USA > Indiana > A history of the North Indiana Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from its organization in 1844 to the present > Part 12
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2 Hyman and Cottman, "Centennial History of Indiana."
3 Western Christian Advocate, February 6, 1889.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid.
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repairs which amounted in all t oa $7,500 valuation.7 In all there were about twenty churches that rebuilt or remodeled for expected growth.8 The desire, if not the results, invaded the rural churches. The gas boom for a time made markets a little better, and created an enthusiasm that pushed congregations to greater ef- forts. Where remodeling and rebuilding was not at- tempted, the use of the new lighting and heating com- modity was eagerly taken advantage of. One pastor has said that it is his recollection that without a single exception every church within the "belt" was heated and lighted in this fashion unless too poor to buy the fixtures. Parsonages were not omitted in the installa- tion of the suddenly new convenience. Dr. W. S. Birch, of Broadway, Logansport, reported that out of twenty- four parsonages in the Kokomo district, twenty-one had been equipped with gas in one year (1888).9
The building "craze" and even the use of gas was not confined to the "belt." The Second congregation at Goshen built for themselves a separate building, worth $3,000.10 Rev. Charles O. Merica, pastor at Nappanee, reports his people built themselves a new $6,000 structure.11 Grace Church, Richmond, substi- tuted a $1,300 place of worship for one worth $40,000.12 Of all the new churches, none received more publicity and mention within the columns of Methodist papers than the "modern" building at La- grange. In the afternoon of June 9, 1888, "a proces- sion was formed, of a cornet band, all the resident and
7 Western Christian Advocate, January 2, 1889.
8 Albany, Eaton, Gaston, Fortville, Jonesville, Fairmount, Sum- mitville; Madison Street, Muncie; Indiana Avenue, Anderson ; Avondale, Muncie; Whitely, Mathews and Dunkirk.
9 Western Christian Advocate, December 4, 1889.
10 Western Christian Advocate, May 15, 1889. 11 Ibid., February 29, 1888. 12 Ibid.,
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several visiting clergymen, the official board, the mem- bers, the Sunday school and the city's secret orders," which marched with gala pomp from the old to the new site. Thus began the construction of a building that, when dedicated, on January 27, 1889, had cost $17,200, was "modern" in every sense, with a basement equipped with a kitchen and dining hall-a new idea in church architecture-and, most peculiarly of all, lighted with gas.13 This latter fact is worthy of note, since La- grange is over eighty miles from the "belt." Such is again an example of how enthusiastically people were interested in gas.
It was soon evident that the expected growth was more apt to remain a matter of expectation than happy realty. The churches in Madison and Delaware coun- ties, where the population had doubled within ten years, failed to gain in proportion. In fact, there was but one church in these counties whose membership increased worthy of mention, and that was High Street, Muncie. Furthermore, there were revivals and increases outside the gas belt that were more widely published and had more startling effects. Alfred Sarah, at Mt. Comfort, had a revival that built up a member- ship of eight to one hundred and twenty-six.14 St. Paul Church, Fort Wayne, was founded December 18, 1887, by Dr. J. H. Bayliss, with a membership of seven. By January 15, 1888, the pastor, M. C. Cooper, reported "sixty enthusiastic, energetic and active members, most of whom are young men."15 Another Fort Wayne church which, in 1887, had been considered worthy of nothing but abandonment, had a revival which in- creased their membership to 125, and was the means of paying off their debt.16 Statistics of membership
13 Ibid., June 20, 1888; February 13, 1889.
14 Western Christian Advocate, February 13, 1889. 15 Ibid., January 25, 1888.
16 Minutes, 1890.
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bear out the assertion that the advent of gas was in no way a boon to church memberships. Whereas, Rich- mond district, which embraced some of the most pow- erful of wells, shows an increase in the year of 1889 of only 84, while Goshen, the most remote of all from the belt, shows an increase of 1,131.17 Still another disappointment was to be added to the many that were slowly undermining the "expected" religious pana- ceas-a disappointment that was to revolutionize the economic world of Indiana as quickly by its failure as it had by its appearance. Gas was not to be a lasting benediction. "It is rarely that nature has given to man a blessing so freely bestowed as natural gas, and cer- tainly never was a resource wasted with such sense- less prodigality and with so little excuse. There was scarcely a limit to the absurd uses to which it was put.17 Flambeaux and lighted wells were so numerous that on clear nights it is said the entire sky anywhere in the belt was ruddy from the flames. It is estimated that in 1889 the average daily waste from uncapped wells alone amounted to 10,000,000 cubic feet.18 Even where the supply did not fail, the piping installations were so poor that they were often choked by the freez- ing of the moisture in the pipes. Especially were churches bothered by this hindrance. Inasmuch as the feed lines were not in constant use into the church buildings, and were usually laid so close to the ground, the moisture was given every opportunity to freeze out a morning service, which it did in many instances, to the severe discomfiture of the pastors.
