USA > Illinois > Illinois, the story of the prairie state > Part 6
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And he never was! For the national government accepted only cash.
People had the impression that paper money could be made to supply every financial want. Soon notes for three hundred thousand dollars were in circulation. But the remedy was worse than the dis- ease, the new bills only made matters worse. Notes had to be cut in halves and quarters to serve as change, for there was no specie at all. Scarcely had the bank begun business when its bills fell below par -first down to eighty, then down, down, down, till it took three dollars to buy one dollar's worth of goods. Instead of increasing its income, the state had to spend three times as much for current ex- penses.
In 1831 the notes came due, and to save the honor of Illinois a large loan was taken, and with this money the notes were redeemed. This banking folly cost the state half a million dollars, but her financial standing was preserved.3
Without profiting by this expensive lesson, the legislature of 1835 chartered a new state bank, in which the state held stock. The mania for land speculation, asleep for a time, broke out with re- newed strength. It commenced at Chicago, and in
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two years that place grew from a village of a few houses to a city of several thousand people. Quick fortunes were made, their stories arousing first amazement, then a gambling spirit of adventure, then an absorbing desire for sudden wealth. Throughout the state this example spread. Maps of paper towns were sent to Chicago and lots for a hundred miles around were auctioned off. Maps were even sent to New York and Boston, a ship freighted with land costing less than a barrel of flour. Indeed there was said to be a danger of crowding the state with towns and leaving no room for farming !
As there were more lots than could be sold, men said that if the country could be rapidly settled, they would all find a market; and to attract settlers, the one thing needed was a system of internal improve- ments. Illinois is a great state, ran their argument ; rich soil, fine climate, great extent of territory. All she needs is people and enterprise. Improvements would invite both.
And this was not confined to Illinois. The whole country was possessed by a mania for improved transportation. New York had built the Erie Canal ; Pennsylvania miles of railroads; Kentucky macad- amized roads ; Indiana and Illinois, because of their level surfaces, went in for railroads. People and legislators alike lost their heads, and surrendered
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their sober judgment to arguments of the wildest imaginations. No scheme was so extravagant that it lacked plausibility. The most impossible calcula- tions were made of the advantages that would fol- low the construction of these improvements; the state had resources enough, men said, to meet all expenditures. All debts could be met without taxa- tion. Once made, they would pay for themselves; nay, more, in time they would provide the running expenses of the state !4
The legislature voted eight million dollars, to be used for railroads in various parts of Illinois, run- ning from east to west, north to south, criss-cross back and forth, a total of thirteen hundred miles. Five rivers were to have their channels deepened. And finally the sum of two hundred thousand dol- lars was voted to those counties in which no rail- roads were to be built or no rivers improved. As a crowning act of folly, it was enacted that work should commence on all the roads, at each end, and from the crossings of all the rivers, simultaneously !
This wholesale system of improvements had to be adopted in order to get any one voted through. The friends of the canal had to agree to the others, to succeed with their measure. Politicians anxious to move the capital to Springfield would support any other scheme in exchange for votes. And in this way each section of the state was won over.
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Like Napoleon giving away thrones, the people voted millions. But only one of these improve- ments was ever completed-a little railroad fifty- one miles long, of no advantage to the state, and its income was not enough to keep it in repair.5
The next legislature not only refused the gov- ernor's suggestion to repeal or modify the system, but actually voted an additional eight hundred thou- sand dollars. And for three years the infatuated people of Illinois continued this ruinous policy, until the whole scheme tumbled about their ears. In the spring of 1837 banks throughout the United States stopped specie payments, including banks in Illinois. It was a period of national hard times. The loans made by the state could not be obtained at par. Bonds were sold on credit. A London firm, agents for the bonds, failed and the state lost heavily. Fin- ally the people, recovering their sanity, were aston- ished at their own folly.
