USA > Indiana > Biographical and historical sketches of early Indiana > Part 10
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Soon after the election in 1856, Governor Willard was invited by the Legislature of Mississippi to visit Jackson as a guest of the State. Being acquainted with a gentleman who is familiar with public events in Mississippi, the author requested him to give an account of this event. The following is his response :
" MR. WOOLLEN-Of course my recollection of details must be somewhat imperfect, as I was then a lad of fifteen years. I will give them as I remember them. It was in December, 1856, after the Democratic victory, the Legislature being in regular session. Governor Willard and other prominent Democrats were invited to visit the capital of the State, Jackson. I re- member his speech was full of vigor and patriotic sentiments, and overflowing with kindness towards his entertainers and the
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whole Southern people. I can not now recall any expression of his, but I know his address was received with the greatest enthusiasm. After the speech-making, reception and general hand-shaking, a banquet at the Spengler House was given, and three hundred people were present. Wit flowed as freely and sparkled as brightly as the generous wines which graced the board. General good feeling prevailed. David C. Glenn was the newly appointed Attorney-General of the State, just barely of the constitutional age. He was considered one of the bright- est lawyers of the commonwealth, and was a brilliant and elo- quent writer. He came from the sea-coast country, or the "Piney Woods " district, as it was then called. His brilliancy . and eloquence were famous throughout the State. His capacity for a drinking bout was also well established. In fact, he was considered the best, heaviest and solidest drinker in the South- west. The reputation of Governor Willard in this particular had preceded him, and it was determined to pit Glenn against him. The result was that Glenn was put hors du combat at an early stage of the proceedings, and Willard held his own as cool and clear-headed and as steady on his pins at the close of the banquet as he was at the commencement."
Colonel John S. Williams thus speaks of Governor Willard in the Lafayette Times:
"As a political organizer and mere party man the late Gov- ernor Willard never had an equal in the State of Indiana. I will not except his great rival, Governor Morton. I remember the Saturday before the State election, in 1856, his arrival in Lafayette to make the closing speech of the campaign. Com- ing into my apartments, he found me, in company with the late Senator Hannegan, talking over the political .situation. We at once asked him what he thought of the political situation and his chances of election. . I've got 'em sure.' . Can you give the figures !' I inquired. . Yes,' he responded ; get your paper and I will give you the vote of every county.' Commencing with Posey county, in the southwest corner of the State, and without any list before him, he named every county, giving his estimate of majorities in each one. Strange to say. he had not missed a single county. I have his figures now before me. In
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several counties they correspond with the official vote, and, in the aggregate, do not vary three hundred votes as declared by the board of State canvassers. His majority over Governor Morton was about six thousand."
In 1857 news came to Indianapolis of the John Brown raid. Among those connected with Brown was John E. Cook, a brother-in-law of Governor Willard. Governor Willard's family had not heard of Cook for years, and, when it was pub- lished that one John E. Cook was arrested for participating in the Harper's Ferry tragedy, they could hardly believe it was Mrs. Willard's brother. But it was he, and when Governor · Willard knew this fact he determined his course at once.
The raid of John Brown on Harper's Ferry was reprobated by all save a few abolitionists, and they were hushed to silence. Willard was young, was ambitious, and had great expectations of the future. He had a national reputation as an orator, and visions of the first office in the people's gift no doubt flitted be- fore him. To identify himself as a friend of one connected with the detested raid would surely damage him at the South, and might do so at home. But he hesitated not. He deter- mined to go to the rescue of his kinsman. He sent a special messenger to his friend, Daniel W. Voorhees, requesting his immediate presence. The messenger found Mr. Voorhees at Vincennes engaged in an important trial, but the eloquent ad- vocate turned the case over to another and went to his friend as fast as the cars could take him. He found him in sore dis- tress. He comforted him as best he could, and without delay the two started for Charleston, Virginia, where young Cook was imprisoned. The meeting between Willard and his brother- in-law was deeply affecting. One was Governor of a great State, the other a prisoner, charged with crime, but the differ- ence between them did not stop the flow of affection from one heart to the other. And, here, let it be recorded, that Cook's love for Willard probably cost him his life. It was stated at the time, and not contradicted, that after Governor Willard left the prison the keeper opened a way for Cook's escape. But he would not embrace it. He said if he escaped the blame would be laid on Willard, and would ruin his prospects for future
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preferment ; hence he staid in prison and met his fate. Brave and considerate man! Prisoner though you were, convict though you were to be, this act of self-abnegation proves you to be a hero.
