USA > Indiana > The soldier of Indiana in the war for the union, Vol. II > Part 31
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" When Jackson fell the second time (in July) I, with oth- ers of the ten who were living, was retaken by our troops, but in consequence of the state of my limb and health, I and six others who could not be moved, were left in the hands of the Rebels, the Union men, with every wounded man who could possibly bear transportation, returning to Vicksburg.
"From Jackson I was sent to Brandon, with two others, one of the two having been wounded in the last fight at Jack- son. I afterwards learned that he reached our lines. The other man died at Brandon.
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INTRODUCTION TO CAPTAIN WIRZ.
"I remained at Brandon about four months, and being the only Federal in the hospital, fared as well as the Rebel pa- tients. From Brandon I was sent to Cahawba, Alabama, to a military prison established at that place. I remained at Cahawba nearly two months. The building used for a prison was a large tobacco ware-house of one story. The men suf- fered much from the smoke of the cooking fires, which were built on the ground in the building, the flooring having been torn up. The quantity of food issued there was greater than that at Andersonville.
"From Cahawba we were sent to Andersonville, and at the same time we were told by the Rebel officers that we were going to Savannah to be exchanged. Their reason for deceiving the men was to keep those who were able to make an escape, from making the attempt. We arrived at Ander- sonville in the latter part of April, 1864. Our number was about six hundred, of whom but a few were sick, the major- ity of the men not having been prisoners over four or five months.
" Wirz was there to receive the prisoners, and he at once succeeded in making himself notoriously known to all the men, for he damned them liberally to begin with, telling them they had not Captain Henderson, of Cahawba, to deal with. I made up my mind to get into the hospital at once if possi- ble, knowing that I would stand a poor chance in the com- mon prison on one leg. There were some six or eight who were very sick, and who could not have walked to the prison. I staid with them, and we were taken to the hospital in what the Rebels called an ambulance. It was composed of an ox team and an old lumber wagon. The so-called hos- pital was at that time in one corner of the stockade, and had no barrier between the main body of the prisoners and the sick. The shelter furnished the afflicted was a square piece of canvass stretched over a pole, which was supported by crotches set in the ground. Each tent contained twelve men, who, when lying down, entirely covered the ground that was sheltered by the canvass from the sun and rain. The foliage of the pine tree, commonly called pine straw. was given them to lic on, and was their only protection from
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THE SOLDIER OF INDIANA.
the ground, unless the prisoner was fortunate enough to possess a blanket. A comrade and myself were assigned a place in one of the tents, but we determined to lie in the open air in preference, and were advised to do so by the hos- pital attendants for our health's sake. The inmates of the tents were as lousy as men could possibly be, and the help- lessly sick suffered very much from such vermin. A majority of the sick were too weak to move themselves when nature demanded, consequently the stench was intolerable. The nurses would clean them by throwing water on their persons, and by holding their shirts over the smoke and heat of a pine fire, in order that the liee might be scorched or suffocated off. Men who were able made a regular practice each day of hunting and killing the vermin that infested their garments. There was no way of boiling water in sufficient quantities for washing purposes, and cold water don't, in any way, in- convenience a gray-baek. It was a common thing to see, in the evening, the siek, who were too weak to walk, crawl out for the purpose of holding their shirts over the fire to rid them of their loathsome tenants. Even the wood that was used for that purpose was a luxury that many a poor sick fellow, who did not belong to the hospital, did not get. A man was not admitted to the hospital until in a very bad condi- tion, many dying in the camp every day. I fortunately had a blanket, and a nurse gave my comrade one that was left by a dead man, one of which we spread on stakes for a shel- ter, and the other we used for a cover at night, and we were better off than hundreds of others, for many of the men were deprived of their blankets when captured, and had to do without shelter, (I have referenee to those not in hospital,) unless they could crowd in with some friend, or get a blan- ket left by some dead comrade.
"The food consisted of a ration of corn bread, a very small piece of meat, and a cup of rice soup in the morning, the grains of rice being frequently so scarce that they might easily be counted, and placed in the bowl of a table spoon. In the evening another cup of rice soup that was always tasteless and flat, because of the lack of salt. The quantity of corn bread issued at that time was sufficient, but of a
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"HE SPAKE OF THE TEMPLE OF HIS BODY".
quality so miserable we could not eat it except when driven to it by actual hunger.
"In June, if I remember right, the hospital department was moved out of the stockade to a new and clean piece of land, on which the trees still stood, the shade of which afforded us much relief from the heat of the sun. By that time the patients numbered, as near as I could judge, about two thou- sand. When moving from the old hospital to the new one, all who could possibly walk were ordered to start, under the escort of the guard, for the new quarters. The patients did not need urging, for they were eager to leave their filthy quarters, knowing the change would be for the better, so every man, who could move, willingly took up the line of march, leaving only those who could not stir. Wirz made his appearance just then, and seeing the men in the tents, swore he would pull the tents down on them if they did not leave, but he talked and threatened in vain, for those who lay there were dying men, and would walk no more.
