USA > Indiana > Henry County > Henry County; past and present: a brief history of the county from 1821 to 1871 > Part 11
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Blue River, No. 48 /Knightst'n), 1st & 3d Wednesdays
1856
100
Henry, No. 69 (New Castle). 2d and 4th Wednesdays
1865
43
Farnsworth, No. 91 ' Lewisville). 1st and 3d Fridays Degree of Rebekah.
1869
39
Wildey, No. 4 (Cadiz), every other Monday
1868
Charity. No. 19 (New Castle), 1st and 20 Tuesdays
189
34
Social No. 7 (Knightstown , 1st and 3d Wednes days Aretas (Lewisville)
1869
53
1870
35
THE INDEPENDENT ORDER OF GOOD TEMPLARS
Sets forth as its principal objeet to "reclaim the fallen" vietims of intemperance and "save others from falling," its objects be- ing substantially the same as that of the Sons of Temperance, now obsolete in this part of the State, and in this philanthropic work males and females are admitted on terms of perfect equal- ity.
Council.
Commandary.
Date of organiza- tion.
Present strength
123
BANKS.
NAME AND NO. OF LODGE AND TIME OF MEETING.
I. O. G. T.
Date of organiza- tion.
Present strength.
Greensboro, No. 43, Wednesday, (reorganized)
1871
2
Ogden, No. 318, Wednesday
1865
Knightstown. No. 277
1361
5
Mechanicsburg, No. 333, Friday
1866
Spiceland, No. 547, Saturday
1867
Middletown, No. 682
1870
Dunreith, No. 740, Saturday
1870
BANKS.
-0
Henry county, until within a few years, was so essentially rural, and the pursuits of our people of such a character, that banks were not looked upon as in any way necessary to the growth or progress of the county. It is presumed that capital- ists surveyed the field with equal indifference, as no serious ef- fort was made to start a banking house within our borders-prior to the introduction of the national banking system. Under the old State Bank system, but a limited number of branches were permitted, and this county was in the Richmond District ; while our capitalists generally had a very judicious fear of the "wild cat" system, and probably saved money and reputation by giv- ing it a wide berth.
It is not to be inferred from the foregoing that no one in the county, during its infancy, engaged in the loaning of mon- ey, as almost every neighborhood had its money kings who were ready to discount good paper on private terms. Fif- teen or twenty years since, an "old farmer" who could scrape together from $3,000 to $5.000, ready money, was regarded as a moneyed man and on the high road to fortune, if not already ar- rived at that ever-shifting point. One of the most noticeable effects of the late war was to so change the industries and finan- . cial wants of communities as to make the establishment of sev- eral banks seem desirable, where the want of so much as one was not seriously felt before. Accordingly in January, 1865, an association was formed, and
124
HENRY COUNTY; PAST AND PRESENT.
.
THE FIRST NATIONAL BANK OF NEW CASTLE
Went into operation soon afterward, with a capital of $100,000 and a circulation of $90,000, as the law permits. Its career has been quite a successful one, the stock commanding 25 per cent. premium, and the semi-annual dividends averaging about seven per cent., while its "accumulated surplus" amounts to $16,725 62. Its quarterly transactions amount to about $150,000 in the way of loans and discounts, and the individual deposits last quarter amounted to about $85,000. The present officers of the company are : M. L. Bundy, S. T. Powell, J. T. Elliott,. Wm. Murphey, Clement Murphey, Directors; M. L. Bundy, President; John Thornburgh, Cashier; Augustus Bundy, Teller.
THE FIRST NATIONAL BANK OF KNIGHTSTOWN
Was organized about the same time, but a few weeks later, we believe, than the above mentioned. Its capital stock is also $100,000, and circulation about $90,000. The career of these two institutions has been about equally successful, the figures setting forth the quarterly transactions of each not greatly differing. It is claimed that the stock in the Knights- town, bank commands a little higher premium than that of the other, though we presume this is a matter of precious little consequence except in case of the death of a stockholder, as there is seldom any transactions in the stock of either. The semi-annual dividends of this bank have not been reported as being quite so high as those of its New Castle competitor, but, on the other hand, it reported an "accumulated surplus" of over $33,000 several months since. The officers are, so far as learned : Robert Woods, President; C. D. Morgan, Cashier; William Penn Hill and Perry Wagoner, Clerk's.