On the 8th of November, 1859, Cook was put upon his trial. He was defended by Mr. Voorhees in a speech of transcendent eloquence, but it availed him naught. The fiat of a frenzied public had gone forth that he should die, and there was no put- ting it aside. After he was convicted Governor Willard ap- pealed to Governor Wise for his pardon, but the appeal was in vain, and the young man suffered the extreme penalty of the law.
Governor Willard's efforts to save Cook's life, instead of les- sening his popularity at home, increased it. People admired his courage and commended him for what he had done. Par- ticularly was this true of his political opponents, and from that time until he died they respected and esteemed him as they had never done before.
In the Legislature of 1857 the Democrats had a majority on joint ballot, but the Republicans had the Senate. The two houses met in joint convention to count the vote for Governor, and when this was done, adjourned to a subsequent day. The purpose of thus adjourning was to elect United States Senators. The Republicans refused to go into another joint convention, so the Democrats were in a great strait to know what to do. It was contended that there having been a joint convention, a ma- jority of the members of the Legislature could meet on the day appointed and legally elect the Senators. The Republicans controverted this position, and contended that it took a majori- ity of each branch of the Legislature to constitute a legal con- vention. Senator Bright was disposed to consider this as the correct view of the question, and refused to accept an election which he believed to be tainted with illegality. The subject was referred to Samuel E. Perkins, Joseph W. Chapman and James Hughes, three lawyers of the highest standing. After examining it, these gentlemen came to the conclusion that an election held, as proposed by the Democrats, would be legal. A caucus of the Democratic members of the Legislature was held in the hall of the House to receive the report of the com-
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mittee. The report was read by Judge Chapman, and when he had concluded Governor Willard arose and said that if a ma- jority of all the members of the Legislature met in joint session and elected Messrs. Bright and Fitch to the Senate, he would commission them, and he had no doubt they would get their seats ; that the Senate of the United States would not refuse to receive men whose commission bore the great seal of the State of Indiana. The author was present at the caucus, and well remembers the effect of Governor Willard's speech. Although one of the youngest men in the hall, he was looked to for ad- vice and guidance. His emphatic declaration that he would commission Messrs. Bright and Fitch if they were elected in the manner proposed, and that he had no doubt of their admis- sion in the Senate, caused the doubting Thomases to give way and cease their opposition.
In person Governor Willard was very prepossessing. His head and face were cast in the finest moulds, his eyes were blue, his hair auburn and his complexion florid. By nature he was open and frank. He was generous to a fault, carrying his heart on his sleeve. A more magnetic and attractive man could no- where be found, and had he lived to the allotted age of man- kind, he must have reached still higher honors.
The Western Democratic Review, in its October number, 1854, thus sums up Governor Willard's characteristics as an orator :
" Willard, though a young man, is the best popular orator in the United States. His language is chaste and elegant, utterly void of commonplace and provincialisms, his manner that of a practical speaker, his voice one of the best we have ever heard for an orator. He speaks with rapidity, precision and uncommon emphasis, and can be heard distinctly by an im- mense number of persons at once. His commanding talents will, one day, lift him far above the reach of the most bitter stings of prejudice and the boldest shafts of enmity."
a attammen of
ABRAM ADAMS HAMMOND.