Their internal improvement system was discon- tinued. But in 1841 Illinois could not meet the in- terest charges on her debt. The next year the state bank failed and completed the general distress. There was a debt of nearly fourteen millions. The treasury was empty, there was not enough money to pay postage on the state's letters. Heavy taxes would only drive the people away. Illinois had bor- rowed beyond her means and had no credit. The
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people owed the merchants, who in turn owed for- eign merchants or the banks, the banks owed every- body, and nobody could pay !
The state must repudiate her debt, said some. She never can nor will pay. Every one ought to see that and stop discussing it; that won't charm it away. But under the management of Governor Ford, a man of great skill and integrity, Illinois sold some of her lands, received back her bonds held by the state banks, and withdrew from circula- tion the worthless "bank rags" and "wildcat money."6 "'6 The affairs of the bank were wound up in an honorable manner. A special tax was levied for interest charges. And in three months' time the credit of the state was so good that it was possible to sell a new issue of canal bonds. But the people, like France with John Law's scheme, paid dearly for their lesson in high finance. Forty years later they redeemed the last of these bonds!
To make impossible a repetition of these financial troubles, the revised constitution of 1848 greatly curtailed the power of the legislature.7 It could pledge the credit of Illinois to the amount of fifty thousand dollars, for state expenses only. It could not create a state bank. The strictest economy was insisted on in the matter of salaries, the sum for each being fixed at a stated amount "and no more." Even the length of the legislature's session was
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fixed, but these provisions proved a false economy and as time went on they were notoriously evaded. The governor's salary, for example, was one thou- sand five hundred dollars, so an additional four thousand five hundred dollars was voted him "for fuel and lights for the executive mansion." Only the letter of the law was kept, and these abuses sapped the integrity of the public service and les- sened respect for the laws. In 1870 the constitution was again revised, "by the finest deliberative body that ever sat in a state," and this penurious system changed.
To two of her early governors Illinois owes a great debt: to Edward Coles, who kept her free from the blight of slavery; and to Thomas Ford, who brought her out of her distress and maintained her financial integrity without repudiation. Each of them so fully and so decisively met the situation that pro-slavery men and repudiators never raised the question again.
XV
THE BLACK HAWK WAR
[N 1804 William Henry Harrison made a treaty with the Sacs and Fox Indians, giving the Amer- icans a tract of land near Rock River. The red men were to have the use of it until it was sold to indi- viduals. This was confirmed by later treaties in 1815, '19, '22 and '25. But one of the Sac chiefs, Black Hawk, said, like Tecumseh, that the treaty had been made without the consent of all the tribe, and was not binding.1
The whites, he insisted, "squatted" on the In- dians' lands and tried to steal their village. When they returned from the winter's hunt, they found the Americans had practically taken possession of their fields, had burned many of their lodges, and even plowed up their graveyards. The land is ours, said Black Hawk, establishing himself on the ter- ritory in dispute with a party of warriors; and if any one must withdraw, it must be the interloping whites.
The forty settlers accordingly appealed to Gov-
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ernor Reynolds, who called out seven hundred of the militia and asked the cooperation of the regular army as well. Double the number of volunteers re- ported for duty; some thirsting to avenge their losses from Indian raids, some eager for excitement and adventure, some anticipating plunder, others with whom money was scarce, delighted with the promise of a large expenditure of gold by the gov- ernment. Twenty-five hundred soldiers appeared at Saukenuk, the principal Indian village. But Black Hawk, who had only three hundred men, slipped away in the night and crossed the Mississippi. The Americans burned the deserted town and announced that the fugitives would be pursued. This had the desired effect of bringing Black Hawk to the gen- eral's headquarters, where he signed an agreement to stay on the west side of the Mississippi.
The Indians were promised corn, to make up for the abandoned fields. Many of the soldiers ridiculed this, calling it a corn treaty, and said, "We give them food when it should have been lead."2 The winter's supply was not sufficient, however, and a new series of troubles began immediately. Black Hawk briefly described it, years later : "In this state of things, the Indians went over the river to steal corn from their own land." In April, 1832, the tribe crossed the Mississippi, and the war was on again.