THE UNION BANK OF NEW CASTLE.
This was a private bank, projected by M. L. Bundy in 1869, oflice in the Taylor Honse. It appeared to do a flourishing business for several months, when its business and good will were transferred to the First National, of which Mr. Bundy soon ยท became President.
CITIZENS' BANK OF DUNREITH.
This is a private bank, instituted at Dunreith in 1869, by Strattan, Harrold & Co., with a capital stock of $25,000, and in- tended to supply a local demand, and for the accommodation of
125
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT.
the shipping interests of Dunreith and vicinity. Although the capital was small, its transactions for the first year were of a highly satisfactory character. In December last it was burg- lariously entered and victimized to the tune of about $6,000, which very materially interfered with its business calculations and success.
Under the present order of things, the banks of Henry county seem like almost indispensable institutions. They are certainly great conveniences at times, but their being so ex- tremely good for the stockholder at once raises the question as to whether the community in general can be shown to be bene- fitted by their existence. One thing is certainly demonstrable : that the rate of interest is too high, as it can hardly be a healthy state of affairs in general, when the interest which money will command is greater than the per cent. of profits in any of the leading pursuits in which it is employed. It has been but a few months since the rate of discounts at our banks was reduced from twelve to ten per cent. Still it is extremely doubtful whether agricultural pursuits, which are the chief basis of wealth in this county, have paid an average of six per cent. on the cap- ital invested for the past five years.
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT.
In the earlier portion of our county's history, there was little known of what is called partizan politics. Party lines were but dimly defined. Personal popularity counted more at the polls, (especially in local elections) than political creeds. A difference of choice for Governor or President might engender considerable feeling between neighbors without separating them in choice for Justice of the Peace or County Commissioner . Names, too, were as liable to deceive in early times as at present.
A venerable and life-long Democrat, whose name frequently occurs in these pages, commenced his career by voting for John Quincy Adams, and afterwards voted for Mr. Clay, who he says were Democrats at the time.
12*
126
HENRY COUNTY; PAST AND PRESENT.
In early times the Democratic conventions at Indianapolis were styled Republican conventions, thus showing that words may be and often are used interchangeably, which, at other times, convey ideas of the most opposite character.
Although Henry county, from an early day, was regarded as very reliably Whig when it came to a general election, Dem- ocrats, for many years, enjoyed a considerable share of the places of " trust and profit" in the county. After Jackson's elec- tion the lines began to be more closely drawn, and party ma- chinery to be put in more successful operation on both sides, and the opposing candidates were often held up as political mon- strosities, and the " glorious principles " of each were attacked with a rancor, or defended with a zeal on the stump, or through the press, that leaves the impression at this day that the actors must have believed great principles were really at stake in the contests between Whigs and Democrats, but just what they were we are unable at this remote period to accurately de- termine, and freely confess to having some difficulty in com- prehending the " world wide " difference between the principles of the old Whig and. Democratic parties. Nevertheless there must have been a difference, for once the issne was made, the number of Democrats promoted in this county became smaller by degrees, and if we mistake not, Joshua Johnson, elected Sheriff in 1850, was the " last of his line"
The difference between Whiggery and Democracy, however, has not been the only element in Henry county politics. The county having been for many years noted as a stronghold of Radicalism and sure for a heavy majority for Hon. G. W. Julian, renders a review of some of the causes which led to such results, fitting in this place.
Many of the carly pioneers were from the South, and had learned from actual contact with the " peenliar institution " to detest it from the bottom of their hearts. They cherished the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence as vital truths and not as " glittering generalities." They not only confessed with their mouths, but believed in their hearts, that God had made of one blood all nations of men, and that
" A man's a man for a' that,"
in spite of color, cast or rank. They early perceived the essen-
127
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT.
tially aggressive character of the "patriarchal institution," which, in spite of its professed conservatism and pleadings to be "let alone," was mustering its forces for a crusade, determined to rule or ruin, to bend or break to its accused purposes, parties, constitutions, unions, Bibles, churches and all else held sacred.
They saw earlier and knew better than Mr. Seward himself the nature of the " irrepressible conflict."
