History of Gibson County, Indiana : her people, industries and institutions, Part 23

Author: Stormont, Gil R
Publication date: 1914
Publisher: Indianapolis : B.F.Bowen
Number of Pages: 1284


USA > Indiana > Gibson County > History of Gibson County, Indiana : her people, industries and institutions > Part 23


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The act which gave Reube his freedom was a heroic one. There was a maniac in that section of South Carolina, who at times became very des- perate and was kept in confinement in such a place as the authorities had for that purpose. He was very sly and cunning, and stepping up back of Mr. Sanders pinioned his hands behind him and threw him on the ground, and with a large knife attempted to cut his throat. Reube being in the garden nearby, saw his master's peril and running up behind the maniac, struck him at the butt of his ear with a hoe and felled him to the ground. Mr. Sanders said, "Reube, from this day on you are a free man and I will at once make out your free papers." He told him to stay on the place if he wanted to, for as long a time as suited him, and he would pay him for all the work he did. The papers were made out and in giving him his free- dom, a full history was given, and it was recorded. To make it certain that no one would disturb Reube, Mr. Sanders had a full history of the case en- graved on a gold plate; also had a gold chain attached to the gold plate that went around his neck, so that it was easy at any time, if the patrol stopped


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him, to show the certificate on the plate. Mr. Barrett's family heard nothing of Reube for two or three years. Finally Mr. Sanders wrote to his niece, Mrs. Barrett, asking her why Reube did not come back.


In 1832 Col James W. Cockrum bought the steamboat "Nile," and in- tended to run her up the Yazoo river and other small rivers to bring the cot- ton out and carry it to New Orleans. John W. Barrett, a brother-in-law, was made clerk of the boat and had charge of the freight. At one landing on the Yazoo river there was a large quantity of cotton to be loaded and the planters were still delivering from their farms. Young Barrett was on the deck tallying as the mate and deck hands were putting the cargo aboard when a colored man came near and said, "Mr. Barrett, don't you know me? I am Reube, who hunted with you in Indiana. Don't let on you know me." Barrett did know him and was greatly surprised at thus meeting him. Fin- ally he got a chance and told Reube to roll a bale of cotton behind the cabin stairs. Reube told him that his master was on the bank and it was not safe for them to be seen talking together. The planter whom Reube called his master had a large amount of cotton and was watching the count of the bales and his slaves were helping to load it in order that they might finish before night. During the loading Barrett had several chances to say a word to Reube. There was a wood yard some miles below where the boat would stop to take on wood. Reube said he would be down there when the boat came, as it would be some hours after night, and when the boat was rounded to Reube was ready to load wood as soon as it was mea- sured. Barrett watched his chance and took Reube down in the hold and secreted him there and looked after him. They got to New Orleans, un- loaded the cotton, and took on a lot of government freight for the upper Arkansas river to one of the military outposts. Reube was still in hiding. no one but the clerk being aware of his presence on board.


While they were unloading the government freight, Barrett went to the commander of the fort and told the history of Reube and all about his being kidnapped and being sold into slavery to a Mississippi planter on the Yazoo river. As fortune would have it, the commander was a New Eng- land man and felt indignant at the outrageous treatment the poor negro had received, and assured Barrett that he would keep him in his employ at good wages until he had opportunity to send him back to South Carolina, which he did. About a year afterward the Barrett family received a letter from Mr. Sanders telling of Reube's arrival home. John W. Barrett told me in 1854, the last time he was ever in Indiana, that after he left Reube at Prince-


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ton, he had no opportunity to get away to Evansville until about the middle of the next day. He was making inquiry of some people if they knew of any teams which were going to Evansville. Reube was very fond of showing his gold certificate of freedom; finally two men told him they were going to Evansville that evening, but they could not get away before the middle of the afternoon and made an agreement that he could go with them by cook- ing for them on the road and after they got there. Reube readily agreed to this since they told him that they had some thought of going to Tennessee.


They finally started, and after staying a day or so at Evansville, which was then only a small place, they started on the Tennessee trip. They made it convenient to go west in Tennessee and on to Memphis. They told Reube, to whom they had been very kind, that in a day or so they would go to North Carolina, and in doing so would pass near his home if he wanted to go with them, but the next place they went to was the Yazoo river. There they took Reube's gold plate and papers from him and sold him to the planter with whom Barrett found him.