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ABRAM ADAMS HAMMOND, once Governor of Indiana, was born at Brattleboro, Vt., March 21, 1814. He came to Indiana when six years old, and was raised at Brookville, where he studied law with John Ryman, a lawyer of note of that place. In 1835, having previously been admitted to the bar, he re- moved to Greenfield, in Hancock county, and commenced the practice of his profession. In 1840 he removed to Columbus, Bartholomew county, and soon afterward formed a partnership with John H. Bradley in the practice of the law. While a res- ident of Columbus he was chosen Prosecuting Attorney of his circuit, and acquitted himself with decided ability in the office. In 1846 Mr. Hammond and Mr. Bradley removed to Indiana- polis, and the next year to Cincinnati. But not being satisfied with their location, they returned to the former city in 1849, and Mr. Hammond formed a partnership with Hugh O'Neal, a cele- brated criminal lawyer of his day. In 1850 the Legislature of In- diana passed a law creating a Court of Common Pleas for Marion county. Mr. Hammond was chosen the first judge of this court. He, however, held the office but a short time, resigning it to leave for the West. In 1852 Judge Hammond went to San Francisco, Cal., and became a partner in the practice of the law with the eminent Rufus A. Lockwood. The next year he returned to Indiana, and in 1855 removed to Terre Haute' and formed a partnership with Hon. Thomas H. Nelson in the prac- tice of the law. He lived in Terre Haute until elected Lieuten- ant-Governor of the State.
In 1856 the Democratic State Convention of Indiana nom- inated the late John C. Walker for Lieutenant-Governor. Soon
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after the nomination had been made it was discovered that Mr. Walker was not eligible for the office by reason of his not having reached the constitutional age. He therefore withdrew from the ticket, leaving the vacancy to be filled by the State Central Committee.
On the dissolution of the Whig party, after the disastrous campaign of 1852, many of its members entered the ranks of the Democracy. There was but little difference in the national platforms of the two great parties in that year, so these recruits had not far to go. Judge Hammond was one of the most prom- inent men in Indiana who took the new departure, and as there was a disposition to recognize this element of the Democratic party, the State Central Committee put him on the ticket in the place of Mr. Walker. He had not been a prominent politician, but he was well known over the State as an able lawyer. He made an active canvass, speaking in the principal cities, and when the election came off was chosen Lieutenant-Governor. He made a most excellent presiding officer of the Senate, his rulings being so fair and his decisions so just that even his po- litical opponents bestowed encomiums upon him.
During the time that Mr. Hammond was Lieutenant-Gov- ernor and Governor, the Democratic party was greatly dis- tracted by the slavery question. The President, Mr. Buchanan. and his cabinet held the doctrine that the constitution of the United States protected slavery in the Territories, and that slaveholders had the legal right to take their slaves into the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. Mr. Douglas, the great apostle of popular sovereignty, controverted this position, and contended that the people of the Territories had the right of determining the question for themselves so soon as they had organized a civil government. In an elaborate paper, published in Harper's Magazine, he argued to this effect with great force and plausibility, if not with irresistible logic. There was an "irrepressible conflict " between the two wings of the Democ- racy, which culminated at the Charleston convention in 1860, and severed the party in twain. That convention adjourned without making a nomination, and subsequently reassembled at Baltimore, where one wing of the party nominated Mr. Douglas for the presidency, and the other John C. Breckenridge. The
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fight between the factions was bitter and relentless-more bitter than against the Republicans. The mass of the party in Indiana followed the lead of Douglas, but many of the politicians tried hard to compass his overthrow. Previous to the meeting of the Democratic State Convention of 1860 Governor Hammond went to several county conventions for the purpose of using his influence to have administration delegates sent to the State convention. The author saw him at the convention in Jefferson county, and well remembers his efforts to have delegates chosen who would sustain Mr. Buchanan. He was fully in accord with Senator Bright, Governor Willard, United States Marshal Rob- inson, and others in their opposition to popular sovereignty as expounded by Douglas, and, with them, he favored the admis- sion of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution. But he did not follow Senator Bright into the Breckenridge movement. The organization of the party in Indiana was for Mr. Douglas, and Governor Hammond stood by the organization. He, how- ever, gave Mr. Douglas but a passive support, his heart not being in the fight. A Breckenridge electoral ticket was formed. which received 12,295 votes in the State, but, had these votes been added to those cast for Mr. Douglas, Mr. Lincoln would still have carried Indiana. His vote was 139,033. that of Mr. Douglas 115,509, that of Breckenridge 12,295, and that of Bell (Union) 5,306. It will thus be seen that Mr. Lincoln's majority in the State over all opposition was 5,923.
