USA > Indiana > Indiana Baptist history, 1798-1908 > Part 2
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"BECAUSE the bill implies-either that the civil mag- istrate is a competent judge of religious truths, or that he may employ religion as an engine of civil polity, the first is an arrogant pretension, falsified by the extra-
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ordinary opinion of rulers in all ages, and throughout the world; the second an unhallowed perversion of the means of salvation. Because the establishment pro- posed by the bill is not requisite for the support of the christian religion. To say that it is a contradiction to the christian religion itself, for every page of it dis- avows a dependence on the power of this world, it is a contradiction in fact, for it is known that this religion both existed and flourished, not only without the sup- port of human laws but in spite of every opposition from them; and not only during the period of miracu- lous aid but long after it had been left to its own evi- dence and the ordinary care of Providence. Nay, it is a contradiction in terms; for religion not invented by human policy must have pre-existed and been sup- ported. It is, moreover, to weaken in those who pro- fess this religion a pious confidence in its innate excel- lence, and the patronage of its Author; and to foster in those who still reject it, a suspicion that its friends are too conscious of its fallacies to trust it to its own merits.
"BECAUSE that experience witnesses that ecclesiasti- cal establishments, instead of maintaining the purity and efficacy of religion, have had a contrary operation. During almost fifteen centuries has the legal establish- ment of christianity been on trial. What have been the fruits? More or less in all places pride and indo- lence in the clergy ; ignorance and servility in the laity ; in both superstition, bigotry and persecution. Inquire of the teachers of christianity for the ages in which it appeared in its greatest luster; those of every sect
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point to the ages prior to its incorporation with civil policy. Propose a restoration of this primitive state, in which its teachers depended upon the voluntary re- wards of their flocks, many of them predict its down- fall. On which side ought their testimony to have greatest weight-when for or against their interest?
"BECAUSE the establishment in question is not neces- sary for the support of the civil government. If it be urged as a necessary support of civil government only 'as it is a means of supporting religion, and it be not necessary for the latter purpose, it cannot be necessary for the former. If religion be not within the cogni- zance of civil government, how can it be said to be necessary to civil government? What influence, in fact, have ecclesiastical establishments had on civil so- ciety? In some instances they have been seen to erect a spiritual tyranny on the ruins of civil authority; in more instances they have been seen upholding the thrones of political tyranny ; in no instances have they been seen guarding the liberties of the people. Rulers who wished to subvert the public liberty may have found an established clergy convenient auxiliaries. A just government instituted to secure and perpetuate it needs them not. Such a government will be best sup- ported by protecting every citizen in the enjoyment of his religion, with the same equal hand which protects his person and property; by neither invading the rights of any sect, nor suffering any sect to invade the rights of any other.
"BECAUSE the proposed establishment is a departure from that general policy, which offers an asylum
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to the persecuted and oppressed of every nation and religion, a promised luster to our country, and an ac- cession to the number of its citizens. What a melan- choly mark is the bill of sudden degeneracy! Instead of holding forth an asylum to the persecuted, it is itself a signal of persecution. It degrades from the equal rank of citizens all those whose opinions in religion do not bend to those of the legislative authority. Distant as it may be, in its present form, from the inquisi- tion, it differs from it only in degree; the one is the first step, the other is the last, in the career of intoler- ance. The magnanimous sufferer under the cruel scourge in foreign regions, must view the bill as a bea- con on our coast, warning him to seek some other haven where liberty and philanthropy in their due ex- tent may offer a more certain repose from his troubles.
"BECAUSE it will have a tendency to banish our citi- zens. The allurements presented by other situations are every day thinning our number. To superadd a fresh motive to emigration by revoking the liberty which they now enjoy, would be the same species of folly, which has dishonored and depopulated flourish- ing kingdoms.
