USA > Indiana > Knox County > Vincennes > History of Old Vincennes and Knox County, Indiana, Volume I > Part 31
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"The Illinois country, as well as that upon the Wabash, has been involved in great distress ever since it fell under the American dominion. With great cheerful- ness the people furnished the troops under General Clark and the Illinois regiment, with everything they could spare, and often much more than they could spare with any convenience to themselves. Most of the certificates of these supplies are still in their hands, unliquidated and unpaid; and, in many instances where application has been made for payment to the state of Virginia, under whose authority the certificates were granted, it has been refused. The Illinois regiment being disbanded, a set of men pretending the authority of Virginia, embodied themselves, and a scene of gen- eral depredation and plunder ensued. To this succeeded three successive and extra- ordinary inundations from the Mississippi, which either swept away their crops or prevented them from being planted. The loss of the greatest part of their trade with the Indians, which was a great resource, came upon them at this juncture, as well as the hostile incursion of some of the tribes which had ever before been in friendship with them: and to these was added the loss of their whole last crop of corn by an untimely frost. Extreme misery could not fail to be the consequence of such accu- mulated misfortunes."
Good Father Gibault, always ready and willing to lighten the burdens of suffering humanity, could not permit himself to remain silent when his parishoners at Kaskaskia and Caliokia were in the depths of misery and despair. Accordingly, he addressed a communication (containing eighty- seven signattires besides his own) to Governor St. Clair, which is under date
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of "St. Clair county, June 9, 1790," and of which the following is an excerpt :
"The memorialists humbly showeth that by an act of Congress of June 20, 1778, it was declared that the lands heretofore possessed by the said inhabitants should be surveyed at their expense; and that this clause appears to them neither necessary nor adapted to quiet the minds of the people. It does not appear necessary, because from the establishment of the colony to this day, they have enjoyed their property and pos- sessions without disputes or law suits on the subject of their limits : that the surveys of them were made at the time they were obtained from their Ancient Kings, Lords and Commandants; and that each of them knew. what belonged to him without at- tempting an encroachment on his neighbor, or fearing that his neighbor would en- croach on him. It does not appear adapted to paeify them, because, instead of assur- ing to them the peaceable possession of their ancient inheritance, as they have en- joyed it till now, that clause obliges them to bear expenses which, in their present sit- uation, they are absolutely incapable of paying, and for the failure of which they must be deprived of their lands.
"Your Excellency is an eye witness to which the inhabitants are reduced, and of the total want of provisions to subsist on. Not knowing where to find a morsel of bread to nourish their families, by what means can they support the expense of a survey, which has not been sought for on their parts, and for which, it is conceived by them, there is no necessity? Loaded with misery, and groaning under the weight of misfortunes, accumulated since the Virginia troops entered their country, the unhappy inhabitants throw themselves under the protection of your Excellency, and take the liberty to solicit you to lay their deplorable situation before Congress; and, as it may be interesting for the United States to know exactly the extent and limits of their ancient possessions in order to ascertain the lands which are yet at the disposal of Congress, it appears to them, in their humble opinion, that the expense of the survey ought more properly be borne by Congress, for whom alone it is useful, than by them who do not feel the necessity of it. Besides, this is no object for the United States, but it is great, too great, for a few unhappy heings who, your Excellency sees yourself, are scarcely able to support their pitiful existence."