Nevertheless, gas had opened up a vast field for growth. The population of about half of the Confer- ence had almost doubled.19 There had been built at
17 Hyman & Cottman, "Centennial History of Indiana."
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid., Madison County alone increased from 26,487 to 70,470 in less than ten years.
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least, twenty new church buildings, and an enthusiasm had been created that did not ebb, despite the "hard times" of '93 and '94, which was particularly severe on these energetic congregations.
The latter part of the nineteenth century was char- acterized with a more rapid transition of ideas in reference to the ministry than any other years in the history of Protestantism. Since the Civil War the idea that a preacher was a sort of missionary, living upon charity, had very rapidly disappeared. The occasional sneer that preachers "were pious souls, whose only duties were to excite an audience into a convulsion of nervous frenzy on Sundays, and on week days make front door calls upon other men's wives"-an odium that had too often been unjustly thrown at them-was no longer heard. This change must be credited to the economic development that gave a stipulated salary for ministers, and made their calling a righteous business profession.
Yet there were some customs practiced in a few places that evidenced the older beliefs. Especially was divine healing noteworthy. On October 8, 1888, in Chicago, there was a conference in which 100 witnessed that Christ had healed their bodies, and as many more were anointed for the cure of bodily diseases by Rev. A. B. Simpson and Dr. Cookman. A summarized state- ment of the belief was published in the Western Chris- tian Advocate of January 4, 1888, by Rev. C. H. Zim- merman, who said: "Divine healing is not faith cure, or mind cure, or miraculous healing. It is healing by the power of Christ, who, by saving the soul, cures the mind, and through that the body." A similar ar- gument entitled "The Benefits of Faith" was put forth in the same issue by J. H. Creighton.
The attacks upon some of the preachers who dared to adopt new methods were scathing in their denuncia- tions. They were of sufficient importance that Dr.
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Bayliss felt it necessary to discuss the matter in the columns of the Advocate.20 Carefully, he weighed both the conservative and progressive tendencies, finally coming to the conclusion that "Methodism has had a quick eye for new emergencies and new agencies," and, after all, "should she not adopt all means by which to save some?" Of all the "new-fangled ideas," the use of evangelists was the most venemently criticised. One of the Bishops went so far as to say in annual confer- ence, "Beware of wolves, beware of evangelists." Dr. Bayliss, even, was a trifle conservative, although he thought "the Bishop erred when he uttered that warn- ing in that form. But we do say, beware of thinking the evangelist your only hope of a revival. Your pas- tor is your leader." In another article in the Advocate, entitled "The Evangelist as a Discouragement," their use is not advocated. Still another article concludes that an evangelist illustrates the value of concentration upon one single aim, yet the contributor advises pastors to pattern, but not to hire.
The disregard for Sunday observance was an ever appropriate theme which pastors used to flay pleasure- loving audiences. Each year the sessions of the Con- ference would pass resolutions, of which the following is an example: "We greatly deplore the desecration of the Sabbath by people who patronize Sunday newspa- pers, Sunday trains, open places of business and post- offices, and indulge in pleasure riding and social visit- ing."21 This resolution was usually followed by an- other. requesting pastors to preach upon this subject at the very earliest possible convenience. In places Sunday crime was so common that it was feared by many wise heads that Sunday would be completely de- stroyed as a holy day. Christmas Sunday of 1887 was such a carnival of crime of the country that the reli-
20 January 4, 1888.
21 Minutes, 1889.
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gious papers deplored the situation. Dr. Bayliss said : "Sunday ought to be a day of calm and joy, and Christ- mas on Sunday should be a double guarantee of tran- quility. But Sunday is the worst day in the week for violence and crime. Police stations are packed on Sun- day nights. Police courts are crowded on Sunday mornings. Crime transforms Sunday into a day of spe- cial carnival."22
Rev. J. C. Jackson very carefully prescribed a set of rules for Sunday observance to apply to church- goers. They were published in the Western Christian Advocate for January 4, 1888, under the caption, "Some Minor Moralities of Church Going."
