the enforcement of those rights; he made it clear that the continued existence of the nation depended upon the equitable adjustment of these issues, and he held that such adjustment meant the restriction of slavery within its present boundaries. Ile maintained that such re- striction was just and necessary, as well on the ground of fairness to the blacks as for the final welfare of the whites. He insisted that the voters in the present states of the Union had upon them the largest possible meas- ure of responsibility in so controlling the great domain of the Republie that the States of the future, the States in which their children and their grandchildren were to grow up as citizens, should be preserved in full lib- .erty, and be protected against the invasion and the control of the institution that represented barbarity. Such a contention could interfere in no way with the recognition that was due under the obligations, entered into by the grandfathers and confirmed by the fathers, to the property rights of the present owners of slaves.
With the New Englanders of the anti-slavery group, the speaker emphasized that the restriction of slavery meant its early extermination; and with this belief he
172
Lincoln's Fairness
insisted that war for the purpose of exterminating sla- very from existing slave territory could not be justified. He was prepared, however, for the purpose of protect- ing against slavery the national territory that was still free, to take the risk of the war which was threatened from the South, because he believed that only through such action could the existence of the nation be main- tained. He believed further that the maintenance of the great Republic was essential not only for the wel- fare of its own citizens but for the interest and the development of free government throughout the world. He spoke with full sympathy of the difficulties and problems resting upon the men of the South, and he insisted that the matters at issue could be adjusted only with a fair recognition of these difficulties. Ag- gression must be withstood from whichever side of Ma- son and Dixon's Line it might be threatened.
I was but a boy when I first looked upon the gaunt figure of the man who was to be accepted as the peo- ple's leader in the great struggle, and listened to the calm but forcible arguments in behalf of the principles of the Republican party. It is not likely that I took in at the time with any 'adequate appreciation the - weight of the speaker's reasoning. I have read the ad- dress since more than once, and it is, of course, impos- sible to separate my first impressions from my later knowledge. I do remember that I was at once impressed with the feeling that here was a political leader whose methods differed from those of any politician to whom I had listened. His contentions were based not upon invective or abuse of the other fellow, but purely on considerations of justice, on that everlasting principle that what is just, and only what is just, represents the
173
Presidential Election of 1860
largest and highest interests of the whole nation. As I learned from the later history, this Cooper Union speech gave the keynote for the coming campaign, and it also decided the selection of the national leader not only for the Presidential campaign, but through the coming struggle. It was through the impression made upon New York, and later upon the States of the East, by Lincoln's speech and by the personality of the man, that the votes of New York and New England were se- cured for the nomination in Chicago of the man from ' Illinois."
The presidential election of 1860 was the most re- markable and, as the sequel proved, the most eventful political contest in the history of this country. Four tickets were in the field: The Republicans nominated Lincoln and Hamlin; the Northern wing of the Demo- cratic party, Douglas and Herschell V. Johnson; the Southern wing, J. C. Breckenridge and Joseph Lane; and finally the quickly organized Constitutional Union party brought out John Bell of Tennessee and Edward Everett of Massachusetts. This last was derisively re- ferred to as the "Kangaroo" ticket for the reason that Edward Everett, the candidate for vice-president, was a much abler man than Bell, the candidate for president. It is an interesting fact that while the last named was the only ticket of the four in the field that had the word Union as part of its designation, nevertheless, the man who headed this later became an avowed secessionist and cast his fortunes with the Confederacy.
That the newly formed Republican party with its avowed opposition to the further extension of slavery appealed specially to my immediate family need not be said.
174
An Ideal Election Day
' I was too young to vote, nevertheless I attended a number of political meetings and listened attentively to the speakers, one of the most eloquent and effective of whom was the older Richard Yates who a little later became the distinguished "War Governor" of Illinois.
All over the country a great many marching clubs were organized by the Republicans under the name of Wide-awakes". These clubs were largely made up of young men who carried wooden spears in day-time and torches at night. They were for the most part a rollick- ing, joy-loving lot, and no one realized that within two or three years instead of bearing harmless wooden spears, they nearly all would be carrying muskets with which to cripple and slay their fellow-men.
The presidential election of 1860 fell on November 6, a day I shall never forget. There was a cloudless sky and the air was as warm and soft as May. "Just the kind of a day for the Democrats to lose," said one of the wise ones. And they did lose. The Republican ticket had 180 votes in the electoral college, a majority of 57 over all.
The Republican popular vote aggregated a little less than two millions; the Douglas wing of the Democratic party a little more than a million and a quarter; the Breckenridge wing not quite a million; and the Consti- tutional and Union party about six hundred thousand.
Eight years later the two wings of the Democratic party came together and have since been a unit. The Constitutional Union party died a natural death when the sun went down on the evening of November 6, 1860.