A National Anti-Slavery Society was formed about 1833, and had aroused great excitement and uncontrolable mobs in Bos- ton and Philadelphia, but it took some time for this agitation to reach as far west as Indiana, and there was not much concerted action here until after 1840.
Although the number who felt that the pandering of Church and State to the traffic in human flesh was a burning disgrace and a foul blot on our fair institutions, was ever on the increase, thousands who recognized the heaven defying character of slavery, and were "just as much opposed to it as any body" were not yet ready to carry their opposition into politics, or at least not ready for separate political action, and so when the movement in this direction was inaugurated in 1840, no electoral ticket was formed in this and some other western States, and the ticket received but about six thousand votes in the whole Union.
When J. G. Birny, a practical Abolitionist, who had man- umitted his own slaves, was put forward by the Liberty party in 1844, to make the race with those well-known slave- holders and apologists for oppression, Henry Clay and James K. Polk, he received but 188 votes in the county, and 62,263 in the . whole country. When separate political action was inaugurated the fires of persecution were made to burn fiercly. "Abo- litionist" became a supreme epithet of reproach. Among the boys it was sometimes changed to "niggerlitionist." No effort was spared to harrass and crush out the growing hostility to an institution, which, from being allowed to exist by the sufferance and forbearance of our forefathers, had come to arrogantly demand the chiefest place in State and Synagogue. Those who had the temerity to oppose its progress, soon found themselves not only outside of a "healthy political organization," but their
128
HENRY COUNTY; PAST AND PRESENT.
fellow church members were looking askance at them as dis- turbers of the peace of "God's family"-the " household of faith," and two, at least of the churches of this county suffered disruption on this score.
But none of these things moved them, despite threats, despite personal violence principle sustained the moral herocs. These " agitators" were fighting the battle of human liberty in general, but yet it was in behalf of a despised race and their very disin- terestedness was made an occasion against them. They were " meddling with other people's business. "
Rotten eggs were often tried, but found incapable of hitting truth. The ball put in motion, though so small at first, soon doubled in size, and, although most unfortunate in their selec- tion of a standard bearer, the " impracticables" of the county gave him 455 votes in 1848, nearly one-fifth of the vote cast ; and this, too, in spite of the military renown and prowess of one of the opposing candidates.
The demands of the slave power became still more arro- gant. Slavery, instead of being a domestic concern, circum- scribed by State lines with the prospect of gradually if not soon, dying out, began to insist on being the normal condition of the laborer everywhere. It laid claim to being a divine heritage, entitled to be every where recognized. It insisted on new terri- tory and new guarantees, and asserted, that by force of the constitution, it was to be at home wherever our flag waved. Petitions against it were held to be an outrage. No disrespect- ful referenee to it was to be tolerated in Congress. The citizens of the North were to catch and return the panting fugitive to his divinely appointed master.
The leading political parties had, in many localities, been passing very strong Anti-sl: very resolutions, and vieing with each other in trying to meet the demands of the nation's con- science, with reference to this great national curse. In a spasm of goodness the Democracy of Indiana went as far in its oppo- sition to slavery as a " black abolitionist" could well demand.
Wilmot Provisos and similar literature seemed to have become wondrously and suddenly popular. But the scene shifted as suddenly, the great political parties were whipped into the service of the task-masters more completely than
129
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT.
ever before, and 1850 witnessed the dawn of the - slave-hunt- ing era. The Democracy in National Convention assembled and resolved to "resist all attempts at renewing in Congress or out of it the agitation of the slavery question under what- ever color or shape the attempt may be made," and two weeks atfer the Whigs in the same capacity, and place, resolved to " dis- countenance all efforts to continue or renew such agitation wherever or however made, and we will maintain this system as essential to the nationality of the Whig party and the integ- rity of the Union."
Here were the accredited representatives of the two great political parties of the nation in solemn conclave assembled deliberately and with one accord pledging each other that hence- forth no voice should plead the cause of the down-trodden and oppressed-anywhere or in any manner, in all this broad land. It was a diabolical covenant to stifle at once the voices of relig- ion, morality and humanity.
