USA > Indiana > Marshall County > A twentieth century history of Marshall County, Indiana, Volume II > Part 4
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We are, respectfully, your fellow citizens,
James Comstock, C. B. Simoson,
Samuel Porenger, Philip Nash,
G. D. A. Royce, M. F. Davis, Henry Sapp, James C. Yarnell,
A. L. Fairbrother, Jacob Larue, William Williams,
Abm. Fransberger,
Jacob Baker, Edward R. Parks, John Leighty, Lorenzo Pope.
I do certify that the above is a true copy of the original, and the signers are men of responsibility-sixteen in number.
JACOB BAKER.
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HISTORY OF MARSHALL COUNTY.
The document got into the hands of Mr. Perine, who let the cat out of the political meal sack in the following unceremonious manner :
"I do hereby certify that the statements made in the within circular are unfounded, and that I have not heard the subject mentioned in the county of Kosciusko until the last five days, and only by Jacob Baker, who has subscribed to the written certificates. "July 28, 1837. AARON M. PERINE. "
A few days later the following indorsement appears over the signature of Mr. Runyan :
"I, Peter L. Runyan, a candidate for, the state legislature in this district, do hereby certify that the written statement, as it regards myself, is wholly unfounded, as I hold an interest in the county seat of Kosciusko county worth $500, and it would be to the manifest injury of myself if it was moved from its present location. I therefore declare to all those who may be favored with the opportunity of perusing the within that it is unfounded and false and a plan laid by a few to insure the election of their favorite candidate.
"Union Township, August 1, 1837. PETER L. RUNYAN."
Notwithstanding the efforts made by those who issued the circular Mr. Runyan was elected.
Stump Speaking.
Stump speaking was not as common then as now, although in the absence of newspapers there was a great deal more need of speeches to explain the issues before the people than there is now, when every voter is furnished with more reading matter than he can possibly peruse during the pendency of a campaign. At that time there were never any political meetings held outside of the county seat, and even then there was not more than one meeting by each party during a presidential campaign, and that was at the conclusion of "a grand rally."
Sometimes in later campaigns there would be a "barbecue," at which various kinds of meat, frequently wild deer, which were plentiful in those days, would be roasted, and, with plenty of seasoning and an abundance of "corn dodgers" a banquet that makes one's mouth water now to think of it would be served under the shade of the forest trees.
There was plenty of "liquor" then, as at present, but the name has been modernized and it is now called "whiskey." It was also at that time called "red eye," for the reason that those who partook of the deceptive fluid to excess and for a long period of time were sure to inflame their eyelids, making them red, and hence the spirits frumenti was commonly called "red eye." Everybody that cared to do so drank spirituous liquors in those days, and nobody cared anything about it. Nearly everybody kept a decanter or little brown jug about the house, and during the malarial season, when the chills and fever were a universal thing in almost every family, a dram of whiskey mixed with tansey and called "tansey" bitters was considered indispensable to keep off the "ager." It was also considered a specific in case of snake bites.
At woodchoppings, house and barn raisings, log rollings, and other neighborhood gatherings, which were common then, whiskey was con- sidered indispensable. At political meetings, sometimes fellows would get too much, when a fist fight would result, but seldom nothing more serious would come of it.
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HISTORY OF MARSHALL COUNTY.
At the time of this election there were but five townships in the county, Union, Center, Green, Bourbon and North, and but 304 votes were polled in all of them, of which Van Buren received a majority of thirty-six. There were no railroads or telegraphs in those days, and it was more than a month after the election before the news reached here that Harrison had been elected, and as the excitement of the campaign had died away, there were no jubiliating pow wows by the victorious party, as is the case in these latter days.