"BECAUSE it will destroy that moderation and har- mony which the forbearance of our laws to intermeddle with religion has produced among its several sects. Torrents of blood have been spilt in the old world by vain attempts of the secular arm to extinguish religious discord by proscribing all differences in religious opin- ion. This has at length revealed the true remedy. Every relaxation of narrow and rigorous policy, wher-
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ever it has been, has been found to assuage the dis- ease. The American theater has exhibited proofs that equal and complete liberty if it does not wholly eradi- cate it, sufficiently destroys its malignant· influence on the health and prosperity of the state. If, with the salutary effects of this system under our own eyes, we begin to contract the bounds of religious freedom, we know no name that will too severely reproach our folly. At least let the warning to be taken at the first fruits of the threatened innovation. The very appearance of the bill has transformed that 'christian forbearance, love and charity which of late mutually prevailed' into ani- mosities and jealousies which may not soon be ap- peased. What mischiefs may not be dreaded should this enemy to the public quiet be armed with the force of law ?
"BECAUSE the policy of the bill is adverse to the dif- fusion of the light of christianity. The first wish of those who ought to enjoy this precious gift ought to be that it may be imparted to the whole race of mankind. Compare the number of those who have as yet received it, with the number still remaining under the dominion of false religions, and how small is the former! Does the policy of this bill tend to lessen this disproportion ? No; it at once discourages those who are strangers to the light of the truth from coming into the regions of it; and countenances by example the nations who con- tinue in darkness in shutting out those who might con- vey it to them, instead of levelling as far as possible every obstacle to the progress of truth, the bill with an ignoble and unchristian timidity would circum-
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scribe it with a wall of defense against the encroach- ments of error.
"BECAUSE attempts to enforce by legal sanctions acts obnoxious to so great a proportion of citizens tend to enervate the laws in general and to slacken the bands of society. If it be difficult to execute any law which is not generally deemed necessary or salutary, what must be the case where it is deemed invalid and dan- gerous? And what may be the effect of so striking an example of the impotency of the government on its general authority?
"BECAUSE a measure of such singular magnitude and delicacy ought not to be imposed, without the clearest evidence that it is called for by a majority of citizens ; and no satisfactory method is yet proposed by whichi the voice of the majority in this case may be deter- mined, or its influence secured. 'The people of the re- spective counties are indeed requested to signify their opinion respecting the adoption of the bill at the next session of the Assembly.' But the representation must be made equal, before the voice either of the representa- tives, or of the counties will be that of the people. Our hope is that neither of the former will, after due con- sideration, espouse the dangerous principle of the bill. Should the event disappoint us, it will still leave us in full confidence that a fair appeal to the latter will re- verse the sentence against our liberties.
"BECAUSE finally, 'the equal right of every citizen to the free exercise of his religion according to the dic- tates of conscience' is held by the same tenure with all our other rights. If we recur to its origin it is equally
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the gift of nature ; if we weigh its importance it cannot be less dear to us; if we consult the 'Declaration of those rights which pertain to the good people of Vir- ginia as the basis and foundation of government' it is enumerated with equal solemnity, or rather with stud- ied emphasis. Either, then, we must say that the will of the legislature is the only measure of their author- ity; and that in the plentitude of this authority they may sweep away all our fundamental rights; or, that they are bound to leave this particular right untouched and sacred; either we must say that they may control the freedom of the press ; may abolish the trial by jury ; may swallow up the executive and judiciary powers of the state; nay, that they may annihilate our very right of suffrage and erect themselves into an independent and hereditary assembly; or we must say that they have no authority to enact into a law the bill under consideration.
"WE, THE SUBSCRIBERS, say that the General Assem- bly of this Commonwealth have no such authority ; and that no effort may be omitted on our part against so dangerous a usurpation, we oppose to it this remon- strance, earnestly praying, as we are in duty bound, that the Supreme Law-giver of the universe, by illumi- nating those to whom it is addressed, may, on one hand turn their councils from every act which would affront his holy prerogative, or violate the trust com- mitted to them; and on the other guide them into every measure which may be worthy of his blessing, may redound to their own praise, and may more firmly
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establish the liberties, the property and the happiness of this commonwealth."