Governor Willard died at St. Paul, Minnesota, October 5, 1860, and Mr. Hammond became Governor. On Friday, Jan- uary 11, 1861, he delivered his first and only message to the Legislature. In it he refers to the death of Governor Willard ; to the borrowing of $125,000 of Winslow, Lanier & Co., of New York, to pay the semi-annual interest on the State debt. the necessity for which he declares was occasioned by "' the failure of the Senate of Indiana to pass a revenue bill for the years of 1857-8." Hle recommends legislation to protect the ballot-box, a law requiring " the collection of the debts due the State in gold and silver," and the establishment of a sub-treasury in which to keep the funds of the State. He says " the estab- lishment of a house of refuge upon the grounds selected and purchased for that purpose [one hundred acres lying four miles
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west of Indianapolis, bought of Colonel Drake], is imperatively demanded -- demanded alike by good morals and sound policy- and I recommend that prompt and adequate action be taken by the Legislature in the matter, and that an appropriation for that purpose be made." He closes his message as follows :
" It gives me great pleasure to say that Indiana, as a State. has hitherto faithfully kept the bond of union with all her sister States. Her record is unstained by any act of bad faith. She has never attempted, directly or indirectly, to evade or avoid any of the requirements of the Federal constitution, and no man can doubt that if the same could be said of every other State, instead of discord, peace and harmony would reign throughout our borders. Let us then take pride in maintaining the high position we have thus far occupied as a conservative, union- loving State, and while we throw our weight into the scale in favor of any practical mode of settling the present trouble, let us endeavor to aid in that more permanent and lasting settle- ment that must flow from a restoration of amity and cordiality among all our people, North and South. Then, as you have met in a legislative capacity, you should place Indiana, in this controversy, where she rightly belongs, as a conservative, law- abiding and Union State. Show to the people of the Confed- eracy that Indiana will maintain the constitutional rights of every State in this Union ; that she will extend to the South all rights in the Territories belonging to this government that she would claim for herself; that she will look to the constitution and the laws to determine rights of property, and not permit any moral question to interfere to affect that determination, and that all property recognized by the constitution and laws shall be alike protected. This position, although it may not affect the action of the extreme Southern States, yet it may do much to bring about a convention of the border free and sla've States. And regarding, as I do, these States to be conservative, and in favor of maintaining the Union as it is, it would be well for the peace of this country if they could meet in convention and con- sult together in regard to the present unhappy differences ex- isting between the North and South. They might, by their con- servative action, induce the extremists of the North and South
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to pause and reflect upon the consequences which must nec- essarily result from their fanatical course, and if, by their action, this much could be gained, there would then be hope that by a union of the conservative elements of the country these un- happy differences might be satisfactorily settled, and the best government under heaven saved from the horrors of disunion and civil war."
These recommendations of Governor Hammond were favor- ably received and acted on by the Legislature. Subsequently a sub-treasury law was passed, and is still upon the statute books. Although the Legislature he addressed failed to provide for the creation of a house of refuge for juvenile offenders, a subsequent one passed such a law. It was during the adminis- tration of Governor Baker that the institution at Plainfield was established, but a part of the honor for its creation justly belongs to Governor Hammond.
Governor Hammond's recommendation that Indiana should be represented in a convention of the border States. then about to be held, was adopted. Five days after the delivery of his message, Lieutenant-Governor Morton became Governor by reason of the resignation of Governor Lane, who had been elected to the United States Senate. Governor Morton was opposed to Indiana's sending delegates to the Peace Congress, but the Legislature passed a joint resolution for their appoint- ment, whereupon the Governor named Caleb B. Smith, Pleas- ant A. Hackelman, Godlove S. Orth, Thomas C. Slaughter and Erastus W. H. Ellis as the delegates.