Gen. Harrison was inaugurated as president March 4, 1841, and died a month later, it was supposed from nervous excitement occasioned by the inaugurating ceremonies and the mental strain of the long campaign through which he had gone. John Tyler, the vice-president, succeeded to the presi- dency, and on doing so requested the cabinet officers appointed by Har- rison to remain. He had previously been a member of the United States senate, and while a member of that body had voted to censure President Jackson for removing the deposits from the United States bank. The leg- islature of his state afterwards passed a resolution asking him to vote to expunge the resolution from the records of the senate. As he could not do that without stultifying himself, he resigned and went home. After this he was elected vice-president on the ticket with Harrison, and on the death of Harrison became president. During his term as president, congress, which was supposed to be in harmony with his views on the bank question, passed a bill that was called the "Fiscal Bank of the United States." He vetoed it on the ground that some of its provisions were unconstitutional. After consultation with him, congress again passed the bill, amended to suit his views, but for some reason unknown he vetoed it again. This action incensed the leaders of his party, and immediately his cabinet, except Daniel Webster, secretary of state, before whom important matters were pending making it necessary for him to remain, resigned. Shortly after- wards his party in congress passed a resolution severing political relations with him, and thus he found himself without a party. He served out his term of office and retired to private life. He took his place in the political history of the country cordially despised by the party that elected him to the highest office that any human being can occupy.
Incidents of Later Politics.
In the early history of politics in Marshall county, as stated, the political battles were fought between the democratic party and the whig party. There was also a free soil party in the course of formation at that time, but it had but few adherents and no county organization. In the presi- dential campaign of 1848 there were twenty-two votes cast in the county for Van Buren. Six of these were in Union township, eleven in Tippecanoe township, two in German, and three in Polk. Although there were no free soil votes cast in Center township, there were at least two men who believed in the doctrines of that party, viz., Rev. Austin Fuller and Dr. Lyman Griffin. These men were among the most prominent citizens of the county at that time. Mr. Fuller was engaged in the milling business and put in his spare time preaching the gospel according to the Wesleyan faith, and performing the marriage ceremony for such as wanted to be united for better or worse. Up to the time of his death it is said that he had married about
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500 couples. He was a companionable sort of man, and while he had opinions of his own as to politics and religion he was careful to express himself in such a way as to give no offense.
Dr. Griffin was quite prominent in his time. He was an enterprising, industrious citizen in every way. He was radical in his views on all the important questions of the day, and did not hesitate to express himself on all proper occasions. He was an enthusiastic temperance advocate and belonged to about all the temperance organizations in existence here at that time.
A county temperance convention was held in Plymouth, in 1853, at which Dr. Griffin was a conspicuous figure. That was about the time Indiana had adopted "local option" and county agents to deal out spiritnous liquors on physicians' prescriptions that the desired fluid was for medicinal pur- poses only. At the meeting referred to a resolution was adopted requesting the several townships to send delegates to a county convention to be called for the purpose of nominating a county ticket. The convention was not called and the scheme fell through.
At that time when spirituous liquors were so hard to get, lager beer began to make its appearance. Up to that time none of the "foaming lager" had been shipped to Plymouth. So important was this innovation that the editor of the local paper deemed it necessary to explain the ingredients composing the new comer, and therefore he went on to say :
"Lager beer is a malt liquor only made in Bavaria. It is similar to ale, which it clearly resembles in appearance. It is weaker than ale and retains foam for a short time. Its taste is sub-acid, and leaves in the mouth a peculiar flavor caused by a coating of pitch which the interior of the barrel receives before being filled."
What a change has taken place in this one article since the foregoing was written! Millions of money are invested in its manufacture, and in almost every city of importance in this and every other country, there is one or more breweries where lager beer is manufactured.
Up to the presidential campaign of 1852 there had not been a great deal of political excitement in Marshall county, for the reason the county was new, and the comparatively few settlers here then had other matters of more importance to attend to than to dabble in politics. In 1852 the population of the county was about 6,000 and the total vote 879, not nearly so many voters as there are now in Plymouth alone. The presidential campaign of that year before the election was held had grown to be exceed- ingly hot. The democrats had nominated Franklin Pierce, and the whigs had pitted against him Gen. Winfield Scott. But very few newspapers found their way here then, and there was a vast amount of ignorance among the voters as to what the real issues of the campaign were. The voters generally knew enough about it to know that they were either democrats or whigs, as the case might be, and that was enough. A good deal of ill feeling grew out of the contest, and for a time society felt its effects in the estrangement that resulted.