The foregoing Memorial and Remonstrance (found in Semples History of the Rise and Progress of Bap- tists in Virginia), was made in opposition to a bill which proposed an assessment of taxes for the support of religious teachers. This Memorial is one of the ablest papers ever written in favor of "a free church in a free state;" and although the scholarly Madison may have given its final shape the Baptists of Virginia, through many years of earnest discussion had tauglit him and the country the importance and sacredness of religious liberty. This Remonstrance gives us a clear conception of the spirit and conviction that pervaded and controlled the men, some of whom came to the west and helped to shape religious opinion in the early time. Those who came, most evidently, had had ample opportunity to know what Baptists believed-and why. And the oppositions, ostracisms and persecutions had brought Baptist doctrines out into such bold outline that it is safe to predict that these doctrines would not be forgotten nor ignored nor allowed to die even in the strenuous life and labors of the pioneer. A few years later when civil and religious liberty seemed to have gained a great victory-as in the adoption of the United States Constitution-Virginia Baptists, still jealously guarding their dear-bought rights, were led to ask whether the instrument sufficiently secured the enjoyment of freedom of conscience.
Accordingly the General Committee elected to act for the denomination met in Richmond in August,
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1789, and prepared an address to President Washing- ton ; the following extracts will sufficiently express the main matters included :
"When the constitution first made its appearance in Virginia, as a society we had unusual struggles of mind fearing that the liberty of conscience, dearer to us than property or life, was not sufficiently secured. Perhaps our jealousies were heightened by the usage we re· ceived in Virginia under the regal government, when mobs, bonds, fines and prisons were our frequent re- pasts. We are convinced on the one hand that without an effective national government the states would fall into disunion, and all the consequent evils; and on the other we fear, should we give the constitution our as- sent that we should be accessory to some religious op- pression, should any one society in the Union prepon- derate over all the rest, and get possession of the gov- ernment, which is very possible, and against which no provision is made, we have voted unanimously that the constitution does not make sufficient provision for the secure enjoyment of religious liberty. Amidst all these inquietudes our consolation arises from the considera- tion that the plan bears the signature of a tried and trusted friend in whose opinion it must be good; and that if religious liberty is rather insecure in the consti- tution, the administration will certainly prevent all op- pression; for a Washington will preside. May God long preserve your life and health for a blessing to the world in general, and to the United States in particu- lar; and when, like the sun, you have finished your course of great and unequalled services, and you go the
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way of all the earth, may the Divine Being who will reward every man according to his works, grant unto you a glorious admission into his everlasting kingdom through Jesus Christ our Lord."
An extract or two from President Washington's re- ply will let a flood of light in upon the fine regard he had for our denominational fathers in Virginia.
If I could have entertained the slightest appre- hension that the constitution planned by the convention where I had the honor to preside, might possibly en- danger the religious rights of any ecclesiastical so- ciety, certainly I never would have placed my signature to it ; and if I could now conceive that the general gov- ernment might be so administered as to render the lib- erty of conscience insecure, I beg you will be per- suaded that no one would be more zealous than myself to establish effectual barriers against the horrors of spiritual tyranny, and every species of religious perse- cution. ... "
"Whilst I recollect with satisfaction that the relig- ious Society of which you are members, has been, throughout America, uniformly and almost unani- mously the firm friends of civil liberty, and the perse- vering promoters of our religious revolution, I cannot hesitate to believe that they will be faithful supporters of a free yet efficient government."
Under the circumstances, and with such a spirit, it is not to be wondered at that very soon an amendment would be made to the constitution, and that Virginia Baptists should suggest its substance; and this is the form of amendment as suggested by them.
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"That religion or the duty we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence ; and therefore all men have an equal natural and inalienable right to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience, and that no particular sect or so- ciety ought to be favored or established by law in pref- erence to others."