MONTGOMERY TO THE RESCUE.


Harvey Montgomery was the seventh child of Judge Isaac Mont- gomery. I was a young boy when I knew him best and he was my ideal of an upright Christian gentleman. He lived with his father at his home two miles southeast of Oakland City, Indiana, until he married. He then settled on a quarter section, just north of his father, where he spent his life.


At one time Harvey and Joseph, who was the third child of Judge Montgomery, and a hand working for them named McDeeman, had two loads of produce, venison, hams, hides and bear bacon, which they were taking to Robert Stockwell at Princeton. Joseph at that time lived on what was afterward the Richey farm, about one-half mile west of his father's. He was a very large man and was known far and near as one of the strong- est men, physically, who ever lived in that section.


As they were getting within about two miles of Princeton, and after climbing a hill, they stopped to let their ox teams rest, when they heard a loud noise as of men in a wrangle. Joseph and McDeeman left Harvey with the teams and, taking their guns, went to find out what the noise was about. When they got to the parties making the noise, they found two negroes hand- cuffed together and a white man beating one of the negroes with a heavy stick.


Montgomery, who was fearless as strong, with McDeeman, rushed up to


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the place where the trouble was and asked the man with the club what in "hades" he meant by beating the man with such a bludgeon. There were two white men and one of them became very insulting, telling Montgomery they were beating their own property and it was none of his business. One of the negroes cried out, "Oh, that is Mr. Montgomery. Don't you know me? ] am Pete who kept your camp at the Bear's den."


Montgomery did know him. The bully had the club drawn back to hit Pete, when Montgomery leapt like a panther and hit the fellow at the butt of the ear and completely knocked him out. At this, the other kidnapper started to draw a large knife, when McDeeman, who was a full fledged Irishman, raised his gun and said, "On your worthless life don't move your hand. If you so much as bat your eye, I will shoot it out of your head." They took the key away from them, freed the negroes, put the hand- cuffs on the kidnappers, gave the two negroes the clubs and marched the two men up to the wagons and on into Princeton. Montgomery tried to have the kidnappers put into jail until court would set. The old justice before whom they brought their proceedings was thoroughly in sympathy with slavery, and he virtually there made the same decision that Chief Justice Taney did thirty years afterward. It was as follows :


"There is no evidence that the two men kidnapped the negroes, except the statement made by the negroes. The evidence of a negro has no force in court, which could affect a white man."


They were set at liberty. They were so much elated over being freed from the charge that they proceeded to fill up with whisky and hunted up Montgomery and raised a quarrel with him, but he gave both of them such a thrashing that they were glad to get away.


ANOTHER KIDNAPPING OUTRAGE.


In 1822 two negro men came to what is now the city of Princeton hunt- ing for _work. They hired by Gen. William Embree to work on a farm two or three miles west of Princeton that he owned. They were good hands and worked on the same farm for two years, living in a small log cabin and doing their own culinary work. One of the men could read and write and often borrowed books to read from people in Princeton. When the work season was over they put in most of their time in hunting for game which was very abundant.


The summer's work for the second year was over and the meir were. gone hunting. One morning late in the summer some one found tacked on


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the cabin door a short note saying they had gone to the Ohio river to cut cord wood until the corn would do to gather, and this was the last time they were ever seen on the farm.


Some years later General Embree was in the city of New Orleans and found these two men working on the levee rolling freight. They told him that two men whom they had seen several times in Princeton, came to their cabin early in the evening and handcuffed them and by daylight the next morning they were at the Ohio river, which they crossed on a raft inte Kentucky, going down to Henderson. After waiting a few days a boat came and they were carried to New Orleans where they were sold into slavery.


Mr. Embree went to a lawyer and told his story and had proceedings brought to liberate the two negroes. The investigation developed that they were sold into slavery to James Lockwell by two men named Absalom Tower and Thomas Slaven and they had for more than three years been the prop- erty of Lockwell. As no complaint had been made during that time, the judge refused to release them.