1. Rise on Sunday morning.at the usual time.
2. Start to church early enough to be there for the opening service.
3. When you reach the church, put yourself under the direction of the usher.
4. Conform as far as possible to the customs of the congregation in kneeling, sitting and standing, as the service progresses.
5. Be courteously attentive to those who are near you.
6. Pay attention to the minister.
7. Learn to sit quietly in your seat.
8. Behave yourself like a Christian during the singing of the Doxology.
Furthermore, the fount of advice for righteous liv- ing was not drained with Sunday prescriptions. The church papers were spotted with articles such as, "What a girl should be able to do," "How to raise a child," "What presents a woman should receive from a man," and such like articles.
This period marks the beginning of the decline of donation parties. The "pound" party, which had been
22 January 4, 1888.
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for years the stable support of a pastor, became less frequent. The original idea of giving, when the good farmers of a Sunday morning loaded their clumsy con- veyances with garden produce with which to pay the preacher, had been supplanted by the donation parties when salaries became more frequent. But with the economic growth of the early seventies these parties became less common. However, there were reported occasions of sufficient note to be worthy of mention. In 1889 Rev. Woolpert and family at Denver were de- lightfully surprised by a donation gift;28 Farmland gave their pastor a special donation of $100 as a re- ward for a big revival and the paying off of the church debt. Pastors often contrived to receive donations, for occasionally it was not necessary to add the value of the gift to the salary to make up the customary deficit. Rev. Metz, while pastor of the Ridgeville cir- cuit, contracted to receive one dollar in excess of salary for each new convert during the year. He had 300 con- versions and received the $300 in excess, besides a fine traveling horse. George W. Green was another adept in receiving special gifts. He never failed to impress with his big-hearted, jovial nature the necessity of fill- ing his buggy upon some farmer with whom he had made an afternoon call. He is reported to have once said to a fellow-minister: "I can stay all night, or get a meal, or fill my buggy from some good farmer's corn- crib when they would not allow you around, John."
The question of the boundary line between the North Indiana and Northwest Conferences had always been a dispute. The annual sessions before the General Conferences always had this question with which to contend. Agitation and enthusiasm usually ran high on the conference floor at these times. In 1887 a com- mission from the Northwest had visited the North
23 Western Christian Advocate, September 25, 1889.
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Indiana Conference session with a proposition of union.24 Later in the year another proposition, to- gether with a map, had been published in the Indiana Christian Advocate, which would take a portion on the south and give it to the Southeast Indiana Conference and a still larger portion on the west and give it to the Northwest Indiana Conference. But the forty-fifth session of the North Indiana Conference, which con- vened at Wabash, March 28, 1888, with Bishop Stephen M. Merril presiding, had no intentions of surrendering the smallest fraction of their territory. The very first day of the session resolutions were introduced "that we are unalterably opposed to any change in our boun- dary lines, believing that to throw the two Conferences into one would be attended by disadvantages too serious to be compensated by any benefits to be derived from such union, and that the taking from us of charges and parts of charges against the wishes of members there- of, and over their protest, would work harm and not good to the cause of Christ."55 They, therefore, re- solved that the delegates to the General Conference to be held in the Metropolitan Grand Opera House, New York City, should use "all possible lawful endeavors to defeat any proposition looking toward a change in the boundary lines."26 The lay electoral conference, which met at Wabash at the same time, was asked to join in the opposition, which they did. The boundary line was not changed.
When Bishop Andrews opened the forty-sixth ses- sion of the Conference in the new church at Lagrange, April 3, 1889, it was found that the missionary collec- tions had fallen off astonishingly in proportion to the average increase.27 Whereas, the increase had aver-