In less than six weeks after President Lincoln was inaugurated the first shot was fired in one of the greatest Civil Wars in history and, which before its close, was
175
Destined to Exact a Heavy Toll
destined to exact, as part of its toll, the lives of five hundred thousand young men, the very flower and hope of the land .* But great as was its cost, this struggle preserved the Nation, cemented the Union of the States, and forever settled "The Question of Questions."
*See "Muskets and Medicine" by the author.
INDEX
Abolitionists, 160 "Academy", 101-107 Accidents, 18, 50, 128-9 A crying need, 27 Affairs, a man of, 54 Aftermath, political, 158-9 Almanacs, 14, 118-19 Alton, 163 American Party, 144 American River, 38 American Sunday School
Union, 14-75
Amity Hotel, 52
"A mighty hot hell", 52
Amusements, 76-84
Apple orchard, an, 30
Apple picking, 30-1
Apples, some old-time, 30
Appomattox, 149
Churches, 68-75
Asiatic cholera, 44-5
Atlantic Monthly, 120
Authors, 117, 118, 122
Bacon, curing of, 19
Backlogs, huge, 12
Barns, well filled, 29
Bar-room, 52 Battle line, a, 110, 114
Bed furnishings, 14
Bed, trundle, 13
Bed valances, 14
Beds, some old time, 14
Bell, John, 173-4
Benton, Senator Thomas 154-9
"Big" hominy, 19
Bond County, 145, 163
Books, library, 122
Books, medical, 124-7
Books, religious, 117
Buchanan, President, 146-7- 8, 161
Buggies, few in use, 26, 138 Bullets, molding, 35 "By-sun", hours, 25 Cabin, log, 11-19
Calhoun, Senator John C., 151-5 California, 36, 37-48, 100, 145, 151 California, gold, 36, 37-48
Candle-making, 33-4 Canning fruit, first, 20 Caps, percussion, 78 Caps, women's, 16, 17
Cass, Senator Lewis, 154-9 Cat-"out of the bag", 41 "Changing the mail", 51 Chandler, Senator Zack., 159 Characters, some unique, 49, 108 Chase, Senator Salmon P. 156-7 Chest, the pioneer's, 15
"Chivarees", 82
Cholera, 44-5
Church, an up-to-date, 68-9
Church people, 68-75
Cider and Gingerbread, 143
Civil War, 107, 136, 164, 175
Clay, Henry, 152-4
"Cloven-footed", 70
Clocks, few in use, 25
Coloma, 38-43 Colporteur, 119
Cooper Institute speech, 168- 173 Comet, Donati's, 83
Composition, school, 108 Compromise, Missouri, 146 156 Compromise, repeal of, 146 156-166
Constitutional Union Party, 174-5 Cyclone, a political, 159
Contest, a hunting, 79
Cooking utensils, 11-35
Cooper Union, 168
Cornfield, an Illinois in the 50's, 108-116 Counterfeit Detector, 62 Daily papers, 119 Dame Rumor, 55 Davis, Jefferson, 149, 155
Death of two forty-niners, 47
Debate, questions for, 85-7
Debaters, some village, 85-7 Declaimers, youthful, 108
Demand, keeping up with, 27-35 Democrats, 143-6-8, 167 Digging wells, 23 Discovery of California gold, 39 Diseases, the more common, 128-9 Dishes, blue-edged, 17
Divining rod, the, 23
Donati's comet, 83 Doctor, a botanic, 124-134
Doctor, an easy-going. 124-6
Doctor, an energetic, 128
Doctor, a mineral, 124-134
Doctors, two village, 123-133 "Dog-irons", 12
Douglas, Senator, 136, 156, 173
Dr. Jekyl and Mr. Hyde, 54 Dr. Tansy, 123-133
Dr. Tartar, 123-133
Dred Scott Decision, 161
Drinking water, 13
Drying fruit, 20
Elections, 142-148. 158, 173
Election day, a pleasant. 174 Election day, a rainy, 148 Era of Clay, Webster and Calhoun, 154 Era of the Revolution, 154 Era of Seward, Sumner and Chase, 154 Everett, Edward, 174
Expedient, a profitable, 38,41 Fence, a unique, 146 Fiddle, a Jerusalem. 32 Filmore and Donnelson, 143 Fire, borrowing, 18
Fire, unquenchable, 70 Fireplace, cooking over, 17, 18, 19 Fishermen, a pair of, 91-95 34 Food in pioneer days, 17-21, "Foot-pad", 14 Forbes, S. A., 163-7