The stupendous folly of thus defying the fiat of Jehovah, and attempting to turn backward the progress of the nineteenth century, was answered by such a storm of agitation the land over as had never been witnessed before, and as if to set the seal of madness to this compact, no sooner had Congress assem- bled than the portals of agitation were thrown wide open by a resolution against agitation, introduced too, by a Democrat.
The Whig party, which, in times past, couldl lay some claim to be called the party of liberty, in consequence of its stand in favor of freedom of debate and the right of petition, had, since its snece-ses in 1848, been licking the dust from the feet of its Southern masters, and was ready to barter its all of principle. jus- tice and humanity for a continuance in place and power, but there being no longer a vital issue between the two great parties, the Whig party paid dearly for its treachery, by a defeat in 1852, which blotted it out forever.
The Democratic party in many parts of the North, at least had been studiously making amends for its Waterloo defeat of 1848, by giving utterance to sentiments that would have done credit to a Garrison or a Phillips. By its happy efforts in this direction in Eastern Indiana, George W. Julian was elected to Congress in 1849, Isaae Kinly sent to the constutional conven-
130
HENRY COUNTY; PAST AND PRESENT.
tion and George Evans to the State Senate from this county. The conversion of the party, it is feared, was not genuine as by its prompt acceptance of the "Baltimore platform," it readily fell from grace and returned to its wallow, and, although suc- cessful in 1852, and again in 1856, it was at the expense of the last vestige of good in the party, which seemed at once to become the rendezvous of most of the thieves, cutthroats and treason mongers in the whole country. Just how completely such encompassed and engulphed the party " Bleeding Kansas" a torn and distracted country four years of sanguinary strife, mountains of debt and the sacrifice of more than a half a mil- lion of lives must attest.
The terrible bugbear of a "dissolution of the Union" and the wonderful qualities of a panacea labeled "The Compromise Measures," were most industriously exhibited by the party nurses from 1850 'to 1855. But the "plantation manners" adopted by Congress and the humiliation of the free men of the North by the effort to convert them into "blood hounds" to chase the flying bondsmen, aroused great indignation through- out the country and " personal liberty bills" and indignation meetings were the order of the day, and the " Free Democra- cy" with Hale and Julian as standard-bearers polled a vote of more than a quarter of a million in 1852. In this county the gain was, however, for various reasons, but small.
In 1851 a series of meetings were held throughout the county, in which the repeal of the fugitive slave bill was dis- cussed and demanded. One appointed for the county seat and coming on an inclement day, the attendance from the country was small, and the occasion was seized upon by certain poli- ticians, and portions of the populace to pervert the meeting from its original purpose. For the resolutions condemnatory of the law, substitutes were offered, the floor was occupied at great length by the apologists of the law, and those who called the meeting were greeted with hisses, howls, and eries of " ques- tion !"" question !" when they attempted to reply. The mob had its way for the time, but " Radicals" learned a lesson not soon forgotten, and more than once since when it has been necessary to hold conventions, those who, for many years, managed the affairs of the county, have been astonished at the interest taken
131
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT.
in them by the people from the " rural districts."
So soon as it became apparent that the anti-slavery forces of this county held the balance of power, it became a matter of some consequence to secure their aid in the contests of the time, and they were alternately caressed and scolded by the Whigs, besought or cuffed by the Democracy. Still they main- tained to an admirable extent the even tenor of their way- not that they made no mistakes, but what they kept constantly in view, was the early triumph of their cherished principles, and the sacred cause of human liberty.
Among those who stood fast through good and evil report and bore the heat and burthen of the day, might be mentioned old Dr. Reed and young Dr. Hiatt, Dr. Darr, Emsley Brook- shire, T. R. Stanford, Jonathan Macy, and Jabish Luellen ; the Bonds, Marshalls, and Wickershams, on Flatrock; John H. Bales, the Macys and Jessups, on Blue river; the Edgertons, Antrims, and others, at Spiceland : about Greensboro, the Cooks, Saints, Bransons, Wrights. "Old Uncle Seth," and the Hinshaw family generally : and in the North-west part of the county, Shubal Julian, John Swain and sons, a Mr. Wright and an Adamson, and of course, many others, of whom want of space forbids mention.