Major Hamtramck conducted the expeditions against the savages in this locality, meeting with but little resistance; and, after applying the torch and reducing to ashes the bark huts and tepees of quite a number of villages, and destroying the crops and provisions of the inhabitants thereof, returned to Vincennes to enjoy the temporary quietude which came as the result of his incursions. For a period of two years, dur- ing which there were lucid intervals, the savages continued to kill, plunder and outrage the settlers and to frequently attack the frontier soldiers, their depredations growing fiercer and more numerous in the regions north of the Ohio river. Major Hamtramck ordered Antoine Gamelin to de- liver the speeches which Governor St. Clair had addressed to the Wabash Indians, and on April 5th, 1790, Gamelin left Vincennes to execute the orders, visiting all the principal villages that were far or near the borders of the Wabash, and penetrating the country as far eastward as the Miami village of Ke-ki-ong-gay, which stood at the junction of the St. Joseph and St. Mary rivers, the present site of Fort Wayne. Monsieur Gamelin kept a complete journal of all the events which transpired during his con- ferences with the Indians, to which he subsequently subscribed an oath
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that all statements contained therein were true, making affidavit to that effect before Major Hamtramck on May 17, 1790. The following para- graphs, (excerpts from Gamelin's journal) not only show the faithful- ness with which he discharged the trust confided in him, but display the attitude of the Indians at the time towards their white brethren, as well as the spirit in which the red skins regarded Governor St. Clair's overtures for peace :
"The first village I arrived at is called Kikaponguoi. The name of the chief of this village is called Les Jambes Croches. Him and his tribe have a good heart and accepted the speech. The second village is at the river du Vermillion, called Pianke- shaws. The first chief, and all the warriors, were well pleased with the speeches con- cerning the peace: but they said they could not give presently a proper answer, before they consult the Miami nation, their eldest brethren. They desired me to proceed to the Miami town [Ke-ko-ong-gay] and, by coming back, to let them know what recep- tion I got from them. The said head chief told me that he thought the nations of the lake had a bad heart, and were ill disposed for the Americans: that the speeches would not be received, particularly by the Shawanees in Miamitown. . The 11th of April I reached a tribe of Kickapoos. The head chief and all the warriors being assembled, I gave them two branches of white wampum, with the speeches of His Excellency Arthur St. Clair and those of Major Hamtramck. It must be observed that the speeches have been in another hand before me. The messenger could not pro- ceed farther than the Vermilion, on account of some private wrangling between the interpreter and some chief men of the trihe. Moreover, something in the speech dis- pleased them very much, which is included in the third article, which says 'I do now make you the offer of peace; accept it, or regret it, as you please.' These words seemed to displease all the tribes to whom the first messenger was sent. They told me they were menacing; and finding that it might have a bad effect, I took upon myself to exclude them; and, after making some apology, they answered that he and his tribe were pleased with my speech, and that I could go up without danger, but they could not presently give me an answer, having some warriors absent, and without consulting the Ouiatenons, being the owners of their lands. They desired me to stop at Quite- piconnae [Tippecanoe] that they would have the chiefs and warriors of Quiatenons and those of their nation assembled there, and would receive a proper answer. They said they expected by me a draught of milk from the great chief, and the commanding officer of the post, for to put the old people in good humor; also some powder and ball for the young men for hunting, and to get some good broth for their women and children; that I should know a bearer of speeches should never be with empty hands. They promised me to keep their young men from stealing, and to send speeches to their nations in the prairies for to do the same.
"The 14th of April the Quiatenons and the Kickapoos were assembled. After my speech one of the head chiefs got up and told me-'You, Gamelin, my friend and son-in-law, we are pleased to see in our village, and to hear by your mouth the good words of the great chief. We thought to receive a few words from the French people : but I see the contrary. None but the Big Knife is sending speeches to us. You know we can terminate nothing without the consent of our brethren, the Miamies. I invite you to proceed to their village and to speak to them. There is one thing in your speech I do not like: I will not tell of it: even was I drunk, I would perceive it; but our elder brethren will certainly take notice of it in your speech. You invite us to stop our young men. It is impossible to do it, being constantly en- couraged by the British.' Another chief got up and said-'The Americans are very flattering in their speeches; many times our nation went to their rendezvous. I was once myself. Some of our chiefs died on the route; and we always came back all
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naked; and you, Gamelin, you come with speech, with empty hands.' Another chief got up and said to his young men, 'If we are poor, and dressed in deer skins, it is our own fault. Our French traders are leaving us and our villages, because you plunder them every day; and it is time for us to have another conduct.' Another chief got up and said, 'Know ye that the village of Ouiatenon is the sepulchre of all our ancestors. The chief of America invites us to go to him if we are for peace. He has not his leg broke, having been able to go as far as the Illinois. He might come here himself; and we would be glad to see him at our village. We confess that we accepted the axe, but it is by the reproach we continually receive from the English and other nations, which receive the axe first, calling us women; at the present time they invite our young men to war. As to the old people, they are wishing for peace. They could not give me an answer before they received advice from the Miamies.