The amendment as it was finally adopted is as fol- lows :
"Congress shall make no law respecting an estab- lishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for redress of griev- ances."
And so we can repeat with added emphasis that whoever of the Baptists came from Virginia to the west ought to have known full well what their relig- ious convictions were, and been able to defend them.
What was true of the Baptists of Virginia was equally true of those of North Carolina, for they too had gone through the same conflicts and persecutions. Indeed many of the North Carolina Baptists went from Virginia.
"Sir William Berkeley, governor of Virginia, drove out of that colony the Baptists and Quakers who found a refuge in the Albemarle region of Carolina." (Moore's History of North Carolina.)
Most of the Baptist men, afterwards prominent in other parts of the country, had their home and train-
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ing in North Carolina-as Revs. Daniel Marshall, W. T. Brantley, Jesse Mercer, R. B. C. Howell, A. M. Poindexter and Basil Manly. When Virginia was presenting her Memorial and Remonstrance to the Leg- Islature (1785), there were 3,776 members of Baptist churches in North Carolina; so we can take it almost as a matter of course that many of these found their way west into the Mississippi valley.
But what of New England? Were Baptists nu- merous there? And did they have the same fight for religious freedom that their southern brethren had? And did they belong to the number of those who came to find homes in this faraway and uncultivated west?
From the time of the banishment of Roger Williams from Massachusetts (1635), for teaching that "the civil magistrate's power extends only to the bodies, goods and outward state of men" to the adoption of the con- stitution in 1787 the Baptists of New England suf- fered many wrongs and hardships in their struggle for religious liberty. Many appeals were made to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, but in vain ; after the Baptists of Ashfield had regularly settled a minister a paedo-Baptist minister was brought in and the Bap- tists were taxed to him for five years (Ford, p. 192) ; "the Baptists of Montague took advice of a lawyer and endeavored to comply with your law according to his direction ; yet they were taxed and strained upon; they sued for relief in your courts which so far from helping them that it took away one hundred and fifteen dollars more."
Mr. Moody, who was a member of the Gorham
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church, although he had certified the assessor of his town, had "his good riding beast seized for a tax of about six dollars," and when he appealed to the As- sembly in Boston, it was in these words:
"As the case of your petitioner somewhat resembles the case of the poor man who, travelling from Jerusa- lem to Jericho, fell among evil men, your petitioner from principles of charity and equity doth believe that you will not pass him by on the other side of the way, but with the good Samaritan show pity, bind up his wounds and set him up on his own beast, which has been violently taken away." (Ford.)
Again and again the Baptists of the New England states were taxed to support a ministry in which they had no interest, and for which they had little respect. Their petitions for relief were neglected or ignored, and their property to the last farthing was taken to satisfy the tax collector. The Puritans were far more severe in their exactions than were the Pilgrims, and yet the latter at last came much under the influence of the former. But everywhere the Baptists were making the plea that no man ought to be taxed to support a religion that his reason and conscience condemn. The persecutions were aimed at ministers more than at laymen; but these ministers exhibit a courage and depth of conviction that it is refreshing to contemplate. When they were sent to jail they used the jail window as a pulpit, and many a clear-cut and effective sermon was preached from these windows. In every com- munity there were those who were persuaded of the injustice and cruelty of the persecutors, and in no
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apologetic way expressed their sympathy for the per- secuted. Indeed there seemed to be a strong current of popular conviction in favor of the fundamental con- victions for which the Baptists were standing-par- ticularly that of the rightful separation of church and state. And hardly less pronounced was the popular belief in the sovereignty of the conscience. Hence through the century and more of misinterpretation and persecution, the Baptist cause was gradually gaining ground. When matters became so unendurable that they could no longer be borne, and were appealed to the mother country, it was not uncommon for the king to grant relief, and there was a growing disposition in this direction.