24 Minutes, 1888. 25 Minutes, 1888. 26 Ibid.
27 Treasurer's Report, Minutes, 1889.
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aged approximately $2,000 a year, they suddenly fell to a trifle more than $200 in 1889. This was, no doubt, due to the extensive building craze. It was at this time that the Woman's Home Missionary Society began to play an important part in the history of the North Indiana Conference. This organization, which had only been recognized since 1880,28 had grown rapidly through the efforts mostly of Mrs. C. G. Hudson29 and Miss Katheryn Drake,30 the latter having spent much time in organizing auxiliaries and addressing local district ministerial lyceums.31 A convention of the society met at LaGrange at the same time as the annual conference. 32 They stated as the object of the society the "evangelization of not only the immigrants, but the Chinese, Mormons, Spanish, Indians, poor whites, blacks and depraved in the cities."33 The growth of the society was phenomenal, if not astonishing. With a total collection of but $359 in 1888, the budget in- creased steadily, except the year of the panic, until within ten years the society was contributing almost $5,000 annually to the benefits of the home missions.34 This increase was not at the expense of the other so- cieties, although they experienced no such growth.
The next year was in some respects the most pros- perous of the nineties. The gas boom had reached the apex of its economic influence. The public at large were unshaken in their belief that gas would never give out. Markets had increased upon this assumption. Land value had risen rapidly. Economically, the popu- lace within the belt were experiencing "golden days,"
28 Buckley, "History of Methodism."
29 Conference resolution. Minutes, 1889.
30 Ibid.
31 Western Christian Advocate, June 12, July 17, 1889.
32 Western Christian Advocate, April 17, 1889.
33 Minutes, 1890.
34 Treasurer's reports in Minutes.
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not yet forgotten. And the Methodist Church had a membership larger by two-fold than its closest com- petitor, one-third as large as all other denominations put together.35 The forty-seventh session of the Con- ference, which Bishop William X. Ninde opened in the newest and largest of boom churches, High Street, Muncie, April 2, 1890, was conscious of this fact. The missionary gifts had almost resumed their customary increase, and the remaining financial funds had en- larged in pleasing proportion.36
There had been only two incidents to cloud the brilliant progress of the year. The church at Angola had been burned on July 4, 1889, because of fireworks, supposedly, for the fire was first discovered in the tower.37 The other was the failure of Fort Wayne College. Its tremendous indebtedness was too heavy a burden for the Conference. The plans of the previous year to relieve the situation had failed. At first the Conference thought of making still another effort to prop the institution, and a committee was appointed to consider plans for raising $50,000; but this com- mittee found the trustees too discouraged, and instead of submitting a program for resuscitation, suggested the sale of the property to liquidate the debt. Without opposition, the motion was carried, although classes were allowed to meet until May.38
On the 30th of September, 1889, Orange V. Lemon, one of the foremost men of the Conference's early days,
35 Government census report for 1906. In Indiana in 1890 the Methodists had 162,989; Methodist Protestants, 7,033; Pres- byterian, 35,464; Friends, 25,915; Baptists, 54,080; Christians, 78,942; all denominations, 693.860. In 1906 the Methodists had 210,593; Methodist Protestants, 10,408; Presbyterian, 49,041; Friends. 29,225; Baptists, 60,203; Christians, 118,447. All de- nominations, 938,405.
36 Treasurer's report, Minutes 1890.
37 Western Christian Advocate. August 28, 1889.
38 Minutes, 1890.
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had died. Of Scotch-Irish descent, raised on the farm, gleaning a meager education from the district school, he took up the tanner's trade, only to later enter the ministry. Rapidly he rose into prominence, becoming a district superintendent after he had preached but eight years, and a representative four times to the General Conference. After leaving the district, he became financial agent for the Conference, a trust he held until compelled to retire because of failing health. He remained interested in the work, and his advice was eagerly sought in all matters. He was seventy-six years old when his life succumbed to a long and painful illness. 39
The Epworth League had taken a national form within the past year, and it was expected to be a gigan- tic factor in the success of the church. There had been voiced in nearly every professional circle a vigorous demand for young men and women. The church rec- ognized this demand, and young people's societies of various charateristics were formed "to more thor- oughly indoctrinate our host of young people and hold them in spiritual loyalty to our church."40 Gradually, the movement took form in five definite societies, "each having its own name, aims, methods of work and or- ganization, and each striving to become the society for the whole church."41 It was everywhere felt that a union of the societies was imperative. A call was made finally by the Young People's Methodist Alliance to a joint convention at Cleveland, Ohio, which resulted in the unanimous merging of all existing societies into one-the Epworth League (May 14, 1889).42 The North Indiana Conference was apparently more reluc- tant to introduce young people's organizations than those around it, especially those to the east. As late