As before stated, the foregoing kidnapping stories are from Colonel Cockrum's Pioneer History of Indiana. They are reproduced in this publica- tion for the purpose of preserving in a history of Gibson county a record of outrages incident to slavery, perpetrated under the law, and sanctioned by the courts of those states. These stories might be multiplied by the score not only in Gibson county but in almost every county in the state. Under the decision of the highest court a negro had no rights that a white man was was bound to respect, not even the right of personal possession of himself after he had paid the price. The crimes that were committed under the operation of the fugitive slave law, crimes against justice and humanity and sanctioned by courts, higher and lower, is a stain upon the pages of the nation's history, a stain that required the blood of multiplied thousands of her best citizens to erase, in the resulting civil war. Some of these crimes were com- mitted in Gibson county, and her citizens, in some measure, were ready to give consent and encouragement to them. In a much larger measure was demanded the blood of some of the best of her sons, as a requital for the sins of the fathers.


CHAPTER XVII.


PATRIOTIC ORDERS OF GIBSON COUNTY.


After the close of the Civil War the armies, that had fought in that war to its successful conclusion, were disbanded and the soldiers returned to their homes to resume the vocations of civil life. But the fraternal tie that had been welded in the fire of battle was not severed by the disbanding of com- panies and regiments. There was a spirit of comradeship infused in the hearts and lives of those who had touched elbows in the line of battle and who had shared in the privations and hardships of the camp and weary march, that was not dispelled by the separation and the laying aside of mili- tary equipments. There was a desire to maintain and perpetuate this fra- ternity and comradeship, and this desire soon found expression in a move- ment for an organization of veterans of the Civil war. Many organizations of companies and regiments were formed and reunions held in various lo- calities, and the enjoyment found in thus meeting comrades suggested a larger and more permanent organization of state and national character. From this suggestion the Grand Army of the Republic had its beginning.


Dr. B. F. Stevenson, a surgeon in the volunteer service, living in Spring- field, Illinois, was among the first to suggest the organization of the Grand Army of the Republic. At first there was little formality about the organi- zation. There was no post or place of assembly and very little ceremony in the initiation of members. There was simply the giving of the grip and countersign and the subscribing to an obligation. While this beginning of the Grand Army was crude and informal, it suggested the possibilities of a permanent and effective organization. It suggested the idea of a ritual and a constitution, with rules and regulations and other things necessary for ef- fective work.


It was sometime during the year 1866 that Dr. Stevenson prepared the manuscript for the first ritual, rules and regulations for the Grand Army, on the suggestion of Governor Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana. It was through the instrumentality of Governor Morton that this was printed and put into shape for effective use, and it was first used for the muster and organization


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of posts in Indiana. The first department organized under this constitution was the Department of Indiana.


An organization of the Grand Army, or rather a start for such an or- ganization, was made in Princeton in August, 1866. This organization was made in the informal manner already stated. . Among those who were in- strumental in starting this primitive Grand Army were Col. James T. Embree, Capt. William M. Duncan, Capt. Frank Embree, Lieut. Robert M. McMaster, the writer of this sketch, and several others.


It was sometime in the early part of 1867 before there was an effort made to organize a post in Princeton under the new ritual and constitution, and the first muster of recruits and the first post organization was made by Major-Gen. Nathan Kimball, then department commander of Indiana. The meeting was held in the old court house and there was quite a large attend- ance of the boys, many of whom had but recently exchanged their suit of blue for one of civilian style. A good many of those present on this occa- sion had taken the obligation under the old form and it was not required of them that they should come in by the ritual route. They were entitled to seats on the ground floor and enjoy whatever there was of entertainment in this first muster of recruits. And there was entertainment in abundance, as can be verified by any who were fortunate enough to occupy ground floor seats.