"The 18th of April I arrived at the river a l'Aufguille [ Eel river]. The chief of the village,* and those of war were not present. I explained the speeches to some of the tribe. They said they were well pleased; but they could not give me an answer, their chief men being absent. They desired me to stop at their village coming back; and they sent with me one of their men for to hear the answer of their eldest brethren.
"The 23d April I arrived at the Miami town. The next day I got the Miami nation, the Shawanees and Delawares, all assembled. I gave to each nation two branches of wampum, and began the speeches, before the French and English traders, being invited by the chiefs to be present, having told them myself I would be glad to have them present, having nothing to say against anybody. After the speech, I showed them the treaty concluded at Muskingum [ Fort Harmar] between his excel- lency Governor St. Clair and sundry nations, which displeased them. I told them that the purpose of this present time was not to submit them to any condition, but to offer them the peace, which made disappear their displeasure. The great chief told me that he was pleased with the speech; that he would soon give me an answer. In a private discourse with the great chief he told me not to mind what the Shawa- nees would tell me, having a bad heart, and being the perturbators of all the nations. He said the Miamies had a bad name, on account of mischief done on the river Ohio; but he told me it was not occasioned by his young men, but by the Shawanees, his young men going out only for to hunt.
"The 25th of April, Blue Jacket. chief warrior of the Shawanees, invited me go to his house, and told me, 'My friend, by the name and consent of the Shawanees and Delawares, I will speak to you. We are all sensible of your speech, and pleased with it; but, after consultation, we can not give an answer without hearing from our father at Detroit; and we are determined to give you back the two branches of wam- pum, and to send you to Detroit to see and hear the chief, or to stay here twenty nights for to receive his answer. From all quarters we receive speeches from the Americans, and not one is alike. We suppose that they intend to deceive us. Then take back your branches of wampum.'
"The 26th, five Pottawattamies arrived here with two negro men, which they sold to English traders. The next day I went to the great chief of the Miamies called Le Gris. His chief warrior was present. I told him how I had been served by the Shawanees. He answered me that he had heard of it; that the said nation behaved contrary to his intentions. He desired me not to mind those strangers, and that he would soon give me a positive answer.
*This village stood on the north side of Eel river, about 24 miles above the junction of that stream with the Wabash .- Dillon, Historical Notes, p. 247.
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"The 28th April, the great chief desired me to call at the French trader's and receive his answer. 'Don't take bad,' said he, 'of what I am to tell you. You may go back when you please. We can not give you a positive answer. We must send your speeches to all our neighbors, and to the lake nations. We can not give a definite answer without consulting the commandant at Detroit.' And he desired me to render him the two branches of wampum refused by the Shawanees; also a copy of speeches in writing. He promised me that in thirty nights he would send an answer to Post Vincennes by a young man of each nation. He was well pleased with the speeches, and said to be worthy of attention, and should be communicated to all their confederates, having resolved among them not to do anything without a unani- mous consent. 1 agreed to his requisitions, and rendered him the two branches of wampum and a copy of the speech. Afterward, he told me that the Five Nations, so-called, or Iroquois, were training something; that five of them and three Wyan- dots, were in this village with branches of wampum. He could not tell me presently their purpose, but he said I would know of it very soon.
"The same day Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanees, invited me to his house for supper ; and before the other chiefs, told me that after another deliberation, they thought necessary that I should go myself to Detroit, for to see the commandant, who would get all of his children assembled for to hear my speech. I told them I would not answer them in the night, that I was not ashamed to speak before the sun.