The Peace Congress met at Washington City, February 4. 1861, and organized by the election of John Tyler, once Presi- dent of the United States, as its president. Much was hoped from it. but nothing obtained. There were several propositions before it, notably the one named for Mr. Crittenden, looking to a compromise of the differences between the sections ; but they were all rejected. The delegates from Indiana opposed all compromise or concessions to the South, and after several days of fruitless efforts to reach an accommodation the convention adjourned. Governor Hammond was in favor of the Crittenden compromise. and if he had had the selection of the Indiana del-
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egates he would have chosen men who would have supported that measure.
About the time Governor Hammond went out of office his health gave way. Rheumatism fastened itself upon him and never let go its hold. After this time he suffered almost con- tinuously and was compelled to walk with crutches. He tried all manner of remedies to get relief, but to little purpose. After awhile asthma attacked him, and in the summer of 1874 he went to Colorado, hoping to be benefited by its climate. But the dry air of the mountains failed to work a cure. He died at Den- ver, August 27, 1874, and four days afterward his remains reached Indianapolis and were taken to the house of John M. Talbott, an old friend of the Governor. On the day of their arrival Governor Hendricks issued an order for the closing of the State offices during the obsequies. On the afternoon of September 1, the funeral took place at Mr. Talbott's residence. Rev. F. M. Bird officiating. The pall-bearers were Governor Hendricks, Major Gordon, Judge Roache, Aquilla Jones, Cap- tain Dodd, Hon. Joseph E. McDonald, William Mansur and Simon Yandes, who escorted his remains to Crown Hill Ceme- tery, where they were buried.
Governor Hammond was the first Lieutenant -Governor of Indiana to become Governor on account of death. In 1822 Lieutenant-Governor Boon became Governor, succeeding Jon- athan Jennings, and in 1825 James Brown Ray, President of the Senate, became Governor, as the successor of William Hen- dricks, but in both cases the vacancies were caused by resigna- tion, and not by death.
Governor Willard died October 5, 1860, and Governor Ham- mond served until the inauguration of Governor Lane, January 14, 1861. Two days afterward Governor Lane resigned and Lieutenant-Governor Morton became Governor. Thus it will be seen that in a period of one hundred and three days Indiana had four different Governors, a fact without a parallel in the history of the country, so far as my knowledge goes.
Governor Hammond was not a showy man, but he was an able one, much abler than the public gave him credit for. He had an analytic and logical mind, and was remarkably clear in stating his positions and drawing his conclusions. He had not
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great learning, but he was a close observer of events, and dur- ing life gathered a mass of information not found in books. He was not particularly well read in the law, but he was a good lawyer, for he comprehended principles and was able to apply them in his practice.
While Governor Hammond's residence was at Indianapolis from 1849 until he died, except the year he was at Terre Haute. vet he made several changes in the location of his business. He would have succeeded anywhere, for in ability he was far above most of his competitors at the bar, but he would hardly be well settled at one place before he would close his office and open one elsewhere. He was not content to " watch and wait." but wanted the business to come at once.
Until he became afflicted with rheumatism Governor Ham- mond was an unusually fine specimen of physical manhood. He walked with a spring and moved with the agility of an athlete. He was of medium height, compactly built, and of dark com- plexion. His head was large and well-shaped. While the ex- . pression of his countenance was kind and gentle, it never betrayed passion or emotion. He was cool, deliberate and self- possessed, keeping his feelings and temper under perfect con- trol. He was frank in his manners, honorable in his dealings and dignified in his deportment. Although not one of the most learned Governors of Indiana, he was, by nature, one of the ablest.
HENRY SMITH LANE.
HENRY SMITH LANE, for two days Governor of Indiana, was born in Montgomery county, Kentucky, February 11, 18II. He was well educated, and when eighteen years old commenced the study of the law. Soon after reaching his majority he was . admitted to the bar, and in 1835 came to Indiana and settled at Crawfordsville. He had a winning address, abounded in anec- ·dote, and was fluent in speech. He soon obtained a good legal practice, particularly in criminal cases. He became very popu- lar, and in 1837 was elected to the State Legislature from his county.
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