But this campaign was not a "patchen" to the Buchanan-Fremont campaign of 1856. The "knownothing" party had been fully organized, the republican party had just come into existence, and the two having joined forces on the presidential ticket, the issue being "Squatter Sovereignty,"
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the "Missouri Compromise," "Americanism," etc .; before the close of the campaign it was about as hot in Plymouth as it has ever been in any of the exciting campaigns since that time. The bitterness that grew out of the asperities of the campaign found its way into all phases of society; into churches and benevolent organizations, and even into the business rela- tions of life. The "Fremonters," thoroughly believing that they were sure to succeed, even the young people of the town went so far as to organize themselves into a Fremont party for social purposes, discarding their former democratic associates both boys and girls. They even went so far as to . hold social parties at which none but Fremonters were privileged to be present.
It is proper for historical purposes to say that the bitterness that showed itself in the way indicated after the election speedily passed away "like the baseless fabric of a dream," and that at least three of the Fremont girls repented, as all good girls do, when they find they are in the wrong, mar- ried as many democrat boys, and ever after lived happily and contented together as man and wife.
Political Riot.
It was during this campaign that a political "riot," as it was called, occurred in Bourbon. Colfax and Stewart were opposing candidates for congress in the old "Bloody Ninth Congressional District" and were pitted for a joint discussion at Bourbon on the occasion named. There was a "grand rally" by both parties. Plymouth sent a large delegation, and the two contending parties vied with each other as to which should send the larger delegation. There were great big wagons with tall hickory and ashpoles in the center, from which flags and banners proudly floated, and there were "Goddesses of Liberty," dressed in red, white and blue, with paper crowns, ornamented with imitation golden stars, representing the states of the Union ; and as many little girls dressed in white, carrying tiny little flags in their tiny little hands, also representing the states. All these wagons were drawn by as many horses, or oxen, as the case might be, as could be conveniently handled, and were fixed up so as to represent log cabins, blacksmith and carpenter shops, and other industrial pursuits, with banners, caricatures and devices, having reference to the issues of the cam- paign ; and there were horsemen with red sashes around their waists, and little flags in the horses' bridles; and there were people on foot and in wagons; and there were fife and drum bands; and before the procession composed of both parties reached its destination it must have been two miles long; and such yelling and screaming as issued from the throats of the discordant political elements making up the procession was never heard before or since. As the great long, unwieldy procession moved slowly along the oxen and horses' feet stirred up a cloud of dust that could be seen for miles away.
When the caravan reached the suburbs of the town, the anvils, for want of cannons, belched forth a welcome; the martial bands played; the people yelled themselves hoarse, and it was not long until "the village in the woods" was crowded with the most people that had ever been there at one time. Bourbon was a small place then. It had not yet been organized under the law for the incorporation of villages, and it did not contain a population
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HISTORY OF MARSHALL COUNTY.
all told beyond two or three hundred, if indeed there were that many. It was a primitive village tucked away in the woods, where few ever went unless special business called them there. There were two or three country stores there, a blacksmith and wagon repair shop, a small hotel and a few notion shops, but beyond these evidences of coming greatness there was very little to indicate that it would grow to be the large, thriving and sub- stantial town it now is.
The joint discussion between Judge Stewart, the democratic candidate for congress, and Schuyler Colfax, the American (knownothing, as that party was called) republican candidate, took place in a grove in the south- west part of town. It was a beautiful grove of forest trees. The under- growth had been cut down; a stand had been erected and covered with bushes and leaves, and decorated with flags and banners and various emblems representing the two political parties. There were plenty of seats under the umbrageous trees, and the woods were literally full of people, all of whom were intensely interested in the outcome of the political battle that was about to be fought. The rules of the discussion had been agreed upon and the meeting was called to order and the program announced. The first thing in order was music by the old "Plymouth Sax Horn Band," one of the best musical organizations of its kind in this part of the state at the time.