The intellectual attainments of some of the Baptists were readily acknowledged, as is shown in the fact that two of the earlier presidents of Harvard college were Baptists ; all the condition imposed was that they keep quiet as to their distinctive denominational beliefs; and as is well known President Dunster was relieved because he would not consent to be silent when his silence was construed as supporting a principle that he was sure was wrong. So great a man could not witness the persecution of Clark and Crandal and Holmes in Puritan Boston, and not have his whole being stirred. Their only crime was that of preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ as they understood it. Even Harvard himself was an Independent. And that the Baptists manifested a most gracious spirit is seen in the fact that they never sought revenge in any form. The largest gift to Harvard at that time was made by
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a Baptist-Thomas Hollis, of England. And a still more striking example was that of Roger Williams who, though misinterpreted and persecuted even to exile, yet did all in his power to assist the civil officers, even risking his health and life to prevent an attack from a powerful body of Indians.
When the Rev. Isaac Backus, of Connecticut, was made agent for New England Baptists in 1772, he brought to his work intelligent convictions, large and accurate observation and willing devotion. He was fifty-two years of age and had already in mind the writing and publishing of a volume on the History of New England Baptists. When the work was finished in 1796 it was contained in three volumes and is now a standard on the subject. The work of his agency soon brought him forward into the affairs of not only New England but also of the whole country. He appeared before the Massachusetts Provincial Congress in an ap- peal from which we make limited extracts :
"Honored Gentlemen: At a time when all America are alarmed at the open and violent attempts that have been made against their liberties, it affords great cause of joy and thankfulness to see the colonies happily united to defend their rights ; and particularly that their late continental congress have been directed into meas- ures so wise and salutary for obtaining relief and se- curing our future liberties ;.... must we be blamed for not lying still and thus let our countrymen trample on our rights and deny us the very liberty that they are ready to take up arms to defend for themselves? You profess to exempt us from taxes to your worship, and
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yet tax us every year. Great complaints have been made about a tax which the British Parliament laid upon paper ; but you require a paper tax of us annually. All America is alarmed at the tea tax, though if you please they can avoid it by not buying; but we have no such liberty .... If any ask what we would have we answer -only allow us to freely enjoy the religious liberty that they do in Boston, and we ask no more. We remain hearty friends to the country and are ready to do all in our power for its general welfare."
This is signed by Isaac Backus, "Agent for the Bap- tist Churches in this Province by advice of their Com- mittee ; Boston Dec. 2d, 1774."
In this same year, somewhat earlier, Mr. Backus ar- ranged to go to Providence ; he writes :
· "Went over to Providence to commencement. Met with Mr. John Gano, of New York, and Mr. William Van Horne, of South Hampton, Pennsylvania. They with Mr. Manning and Hezekiah Smith, all were earn- est for me to go to the Association in Medfield, and also to the Congress in Philadelphia; and represented that now is the most likely time to obtain our religious liberty that we have ever known. I had many objec- tions against it, but when I awoke next morning the religious liberties of three colonies or more appeared so weighty in my mind that if I might do anything for their relief I was made willing to do it and leave my private concerns to Him that orders all things."
The Association gave to Mr. Backus the following certificate :
"To the Honorable Delegates of the several Colonies
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in North America met in general Congress in Phila- delphia :
"Honorable Gentlemen: As the Antipaedobaptist churches in New England are mostly concerned for the preservation and defense of the rights and privileges of this country, and are deeply affected by the en- croachments upon the same which have lately been made by the British Parliament, and are willing to unite with our dear countrymen vigorously to pursue every prudent measure for relief; so we would beg leave to say that as a distinct denomination of Protes- tants, we conceive that we have an equal claim to char- ter rights with the rest of our fellow subjects, and yet have long been denied the full and free enjoyment of those rights, as to the support of religious worship. Therefore we, the elders and brethren in twenty Bap- tist churches met in Association at Medfield, twenty miles from Boston, September 14th, 1774, have unani- mously chosen Mr. Isaac Backus as our agent to lay our case in these respects before you, or otherwise to use all prudent means he can for our relief."
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