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Governor Reynolds called out the troops-militia, rangers and some companies of the regular army under Zachary Taylor. In the volunteer regiments E. D. Baker was a lieutenant, and Abraham Lin- coln a captain, re-enlisting as a "private horseman." This was the frontier method of selecting a captain, as described by Lincoln: each candidate made a speech to the men, telling how gallant he was, in what wars he had fought, bled and died, and how he was ready to lead them to glory. And when the speech-making was over, the soldiers formed in line behind their favorite. The fellow who had the long- est tail to his kite was elected captain. It was a good way, no chance for a stuffed ballot box or a false count !3
"I can not tell you," said Lincoln, nearly twenty years later, "how much the idea of being the cap- tain of that company pleased me!" And while he was president he referred to it again as "a success which gave me more pleasure than any I have had since."4
One day when Lincoln was drilling his men they were marching across a field, twenty abreast, and the captain saw a fence ahead. "I could not for the life of me remember the proper word of command for getting my company endwise so that I could get them through the gate, so as we came near I shouted 'Halt! This company is dismissed for two
Stephen A. Douglas
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minutes, when it will fall in again on the other side of the fence. Break ranks!'."
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Among the regular soldiers were two young lieutenants, Jefferson Davis and Robert Anderson, the latter detailed as inspector-general of the Illi- nois militia. Nearly thirty years later Lincoln met Anderson in Washington. After the president had thanked him for his gallant conduct at Fort Sumter, he asked :
" 'Major, do you remember of ever meeting me before?'
" 'No, Mr. President, I have no recollection of ever having had the pleasure before.'
" 'My memory is better than yours,' said Lincoln ; 'you mustered me into the service of the United States, in 1832, at Dixon's Ferry, in the Black Hawk war' "5
Besides these troops for service against the In- dians, there were two hundred and seventy-five rangers under Stillman, an independent force who refused to fight under the main body, but begged for some dangerous service. They were ordered up Rock River to spy out the enemy. Encamping at sundown, they saw five Indians on a mound at a distance. Without' orders or a commander, some men whose horses were not yet unsaddled gave chase. The others followed in confusion, stringing along for a quarter of a mile, pursuing the red men
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into the edge of the forest. Here Black Hawk with a party of forty warriors rushed on the rangers, with a war whoop and a volley.
In consternation, without returning the fire, the Americans began a disorderly flight. Reaching their camp, the panic spread to the men who had remained there. All of them, some without saddles, some without bridles, joined in the flight. They left their tents, camp equipment, provisions, ammunition. Neither swamps nor swollen streams could check them, till they reached Dixon's Ferry, thirty miles away; and some of them continued their mad gallop forty miles farther to their homes. The first fugi- tives arrived about midnight; from then till morn- ing they continued to come, by threes and fours or singly, each reporting that the Indians were just behind. Black Hawk, at the head of two thousand braves, they said, was advancing on the unprotected settlers. People took refuge in the forts. His name became a dread in every household. Consternation filled the whole country, after the battle (?) of Stillman's Run.6
The governor issued a fiery proclamation, calling for three thousand more militia, "to subdue the In- dians and drive them out of the state." More fed- eral troops were asked for, and General Winfield Scott came from the Atlantic coast to take com- mand. The savages boldly committed depredations
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everywhere, attacking small settlements, cutting off communication between towns, murdering scattered groups of soldiers or citizens.
For three months the troops were pursuing the Indians, who took refuge in the unexplored swamps of the north. They were delayed by the jealousies of regular and militia officers, by the expiration of the volunteers' time, by their ignorance of the coun- try, and their lack of confidence in their Indian guides. By the middle of July, however, they were on the trail of Black Hawk and his braves. They left their baggage, marched fifty miles one day in a storm, and crossed the river, hot in pursuit. The ground was strewn with kettles and blankets, thrown away for the sake of speed. And on the twenty- first they came up with the rear guard of twenty Indians, who made a bold stand and gave the main band time to retreat. The next morning the Amer- icans found the enemy had escaped during the night.