39 Minutes, 1890.
40 Ibid.
41 Buckley, "History of Methodism."
42 Ibid.
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as 1888 this hesitancy was manifest by a resolution introduced uon the conference floor, indorsing "the Young People's Methodist Alliance, providing, how- ever, that this action is not taken as superseding ex- isting societies in our churches, or preventing the or- ganization of other societies where the pastor might prefer them."43 This conservative attitude was of short duration, for quite noticeable is the emphasis that the Conference placed upon the organization of chap- ters after the Cleveland convention. Only two months after the league had assumed its national form the Young People's convention of the Fort Wayne district was petitioning to become an auxiliary division and take on the new name.44 In August of the same year a number of preachers met at Art Hall, Island Park, and organized for the Goshen district.45 This auxiliary grew so rapidly that in the following October a three days' convention was held at New Paris in conjunction with the ministerial association. The minutes of 1891 show that during the previous year each district had perfected organizations. The annual conference of 1892 signalized the importance of the league to the church by sending a formal request to the General Conference to include the president and vice-president of each chapter as members of the local quarterly con- ference. This appeal was apparently general, for such action was taken. Peru, Indiana, was illustrative of the enthusiasm with which the league was supported. This chapter had 125 active members. They held two meetings a week, one on Sunday evening, usually a devotional service, and one on Tuesday evening, which took the form of a "business meeting, accompanied by an attractive literary program."46
43 Minutes, 1888.
44 Western Christian Advocate, July 24, 1889.
45 Western Christian Advocate, July 10, 1889.
46 Ibid., December 18, 1889.
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The disposal of the Fort Wayne College had not proved a circumstance of much difficulty. When the forty-eighth session of the Conference met at Hunt- ington, April 1, 1891, with Bisohp I. W. Joyce in the chair, only one year after efforts had been made to rebuild the school, the committee reported with a plan that completely disposed of the institution and its troublesome debts. Taylor University, a small school at Upland, Indiana, supported by a local preachers' association,47 made a proposition "to take the college property, assume the mortgage indebtedness, and pay or satisfy all unsecured debts."48 The trustees and the committee appointed in 1890 accepted the proposition and effected the sale and transfer of the property, thereby forever "releasing the Conference from any obligation from indebtedness of the Fort Wayne Col- lege."49
The question of admitting women as lay delegates in lay electoral and General Conferences had evoked considerable controversy, and was destined to remain a problem for heated discussion. The General Confer- ence of 1888 had spent most of its time in debate upon this topic without gaining an advantage either for or against admission. Five women had been elected to seats when a cry arose to "put them out." The fact that they thereupon refused to take their seats only intensified the question. The discussion was resumed in 1892, and was not settled until 1896, when the phrase "lay delegates" was interpreted to mean men and women both, and not men alone, as the opposition had insisted was the correct exposition. The debate had been intense at all three sessions. "Two-thirds of the membership of the church, three-fourths of the prayer meetings, a large proportion of the Sunday school
47 Manuscript by M. Vayhinger.
48 Minutes, 1891.
49 Ibid.
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teachers, and a majority of every congregation in Christendom are women."50
Furthermore, "women for a thousand years in the Roman church have successfully conducted nunneries, hospitals and schools, and for a hundred years in all other churches have, with universal commendation, administered all noble charities, and gloriously spread the Word of God. It is simply ferocious to send them back to the kitchen and the scullery to be the slaves instead of the helpmeets of men"51_therefore, let them be admitted. The opposition based their argument on custom and the interpretation of the church law. Since women never had been delegates, why should they now? It was suggested besides this "that women are already represented in the divinely appointed way through the men; that for women to be admitted was not in harmony with the New Testament," and again it was not expedient.52 But no such argument took place upon the floor of any session of the North In- diana Conference. A general agitation to poll the laity of Methodism before the General Conference that that body might act more in accord with the universal wish, resulted overwhelmingly in favor of the women of the North Indiana Conference. Early in the session of 1891 a committee was appointed to report the lay vote, which each Presiding Elder had canvassed at their fourth quarterly conferences. The result showed a vote of 6,812 for and 1,698 against the admission of women, while the ministerial vote stood 113 for and 42 against.53 The Conference was not reminded again of the question until 1900, the year of the first lay elec- toral conference since the question had been settled in 1896. This year five women were elected as lay dele-
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