Then came the glee clubs, with campaign songs composed for the occa- sion by the political poets of the time. If these compositions could be repro- duced they would undoubtedly cause a broad smile to radiate the countenance of the "poets" yet living, who imagined at the time that they were destined to become immortal and eventually take their places in the gallery of dis- tinguished American authors.
Mr. Colfax opened the debate. He was a charming campaign speaker, one of the best Indiana has ever produced. He captured the audience from the first, and carried with him to the end those who did not care much about politics one way or the other. He was a most affable and agreeable man, always having a kind word and a smile for every one. He became so noted for these characteristics that he was known throughout the district as "Schuyler the Smiler." Judge W. Z. Stewart was a resident of Logansport, and was at that time judge of the supreme court. He was lame, having but little use of one of his legs. He was a methodical man, and, although a man of learning and ability, was not cut out for a politician, and was not the campaigner that Mr. Colfax was. The Ft. Wayne & Chicago railroad was just then being graded through the town, and there were a large number of railroad laborers there, mostly foreigners. The rally was the occasion for these workmen to take a day off, and most of them were present on the grounds where the speaking was in progress. On the platform the republicans had placed a banner with an inscription which was taken to be a reflection on the "foreigners." In his opening speech Judge Stewart referred to the banner in somewhat excited language, and denounced the party that would be guilty of offering any portion of their fellow citizens so gross an insult as to flaunt that banner before their faces. By this time the excitement was at its highest pitch, and the firing of a pistol by some indiscreet person not far from the speakers' stand was the signal for a general riot. There were a number of fights going on at the same time, and for a while it seemed as though nearly everybody would
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be involved in the fracas. For a time it was an indiscriminate, go-as-you- please, knock-down and drag-out fist fight. There were a great many black eyes and skinned faces, and it was reported at the time that several were severely cut with knives and beaten with clubs, but if any deaths resulted from the melee they were kept so quiet that the fact did not become generally known. An attempt was made to restore order and continue the discussion, but so nervous and excited were the people that the meeting broke up by common consent, and the big processions that had gone into town in the morning with such a great flourish of trumpets, hurried home badly broken up and demoralized. That was the death blow to political joint debates in connection with grand rallies, very few having taken place since that time.
First Congressional Convention.
The first congressional convention held in Plymouth was on July 20, 1858. The district embraced a large territory and was composed of the following counties : Marshall, La Porte, St. Joseph, Lake, Porter, Fulton, Miami, Cass, Pulaski, White, Benton and Stark. The following names were attached to the call: John A. Graham, W. C. Barnett, Joseph Jackson, John H. Scott, H. F. Howard, S. A. Hall, W. H. Drapier, J. L. Rock, John C. Walker, Banner Lawhead, Charles S. Tibbitts and Daniel McDonald. Only the writer of this history is certainly known to be living.
The convention was held according to announcement and was described as "the largest and most enthusiastic convention ever held in the ninth congressional district." Early in the morning about twenty-five horsemen proceeded down the Michigan road, and met the "unterrified" of Fulton county, about fifty in number, and escorted them into town, where they were received with a hearty welcome by the democracy of Marshall county. Delegates from Bloomingsburg. Tippecanoe, Bourbon, Wolf Creek and Starke county came in at an early hour, and by the time the train was ex- pected from the west the town was thronged with "good and true demo- crats." This train brought a host of democrats from the western portion of the district, who were accompanied by the La Porte brass band, the Kickapoo and Westville Union brass bands. Hon. Norman Eddy, of St. Joseph, was chosen president of the convention, and S. A. Hall and John A. Graham, of Miami, secretaries. The first ballot for a candidate for congress resulted as follows: John C. Walker, 61 ; James Bradley, 33; C. H. Reeve, 10. The nomination of Mr. Walker was made unanimous. All these candidates are dead.