Over wooded hills, marshy ravines, swollen streams went the fugitives, the followers slowly gaining as they neared the Mississippi. When the Americans appeared the Indians raised a hideous yell. "Stillman is not here!" was the answering cry, and the disgrace of the flight was wiped out by a splendid charge. In the battle of the Bad Axe the whites showed no mercy. They charged with the bayonet. The sharpshooters picked off war-
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riors, women and children, all alike, in the tall grass. The transport fired on those who tried to cross the river. Over three hundred Indians perished in three hours.7
Black Hawk and his two sons escaped, only to be captured by some Winnebagoes, who, wanting the friendship of the Americans, surrendered them to the United States Indian agent. The former chief made this speech :
"My warriors fell around me; it began to look dismal. I saw my evil day at hand. This was the last sun that shone on Black Hawk. He is now a prisoner to the white man. But he can stand the torture. He is not afraid of death. He is no coward. Black Hawk is an Indian; he has done nothing of which an Indian need to be ashamed. He has fought the battles of his country against the white men, who came, year after year, to cheat them and take away their lands. You know the cause of our making war-it is known to all white men-they ought to be ashamed of it. The white men despise the Indians, and drive them from their homes. But the Indians are not deceitful. The white men speak bad of the Indian, and look at him spitefully. But the Indian does not tell lies ; Indians do not steal. Black Hawk is satisfied. He will go to the world of spirits contented. He has done his duty-his Father will meet him and reward him. Farewell to my nation! Farewell to Black Hawk!"
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The volunteers were disbanded, and a treaty made with the Indians in September, for which the chief and his sons were held as hostages. Under charge of Lieutenant Jefferson Davis they were taken to St. Louis; and later were transferred to Washing- ton. Black Hawk had an interview with President Jackson, greeting him with "I am a man, and you are another." At the close of his speech he said :
"We did not expect to conquer the whites-they had too many houses, too many men. I took up the hatchet, for my part, to revenge injuries which my people could no longer endure. Had I borne them longer without striking my people would have said, 'Black Hawk is a woman-he is too old to be a chief-he is no Sac.' These reflections caused me to raise the war-whoop. I say no more of it. Black Hawk expects that, like Keokuk, we shall be permitted to return."8 1
Jackson replied that when peace was secured they might return. And when they had been at Fortress Monroe for three months his order released them. They went to Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York and other cities, that the Indians might see the great- ness of the country. Crowds collected everywhere to see Black Hawk. The Indians even divided pub- lic curiosity and attention with Jackson, who was then making a tour of the northern states. The ladies especially sought his acquaintance, and in re-
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turn for their polite sympathy, Black Hawk said they were "very pretty squaws."
The broken-hearted warrior died five years later on an Iowa reservation. In comparison with Philip, or Pontiac, or Tecumseh, he was not an extraordi- nary Indian, not a great leader, not great in plan- ning a course of action. He was restless and am- bitious, brave and resentful.
The importance of this war, the last stand of the red men against the white settlers in Illinois, has been greatly exaggerated. It cost the Ameri- cans over two hundred lives, three months' time, and two million dollars. Yet it was fought against four hundred Indians, with perhaps a thousand women and children. Fortunately for her finances, almost the total expense was borne by the national government, for the state would have had great dif- ficulty in meeting this bill. But it is Illinois's one and only war, distinctly native.
Black Hawk is a unique character. What can you find about his connection with the War of 1812? In Thwaites's How George Rogers Clark Won the Northwest there is an account of the Black Hawk war. Ford's history tells about it. Perhaps you can secure a copy of Drake's Life of Black Hawk. And Frank Stevens's The Black Hawk War will give you a detailed account of these battles (?) and
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of the old Indian chief. Do not fail to read Black Hawk's Autobiography, transcribed by an Indian trader. It will give you the inside view of an Indian.
XVI
A PERMANENT CAPITAL
V ANDALIA had become the capital of Illinois in 1820, with the understanding that this was only temporary. Long before the twenty years were over the question of a new capital was being dis- cussed. The movement of population was wholly toward the center of Illinois. This was before the era of railroads, and travel to and from the capital made distance an object to be seriously considered.