The paraphernalia and necessary appointments for initiation ceremonies under the old ritual was of a character to make one's hair stand on end if he should unexpectedly meet the outfit on a dark night all alone. That old- fashioned gable-roof coffin, with the grinning skeleton lying therein, was not the most cheerful sight one might desire to see while going through a dark and lonely woods. The provisions for muster of recruits under the old ritual were intended to be profoundly solemn and impressively scary. This was the effect produced sometimes, but not always. Sometimes the effect was other- wise and very funny. In this first muster in the old court house the funny business prevailed, as will be easily understood by those who remember the characteristics of George W. Harrington, at that time a resident of Prince- ton. George officiated as one of the guards at this first muster and escorted the recruits through the various mysteries of initiation. The recruits, being blindfolded, were expected to feel that there was something very solemn about the ceremony, especially when they were required to kneel by that coffin. But if they could have had a peep through their blinds long enough to have seen some of the antics of George Harrington they would have had a differ- ent opinion as to the deep solemnity of the occasion.


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This first Grand Army post was duly organized in accordance with that old ritual, with D. Frank Embree as post commander, W. M. Duncan as ad- jutant. They secured a suitable place to hold their meetings in a room over the Small hardware store, on the east side of the public square, and the order prospered for a year or more, increasing in membership to about one hundred and fifty.


There was quite an interest in the organization of posts of the Grand Army throughout the state and in other states about this time and the mem- bership of the order increased rapidly during the years 1867 and 1868. But there was a decline in the years following and the organization was on the wane. This was largely on account of politics, which was a predominant feature of the order at that time, and it was intended to be such by those who were chiefly instrumental in the formation of its constitution and ritual. It was, in fact, largely in control of some who were allied with one of the lead- ing political parties of that time and easily degenerated into a political ma- chine, operated and controlled by designing politicians for selfish purposes. Of course such an organization would find no favor among soldiers who were inclined to affiliate with any other political party, and was not in the favor of many whose sympathies and affiliations were with the party largely controlling the organization. A secret political organization, however worthy its purpose or its individual membership, can never be a permanent success, or have the approval of true and loyal American citizens.


A few of the posts in this and other states maintained their organiza- tion during these years of decline and these formed the nucleus for the greater Grand Army of the Republic that the world knows today. Wiser heads gathered in council, a new constitution and ritual, and new regulations were prepared by which politics was absolutely prohibited in the order. Fra- ternity, charity and loyalty were made the cardinal principles, the "broad foundation stone on which the order rests." These new rules and regulations, with the revised and more sensible ritual, were adopted in the early seventies and met with the approval of the intelligent soldier citizens, and from that time the Grand Army took on new life. It increased in membership rapidly from that time until it became the greatest semi-military organization the world has ever known, commanding the respect of citizens regardless of party, creed or nationality.


The Grand Army post in Princeton, organized under the old regulations, was affected by the unwise policy that controlled the order and the post went into decline about 1868 or 1869. No meetings were held, the records of the post were scattered or lost, the paraphernalia of initiation, including the gable-


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roofed coffin with the skeleton, were knocked about in the old post room for a time and finally disappeared. And this was the ending of the first Grand Army post in Princeton.


There was one duty, however, that the soldiers of the Civil War had taken upon themselves that was not permitted to fall into decline. That was the custom of decorating with flowers the graves of deceased comrades on the 30th day of May each year. This custom was inaugurated the year after the close of the war, by a few of the soldiers and their friends, informally, going to the cemetery with baskets of flowers. This became more of a for- mal ceremony after the organization of the Grand Army, when there was a procession with the band leading to the cemetery. Then a return to the court house yard where appropriate speeches were made. When this first Grand Army post was disbanded the custom of decorating soldiers' graves was not wholly neglected, but for the lack of some organization to take charge of the arrangements they were not always as appropriate and seemly as the solem- nity of the occasion would require. For instance, the Decoration day serv- ices held May 30, 1882.


On that occasion the following program was carried out: Prayer by Rev. J. E. Jenkins ; addresses by T. R. Paxton, M. W. Fields, R. M. J. Miller and others. Then the procession was formed, headed by the Princeton band, and marched to the cemetery where the soldiers' graves were decorated by a company of little girls. Then they marched back to the court house square, where the procession was disbanded. This was all very well so far. But in the evening it is noted that there was a lawn festival given on the court house square, under the auspices of somebody with more enthusiasm than sense of propriety. That this was true was evidenced by a display of fire works, toy balloons, and other Fourth of July incidents, as a part of the evening's enter- tainment. This sort of entertainment, as a finale to the day set apart as sacred to the memory of soldiers who had died for their country, was not the most pleasing to their friends. To those who had a proper conception of the day this order of hilarity had too much the semblance of the traditional Irish wake.