Forbes, young, sees and hears Lincoln, 163-7 Foot-wear, 25 Fort, Sutter's, 36-46 Forty-niner, one, 43-5 Forty-niners, 43
Flag-raisings, 147
Flies, typhoid, (house), 53-4 Fly-screen, first use of, 53 Frank Leslies, 120 Fremont and Dayton, 147 Freeport, 163-7 Free schools, first, 101-2 Free State men, 156-174
Fruit, drying, 19-20
Fruit, first canning, 20
Fruit, wild, 20-1
Fugitive Slave-law, 154
Galesburg, 163 Game, wild, 76-9 General Scott, 143
Georgia, 42, 48
Giants in those days, 154
Giants, two, 162
Glimpse, a, of Lincoln, 168
God's Acre, 134
Going to mill, 21-2, 91-5
Gold! Gold, 39
Gold, California, 36-48, 135
Gold, first discovered, 39
Gold digging, 43
Gold Seekers, 36-48
Goldsmith, 57, 76, 97-8
Goose-yokes, 65-6
Grain-cradle, 11 Grain, threshing, 32-3
Greely, Horace, 120, 157
Greenville, Ill., 163
Green, Senator, J. S., 159 "Ground-hog", 32 Harbor, a reptilian, 93-4 "Hard" money, 61-2 Harper and Brothers, 122 Harper's Monthly, 120 Harper's Weekly, 120 Heat-plant, the pioneer's, 12 "Hell" a mighty hot, 52 "Hell on the Wabash", 128 Highland, Ill., 145 Highway, a miniature, 125
Hike's store, 58-66 Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 125 Home-dyes, 24 Home-spun, 24, 134 Horace Greely, 120 Horn, a hunter's, 13
Horse-shoe Bend, 93 Hospitality, a pioneer's, 99 House, a durable, 28
House, evolution of a, 27-8 Hub, the village, 54 Hunting contest, a, 79 Illinois, 11, 57, 101, 110, 140- 4-6, 164 Illinois Territory, 27 Industry, a captain of, 36-44 Jack-frost, 19 Jack Jawgood, 59, 60 Jacksonville, 135
"Jims", a pair of, 89
Johnson, Albert, 107
Johnson, Benjamin, 145
Johnson, James, 43-5
Jones, Benjamin, 27-35
Jonesboro, 163
"Kangaroo" ticket, 173 Kansas, 155 Kindling a fire, 18
Know-Nothing Party, 144
Lager beer in the 50's, 145
Lake Michigan, 140
Landlord, the, 54
Land of Promises, 27, 43, 45
Lane, Mr., 54-6
Latch-string, on the outside, 14
Lawyer, a young, 87-9
Lee, General, 149
Leggins, 26
Lessons, some useful, 106
Letter, a sad, 47
Letters, old-time, 63
Library, the village, 122
Library, school, 122
Life, living a dual, 54-6
Lincoln, Abraham, 26, 83, 146, 160-8 Lincoln, a glimpse of, 168 Lincoln-Douglas Debate, 83, 162-8 "Lining" a hymn, 101 "Little Giant", 168
Literary longings, 121
Log School House, 97-100 Looking backwards, 131 Looking Glass prairie, 76 Loom, the hand, 16 Lost Cause, 155 "Low lies that house", 57 Lyceum, the village, $5-9 Macaulay, Lord, 149, 150 Machinery, crude, 90-7
Mail pouch, 50-1 Maine-law, 144-6 "Marketers" and "Movers", 139, 140
Marshall, James W., 37
Massachusetts, 154
Matches, not in use, 18
McGuffy's Readers, 106, 120-1
Memory, a pleasant, 16, 77
Merchant, an enterprising, 58-66
Methodists, 68-73
Meeting-house, 68
Meeting, going to, 68
Meeting, Quarterly, 70, 71
Mexican War, 150-1, 162
Mill-site, an important, 38-9
Mississippi River, 140
Missouri Compromise, 146, 156 Missouri Compromise, repeal of, 146, 156-166 Missouri Democrat, 120
Missouri Republican, 120
Missouri River. 44-5
Money, how transported, 51
Money, hard, 61-2
Money, paper, 61-2
"Music hath charms", 98-9
National Union, 155
Nebraska, 44-6, 157
"Nectar", 32
New Mexico, 152
Newsmonger, a, 59, 60
Newspapers, 60, 119, 120
New York Tribune, 120, 157
Orchards, 30-1
Organization, a philantrophic, 80-1
O'Connor, an Irish teacher, 98-100 Omnibus bill, the. 152-4
Outfit, a California, 43-4
Overturning, an, 18
Panama, 47
Paper money, 61-2
Paper, weekly, 119, 120
Paradise, a child's, 99
Parallel between Calhoun and Webster, 154-5
Pens, goosequills, 100 Periodic, a, 56 Periodicals in the 50's, 120