The legislature of 1833 submitted the question to the people, and the election the following year gave Alton the highest number of votes, with Springfield standing third. But no appropriation was made to second this choice, and the matter came to nothing.
Now when the question came up again in the legislature, bills for the Illinois-Michigan Canal and for internal improvements were being considered. Sangamon had become, in fifteen years, the most populous county in the state. She had two senators and seven representatives, called the "Long Nine,"
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because they averaged six feet in height. Their one object was to obtain the capital for Springfield. Dexterous in the handling of men, and led by Abra- ham Lincoln, perhaps the most skilful of all the politic statesmen of his day, they voted as a unit from the very beginning of the session. For every local measure introduced they had nine votes, for or against, but always bargaining for votes for Spring- field. They gave "a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull all together." Like a snowball, the "Long Nine" gathered accessions of strength with every roll call; and when the location of the capital was finally decided, though twenty-nine places were voted for, Springfield won on the fourth ballot.1 The legislature appropriated fifty thousand dollars for the erection of a state house, on condition that the citizens of Springfield give a like sum and two acres of ground.
The Sangamo country, meaning in the Indian tongue "the country where there is plenty to eat," in Biblical phrase "the land flowing with milk and honey," was first known to Americans through the reports of the rangers. In the autumn of 1819 a weary immigrant family who had traveled from North Carolina encamped on the bank of Spring Creek. Lighting their campfire, they gathered about the frugal supper, on the site of their new home in the wilderness. The next morning the ring of the
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ax resounded in the forest. And in a few days John Kelly's family had a rough log cabin, where now Jefferson and First Streets cross in the capital city.2
This was the nucleus of a town, named Spring- field in honor of Spring Creek and Kelly's field. Set- tlers came in large numbers, for the "St. Gamo Kedentry," as Sangamon County was called in the vernacular, soon became famous. A town was laid off and plotted, called Calhoun, but to this people objected, and the name Springfield was revived.
When the capital was moved here the town had about eleven hundred inhabitants. The houses were mostly frame and poorly constructed. Springfield could boast but little wealth, and many of the citi- zens were greatly embarrassed through their efforts to raise the fifty thousand dollars required for the new state house. The streets were unpaved; there were no sidewalks in many places; in spring and au- tumn the mud was unfathomable. For many years the town was crude in appearance and in fact.
Lincoln had a favorite story illustrating this. The secretary of state had the care and letting of the assembly chamber, and one day had a request from a meek-looking man with a white necktie to use the room to deliver a course of lectures. Asked the subject, he replied, with a very solemn expression of countenance, "The second coming of our Lord."
"It is of no use," said the secretary, "if you will
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take my advice, you will not waste your time in this city. It is my private opinion that if the Lord has been in Springfield once, he will not come the sec- ond time."3
But the capital city did not long remain uninvit- ing. Her citizens had enterprise and industry. Out- side capital came in; factories were established; railroads developed her coal mines; streets were paved ; prosperity arrived and stayed.
The cornerstone of the state house was laid on the fourth of July, 1837, with an address by the brilliant orator, E. D. Baker. It was estimated that the cost would be one hundred thirty thousand dol- lars, but this was only half the sum needed. Before the new building was ready the governor called a special session of the legislature; the house of rep- resentatives met in the Presbyterian church, the sen- ate in the Methodist church, and the supreme court in the Episcopal.
Erected in the center of the public square, the state house was built of cut stone from a quarry ten miles away, brought to the city by ox teams. With its two porticos and massive columns, spacious halls and generous rooms for legislature, supreme court and committees, it was the wonder of the country round. It was admired as a model of archi- tectural beauty, and supposed to be ample for the needs of Illinois for all time to come.
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But so rapid was the progress of the state that in less than a quarter of a century this building was regarded as no longer adequate. Many departments had to occupy rented rooms. The capitol was called "a squat and unshapely pile," not suited to the pride and pretensions of the people of the fourth state in the Union. It ought, said many, to represent the greatness and dignity of Illinois.
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