"The 29th of April I got them assembled. I told them that I was not to go to Detroit; that the speeches were directed to the nations of the river Wabash, and the Miami; and that for to prove the sincerity of the speech, and the heart of Gov- ernor St. Clair, 1 have willingly given a copy of the speeches to be shown to the commandant of Detroit; and according to a letter wrote by the commandant of De- troit to the Miamies, Shawanees and Delawares, mentioning to you to be peaceable with the Americans, I would go to him very willingly, if it was in my directions, be- ing sensible of his sentiments. I told them I had nothing to say to the commandant ; neither him to me. You must immediately resolve, if you intend to take me to De- troit, or else 1 am to go back as soon as possible. Blue Jacket got up and told me, 'My friend, we are well pleased with what you say. Our intention is not to force you to go to Detroit ; it is only a proposal, thinking it for the best. Our answer is the same as the Miamies. We will send, in thirty nights, a full and positive answer by a young man of each nation, by writing to Post Vincennes.' In the evening, Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanees, having taken me to supper with him, told me, in a private manner, that the Shawanee nation was in doubt of the sincerity of the Big Knives, so-called, having been already deceived by them. That they had first de- stroyed their lands, put out their fire, and sent away their young men, being a hunt- ing, without a mouthful of meat ; also had taken away their women; wherefore many of them would, with a great deal of pain, forget these affronts. Moreover, that some other nations were apprehending that offers of peace would, may be, tend to take away by degrees their lands; and would serve them as they did before. A certain proof that they intend to encroach on our lands is their new settlement in Ohio. If they don't keep this side [of the Ohio] clear, it will never be a proper reconcilement with the nations-Shawanees, Iroquois, Wyandots, and perhaps many others. Le Gris, chief of the Miamies, asked me in a private discourse what chief had made a treaty with the Americans at Muskingum [ Fort Harmar]. I answered him that their names were mentioned in the treaty. He told me he had heard of it some time ago; but they are not chiefs, neither delegates, who made that treaty; they are only young men who, without authority and instructions from their chiefs, have concluded that treaty, which will not be approved. They went to the meeting clandestinely and they intend to make mention of it in the next council to be held.
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"The 2d of May I came back to the river a l'Anguille. One of the chief inen of the tribe being witness of the council at Miami town, repeated the whole to them; and whereas the first chief was absent, they said they could not for the present time give answer, but they were willing to join their speech to those of their eldest breth- ren. 'To give you proof of an open heart, we let you know that one of our chiefs is gone to war on the Americans; but it was before we heard of you, for certain they would not have been gone thither. They also told me that a few days after I passed their village, seventy warriors, Chippewas and Ottawas from Michilimackinack, ar- rived there; some of them were Pottawattamies, who, meeting in their route the Chippewas and Ottawas, joined them. 'We told them what we heard by you, that your speech is fair and true. We could not stop them from going to war. The Pot- tawattamies told us that as the Chippewas and Ottawas were more numerous than they, they were forced to follow them.'
"The 3d of May I got to the Weas. They told me that they were waiting for an answer from their eldest brethren. 'We approve very much our brethren for not to give a definite answer without informing of it to all the lake nations; that De- troit was the place where their fire was lighted; then it ought first to be put out there; that the English commandant is their father, since he threw down our French father; they could do nothing without his approbation.'
"The 4th of May I arrived at the village of the Kickapoos. The chief, present- ing me with two branches of wampum, black and white, said, 'My son, we can not stop our young men from going to war. Every day some set off clandestinely for that purpose. After such behavior from our young men, we are ashamed to say to the great chief at the Illinois and of the Post Vincennes that we are busy about some good affairs for the reconcilement; but be persuaded that we will speak to them con- tinually concerning the peace; and that when our eldest brethren will have sent their answer, we will join ours to it.'
"The 5th of May I arrived at Vermillion. 1 found nobody but two chiefs ; all the rest were gone a hunting. They told me they had nothing else to say but what I was told going up."