Pettifoggers, some village, 85-9 Pierce, President, 143, 153-4 Picture, an indelible, 15, 16 Pioneer, furnishings, 12, 35 Pioneer, a progressive, 27-35 Pioneers, the, 11 Plains, crossing the, 43-5 Plenty in promise, 115, 116 Plow "diamond", 108-112 Plow, prairie, 108-110 Pocahontas, 52, 76, 145 Politics, 142-148 Polk, President, 43, 150-1 Pass-time, a popular, 58-9 Preacher, an expectorating, 70 Preachers, 68-75 Preachers, ideal, 71-3-4
Presidential election of 1856, 147
Presidential election of 1860, 173-4 Protracted meeting, 71-2, 81 Publishers in the 50's, 122 Putnam, George Haven, 168, note Putnam's monthly, 120 Putnam, young, sees and hears Lincoln. 168-173
Quarterly Meeting, 70-1 Questions for debate, 85-7 "Question of Questions", the, 162-3, 175 Quincy, I11., 163
Railways, early in Illinois, 56-7, 135-7
Rain-water, barrel, 23
Raising a school house, 102
Reaper and Mower, 11
Reading matter, 117-122 Remembrance, an indelible, 103-4
Reciprocity among neighbors, 19
Reems, Old Billy, 77-8
Republican Party, 146-71, 173- 4 Republican Party, first named, 146 Rifle, Kentucky, 12, 16, 35, 77-8 Rifle, loading a, 78
Rounder, a religious, 72 Sacramento City, 36 Sacramento River, 36
Sacrifice, an injudicious, 28 San Francisco, 45-7
Scavenger, supposed, 53-4 Schools, 96-107 Scholars, 97-107 School house, log. 97-100
Schools, subscription, 100-2 School teachers, 96-107
Scott, General, 110 Settlers, early, 110 Sewing Society, 80 "Shakes", the, 128 Shawls, men's, 25 Shoal Creek, 76, 95 Shotgun, 11
Shows, 79, 80 Showman, a traveling, SO Slavery, 87, 149-175
Slave-holders, 79, 149-175 Slave-power, 149-175
Slogan, a party, 147 Smokehouse, the, 19. 33 -
Snakes, many, 112 Social gathering, 80-1 Songs, some old. 81
Soap-making, 22
Southern rights, 149-175
Space, utilizing, 15
Spelling school, 104-5
Spinning wheel, 16 Spirit-rappings, 84-5 "Spit here", 70 Sports, 76-84 Springs, 23, 110, 111
Springfield, 135, 167
Stage coach, 49, 138
Stage driver, 49
Stage-stand, 51-2
Stamps, not in use, 63 "Steam-cars", 137 Stevenson, Robert Lonis, 56
Stephenson's locomotive, 103 Storm-center. a. 162
"Store-clothes", 24, 99 Stranger, a well dressed. 54
Strange but true, 112 St. Joseph, Mo., 41 St. Louis, Mo., 415, 51, 61. 119, 120 Store, a country, 58-C6
Subscription schools, 101 "Suck-hole", the, 93 Surprise, a matrimonial, 80-1 Sunday school, 55-6 "Sun-up till sun-down", 113 Sutter, Captain, 36-42 Sutter's Fort, 36-42 Tansy, Dr. Tobias, 123-133 Tartar, Dr. Salmon, 123-133 Teacher, an Irish, 97-100 Teachers, faithful, 107 Texas, 149-151 Three R's, the 103 Threshing floor, a, 32
Threshing machine, first, 32 Tickets, presidential, 147, 173-4 Transaction, a puzzling, 143 Travel, common modes of, 138 "Tricks in all trades", 130 Tunes, some old, 74
Tyler, President, 149, 150-1
Utensils, pioneer, 12-1S
Utilizing space, 15
Union, National, 151-155
Valances, bed, 14, 15 Village church, 68-75
Village "club", 61 Village debaters, 85-9
Village doctors, two, 123-134
Village "hub", the 54
Village pettifoggers, 85-9
Village store, 58-66 Wait, Wm. S., 136
Wamus, 24-5 War Governor, a, 173 Water mill, 11, 90-94 "Water-Witch", 23 Watches, very few, 25
Weather predictions, 118, 119
Weaving, old-time, 34
Webster, Daniel, 151-4 Weekly paper, 119, 120
Welcome, pioneer's, 14
Webster's speller, 103-5 Whig party, 143-4, 159, 169
Whisky. 64 Whisky and molasses, 142 "Wide-Awakes", 174 "Wild-cat" banks, 62 "Who is this man Lincoln?", 67 Work, strenuous, 116 Yates, sr., Governor Richard, 174
= $96,447
5614
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