The impropriety of this manner of observing Memorial day was re- marked by all who had a proper conception of its sacred character, and this, no doubt, had something to do with turning the thoughts of the soldiers to the necessity of reorganizing the Grand Army post. The need of such an organization in charge of Memorial day services was plainly evident if the purpose for which the day was instituted was to be maintained. So, in the latter part of 1882, steps were taken in accordance with this idea. Appli-


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cation was made to Gen. James R. Carnahan, then the department com- mander, for a charter, which was promptly granted, and an order given to Major A. C. Rosencrans, of Evansville, to muster the post at the convenience of both parties.


Accordingly, on the night of January 13, 1883, Major Rosencrans, with a number of comrades from Farragut Post, Evansville, came to Princeton and organized the post with the following charter members: Byron Mills, Gil: R. Stormont, James J. Hartin, Theodore M. Bucklin, Silas M. Holcomb, Samuel J. Wallace, James A. Sprowl, John E. Spencer, Samuel Sterne, Francis M. Grigsby, Solomon Vannada, John Turnage, Albert Mills, Henry P. Chambers, Joseph R. Ashmead, Alex. H. Anderson, William A. Munford, D. Hamilton Turner, William J. Cameron, Samuel S. Shannon, Renwick C. Woods, James A. Mowery, Alex. N. Devin, Joseph C. Hartin, Andrew J. Carithers, Pressly R. Baldridge, John J. Hollis, B. Frank Taylor, Joseph D. McClure, A. D. Green, William M. Duncan, William B. Whitsett.


The objects of the Grand Army, as set forth in its constitution and fully subscribed to by the charter members of this post and all who have since become members, are :


First. To preserve and strengthen those kind and fraternal feelings ยท which bind together the soldiers, sailors and marines, who united to suppress the Rebellion.


Second. To assist such former comrades in arms as need help and pro- tection, and to extend needful aid to the widows and orphans of those who have fallen.


Third. To maintain true allegiance to the United States of America, based upon a paramount respect for and fidelity to the national constitution and the laws; to discountenance whatever tends to weaken loyalty, incites to insurrection, treason or rebellion, or in any way impairs the efficiency and permanency of our free institutions; and to encourage the spread of uni- versal liberty, equal rights and justice to all men.


Officers were elected at this meeting and other necessary action taken for a permanent organization. The post was numbered 28, the same as the number of the former post, and chose for its name and designation Archer Post No. 28, Department of Indiana, Grand Army of the Republic.


The selection of the name of Archer Post was most appropriate and commendable. William Archer, after whom the post was named, was one of the many young men of Gibson county who responded to the call of their country in the early period of the Civil war. He enlisted as a private in Company A, Eightieth Indiana Regiment, and was soon promoted to first


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lieutenant of his company. He participated in all the battles and skirmishes in which his regiment was engaged during the years 1862 and 1863, and was killed in the line of duty at the battle of Resaca, May 14, 1864. His patriot- ism and courage were conspicuous and his example as a soldier was worthy of the highest commendation.


In the manner of William Archer's death the cardinal principles of the Grand Army are most strikingly exemplified. The command to which his regiment belonged had just made a very disastrous assault on the Confed- erate works before Resaca and was compelled to retire to a place of shelter from the enemy's murderous fire. Immediately in front of Archer's regiment a comrade of his company was lying seriously wounded and piteously crying for water. Archer could not resist the call of his suffering comrade and at the risk of his own life went to him with water. It was a fatal mission. A deadly minie ball from the enemy's lines pierced his body and in a few mo- ments he was numbered with the heroic dead that lay upon the bloody battle field of Resaca. Thus he exemplified in his life and in his death the noble virtues of fraternity, charity and loyalty, the broad foundation stone upon which the order rests. This post honored his memory and honored itself when it chose for its official title and inscribed upon its banner the name, "Archer Post".




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