After the sudden demise of the Whig party , Knownothingism sprung into being, and swept like a tornado over the land. Its novelty, a natural love of change, a weakness which seems in- herent in afflicted humanity to try all the quack nostrums and curealls proposed, together with the speciousness of the claims set up for the movement by its wily propagandists, all 'con- spired to sweep into its secret conclaves thousands of excellent men.
The purposes and tendencies of the party, soon however, became so apparent that multitudes turned from it in disgust,* and to-day, scarcely one in ten of all those "taken in" will admit they ever saw "Sam." Doubtless the earlier Abolition- ists were believed by honest thousands to be little less than monsters, holding and teaching the most atrocious sentiments,
* Although this new phase of politics swept through many of the States irresistably for a time, its force was speedily spent, and in this county its votaries numbered but 49 in 1856, and 16 in 1860.
132
HENRY COUNTY; PAST AND PRESENT.
but the rapid strides of the slave power toward complete ascend- eney in the land, thoroughly aroused the masses.
The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the "grinding out" of the Dred Scott decision, the attempt to blast Kansas and other virgin territory with that most insidious piece of diabol- ism known as "squatter sovreignty," and the open and shameless crusade of armed ruffians in the interest of human bondage seemed rapidly to develop the national conscience and open the eyes of the blind politicians to the deadly aggressive character of slavery. A sunburst of righteous indignation swept over the land, and the Republican party was formally organized in 1856, embracing all the real anti-slavery men of the country, a very large portion of the Whig party, with a large ac- cession from the Democratic ranks. The Democratie leaders of Henry county. yielding to the better impulses of their nature, called an indignation meeting at New Castle, and resolved against the dastardly Lecompton measures of the Democratic administration in terms as vigorous or fitting as any body of radical abolitionists could have desired. Indeed it seemed much like re-enacting the Decalogne and Declaration of Independence.
The Democratic President soon, however, found the means of silencing this ebullition of goodness, and whipping into the traces the larger portion of the party, while such ascould not be thius controled or cajoled found a genial home in the camp of Republicanism.
During all the vicissitudes of parties, and amid all the rev- olutions in platforms, changes of base, and frequent "new de- partures," the Democratic party of this county has "held its own." The relative strength of parties in this county since 1852, taking the Presidential vote as a basis, has been nearly as follows :
1852-Whig, 49 per cent .; Democrat, 38 per cent. ; Freesoil, 14 per cent. 1856-Republican, 68 per cent .; Democrat, 301% per cent .; Know Nothing, 1 per cent. 1860-Republican, 66 per cent. : Democrat. 33 per cent. ; Know Nothing, 13 per cent. 1864-Republican, 74 per cent .; Democrat, 25 per cent. 1868 -- Republican, 70 per cent .; Democrat, 30 per cent.
Upon the formation of the Republican party, the old Aboli- tionists, Liberty Men, Free Democrats, and Free Soilers, to a
133
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT.
man, cast their fortunes with it, or more properly speaking, they were the very life of the organization. It is true that its platform of principles embodying little more than resistance to the further spread of slavery was regarded by some as lower- ing the standard too much, but it was a great step to have the masses, as well as the leaders of public opinion step upon this high platform, and progress was patiently awaited. Revolu- tions could not go backward. The genuine lovers of freedom had faith that
"As round and round we run, Truth ever comes uppermost And ever is justice done,"
But it is curious to note with what pertinacity men cling to their old prejudices, and while adopting the opinions of a class of thinkers who have blazed the way for them, never cease to condemn the men whose lead they follow.
Henry County has been a Radical stronghold for twenty years, but homogeneity of opinion has never prevailed here. Many opposed slavery after it had well nigh destroyed the Gov- . ernment, who utterly repudiate and despise the earlier Aboli- rionists. Many who cheered most Iustily for Fremont in 1856 would have been on the other side, had they suspected Re- publicanism would advance to the utterances of 1866, and when years after they helped to sing the requiem of slavery they were ready to swear that the smell of abolition was not on their garments, and never forgave pioneers. From exalted places in the County laggards strove to stop the current of progress. In 1861-2 some of them favored meeting and treating with the rebels to stop the war. In 1863 they were still clamoring for the "Union as it was and the Constitution as it is." Freeing the negro as our armies advanced, was not to be thought of, and arming them to shoot their masters was simply intolerable.
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