The district was republican at that time, and Mr. Walker was defeated by Schuyler Colfax. Four new districts have been added since that time, and the old "bloody ninth" has been pushed on up to No. 13, and instead of thir- teen counties it is now composed of only six.
Colfax and Turpie Debates.
Marshall county has always been considered the most important political factor in the congressional district in which it has always been one of the counties. For thirteen congressional campaigns it was in the Ninth district, and from the hard fought battles in each of these compaigns it gained the distinction of being known all over the country as the "bloody ninth." In all these campaigns, without a single exception, Marshall county gave sub- stantial majorities for the democratic candidates, and after the republicans
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gained the ascendancy in the district for several years Marshall county stood alone as the single democratic county in the district. Marshall county being in the central part of the district, the conventions of both parties were fre- quently held here, and in all the joint debates between the opposing candi- dates Plymouth was always considered one of the best points in the district. Among the joint debates that occurred in the old "bloody ninth" undoubtedly the most interesting and important political discussions ever heard in the United States, excepting only the joint debates of Lincoln and Douglas in Illinois in 1858, were those between Schuyler Colfax and David Turpie in 1862-64-66.
Mr. Colfax had been elected to congress in 1856, 1858 and 1860. The slavery question in that campaign was the paramount issue and he was serv- ing his third term when Mr. Turpie was pitted against him in his fourth cam- paign. The war of the rebellion was then being carried on in all its fury and the political excitement but tended to increase the intensity of the feelings of the people, and as a consequence the debates were largely attended and the deepest interest was manifested throughout. The district at that time was reliably republican.
Mr. Turpie was unanimously nominated by the democratic convention for congress against Mr. Colfax. Arrangements were made for a series of joint debates between the candidates. The district was very large, compris- ing fourteen counties, and the field to be traversed in the canvass comprised a very large territory. The meetings were held at all the county seats and at many other places in the more populous counties, the time occupied being about six weeks of successive speech days, omitting Sundays.
At each of these meetings there were two timekeepers and two mod- erators, chosen by the respective parties. The order was that no one was to be admitted to the stand except these four and the two speakers, but in the tumultuous excitement of those days this rule was sometimes violated and the crowd around the speakers became so dense as to be oppressive. The whole time of the joint discussion was three hours. The first speaker was entitled to an hour in opening and half an hour to close ; the other spoke continuously an hour and a half in the interval, and this order alternated from day to day. The meetings were well attended, 2,000 or 3,000 not being an unusual audi- ence. In such assemblages were found the best men of both parties. The people were anxious to hear the debates and did not often tolerate interrup- tion or disorder. Such was the intense and eager political feeling of the time that no account was taken of the weather. On many occasions the speakers addressed large crowds of men and women that stood in the rain; some of them had umbrellas, others were without shelter, but none left the ground ; all tarried to hear even the last words of the closing reply.
In 1864 Mr. Colfax and Mr. Turpie were again opposing candidates for congress, the campaign being conducted on the same mode and to the same extent of time and travel as it had been two years before. Mr. Colfax was again elected, but not by so large a majority as he had sometimes formerly received. In 1866 Mr. Turpie was again nominated by his party by accla- mation to make the race against Mr. Colfax, who was then speaker of the house of representatives. This campaign was made in the same manner as the two former. Mr. Colfax was again elected and served two years as
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speaker of the house, and at the close of his term, in 1869, was inaugurated vice-president of the United States.
The last joint discussion between these two political giants, and the last that either of them was ever engaged in, was held in Knox, in Starke county, on Saturday preceding the election in October, 1866. As they left the stand Mr. Colfax turned to Mr. Turpie and said that he did not know what the result of the election might be, but that he knew one thing to a certainty- he would never make another race for congress in that district ; the labor was too great, too exacting. He kept his word; in fact, neither of them ever made another race for congress.
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