On May 22, 1790, Major Hamtramck, in a message written at Vin- cennes to Governor St. Clair, says: "I enclose the proceedings of Mr. Gamelin by which your Excellency can have no great hopes of bringing the Indians to peace with the United States. Gamelin arrived on the 8th of May, and on the fth some merchants arrived and informed me that as soon as Gamelin had passed their village on his return, all the Indians had gone to war; that a large party of Indians from Michilimackinac and some Pottawattomies had gone to Kentucky and that three days after Game- lin had left the Miami village, Kekionga, an American, was brought there, scalped and burned at the stake." At a much later date, December 2. 1790, Hamtramck, writing to St. Clair, draws a lucid picture of the situa- tion then existing, which is the product of an intelligent and observing mind, and reads as follows :
"I hope your excellency will excuse me if I take the liberty of writing on a sub- ject so remote from the duty of a soldier. I do it because you have requested it of me in your letter of January 23, 1790, and if I have not communicated my senti- ments before, it was from an apprehension that they might be contrary to the general opinion of Indian affairs. They are now presented to your excellency, with full ex- pectation that it will not be aseribed to arrogance or ostentation on my part, it being the result of the purest intention. On those calculated expectations I will speak Vol. 1-17
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freely, and give as my opinion that nothing can establish a peace with the Indians as long as the British keep possession of the upper forts; for they certainly are daily sowing the seed of discord betwixt the measures of our government and the Indians.
"Perhaps the Indians will call for a peace early this spring. If so, I can assure you that I am not mistaken if I prognosticate that it will be done to deceive us, and ought not to be granted before we have another expedition and have established re- spectable garrisons in the most important parts of their country; then we will be able to make peace on our conditions and not on theirs.
"The Indians can never be subdued by just going into their towns and burning their houses and corn, and returning the next day, for it is no hardship to an Indian to live without; they make themselves perfectly comfortable on meat alone; and as for houses, they can build them with as much facility as a bird does his nest.
"As for obtaining any advantage of them in action, there is, in my opinion, very little to be calculated on that head; for they will not fight without having a decided advantage over their enemies, and if they find they cannot meet them, they always have a sufficient country which affords them a secured situation.
"Should government be disposed to carry on an expedition in the spring without establishing garrisons in their country, I would then beg the permission to suggest an idea, which would be to surprise them in their towns, which can be done by having all the men mounted on good horses, and every man to be his own commis- sary ; that is, he should furnish himself with provisions for so many days; by that means a large body of troops would be able to perform (with probability) such an expedition undiscovered, and with very great dispatch. This plan appears to me to be the most eligible one that can be adopted; for if the United States want to chas- tise the Indians, there is no other way to do it with success than by surprising them in their town or camp. Another observation which I beg to make that, admitting a treaty should take place this spring, the people of our frontier will certainly be the first to break it. The people of Kentucky will carry on private expeditions against the Indians and kill them whenever they meet them, and I do not believe that there is a jury in all Kentucky who would punish a man for it. These combined circum- stances, sir, make me think that until we are securely intrenched in the Indian coun- try, we never can be sure that peace is fully established: for as the thirst for war is the dearest inheritance an Indian receives from his parents, and vengeance that of the Kentuckians, hostility must then be the result on both sides."
To recount the Indian murders and depredations that reddened the soil and terrorized the inhabitants of the Northwest Territory during the period encompassing the years 1786 and 1790 would require volumes. Scenes of horrible suffering, of bravery, heroism and prowess, born of love, fear and hate, enacted in the light of the fierce flames of lonely cabins, were of nightly occurrence. Brave men and craven cowards, innocent women and children, were the victims of the blood-thirsty red demons. who gloated over the massacre of entire families, without having sustained the loss of a single brave. The fields and forests were strewn with the ashes of cabin homes and fertilized with the blood of women and chil- dren, besides whose mutilated corpses lay the dead bodies of their defenders, pierced with bullets, telling too plainly how desperate, but how hopeless, had been the struggle for the protection of loved ones. Along the banks of rivers and creeks the plumed and painted red fiends lay in wait for the voyageurs, and, from ambush on either side of the streams, opened fire upon the primitive crafts of the daring occupants, whose lifeless bodies
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