" Our quarters were much better on the new ground, and the shelter from sun and rain was much improved, but the num- ber of sick was increasing fast, and death was busy in July and August, at one time the deaths averaging over one hun- dred per day. The corpses were numbered and hauled away in the mornings in a large army wagon. Two corpses would be placed in the forward end of the wagon, with the feet to the mules, and over the end of the wagon; two more would be placed against them, and so on until the load was com- pleted. The pantaloons or drawers would slip down on the stiffened limbs; the bed of the wagon would hide the bodies of the dead from view, leaving only to sight the naked, stif- fened limbs of a dozen or more dead men, the load being so arranged that they were feet uppermost.
"Meat was issued in September in very small quantities, finally so small that it became almost an impossibility to divide it into so many rations, so the cooks were ordered to chop it up and boil it with the rice soup in the mornings, then if a person found a little piece in his tin cup he was a lucky fellow, and might, if closely watched, be seen to smile. Any large bone which had been thrown away after having
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THE SOLDIER OF INDIANA.
been picked clean, would certainly be picked up by some hungry one, and broken into small pieces, then boiled until all its grease and substance were imparted to the water, making, with the addition of a little salt, a weak soup.
"In October the rations of corn bread gradually grew much smaller than they had previously been, and more irregular in coming into camp. The men would gather in knots, and wait anxiously for the coming of the wagon that each morn- ing brought the day's ration. Many of the men would fol- low the wagon from the entrance to the cooking department, for the purpose of picking up any crumbs of bread that might fall to the ground while it was being handled. In fact the allowance at that time was so little that a person would find himself continually thinking of, and wishing for food.
"The hospital contained about twenty wards, and cach ward about one hundred and fifty patients. Six or seven of the wards were provided with board bunks, supported on stakes driven in the ground. The wounded were placed in these wards, two men occupying each bunk, no matter how badly wounded. I have seen two men, each with an ampu- ' tation above the knee, lie side and side on a bunk that did not exceed four feet in width, and with nothing to protect them from the hard boards except a blanket or two, doubled and placed under them. They died after much suffering. Indeed death seemed inevitable to all men severely wounded who were brought direct to Andersonville from the field of battle. In many cases a wounded man and a sick one would lie together, a burthen and an offence to each other.
"Many died from the effects of vaccination. Gangrene would attack the spot punctured by the doctor's instrument, a large and loathsome sore would be caused, and death, in a great many cases, would be the result. The majority of the wards were destitute of straw or boards, the men lying on the sandy ground, with blankets, if they had them, with- out if they had not. During the heavy rains the water would flood the tents of those who occupied the lower parts of the camp, washing the sand upon the limbs and bodies of those who were entirely helpless.
"Six hundred of the disabled and sick left there in Novem-
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HUNGRY AND HOPELESS.
ber to go to Savannah for exchange. I was included in the number. We were stopped at Millen, and put into the stockade there for two nights and days. The men were sadly dejected, fearing they were deceived in regard to ex- change, having no faith in the assurances of the Rebel offi- cers, who said an exchange would soon take place, the pris- oners always being led to believe that when they were moved it was for the purpose of exchange. An attempt was made to call the roll before entering the stoekade, and the men were ordered into line for that purpose, but they were so dejected and heart-sick at the prospect of entering another pen that it was almost impossible for the officers to form a line. As soon as any part of the detachment was formed, and the officers left it to urge others into line, the sick would drop down, perfectly indifferent to roll call, and heedless of everything save the dreaded prospect of continued imprison- ment.
" While we were in Millen rations of corn meal, raw beef and rice were issued, but we received no wood for cooking purposes, and were therefore obliged to trade a part of our rations for wood to those who had been there for some time, and had managed to save, and could spare a few sticks. We had learned how to make a little wood go a great way. It was generally split into pieces, of six or eight inches in length, and a fire built under our quart kettles in such a manner as would save the wood as much as possible. When the cooking was done the sticks that were not entirely con- sumed would be freed from fire, and carefully preserved for further use. We left Millen on the nineteenth of November, 1864. While waiting for the train near the depot, an inci- dent occurred that might well go to show how hungry the men would get. The Rebels had a number of our men de- tailed for the purpose of cooking meat for those who were about to take the cars. They had taken the meat from the kettles, and the water the meat had been cooked in was ordered to be given to the detachment. Buckets were got and filled, and men carried them beyond the guard that stood sentinel over the contents of the kettles, and the meat. The moment the buckets were within reach of the men, they
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THE SOLDIER OF INDIANA.
made a rush with their tin cups for the soup with such vio- lence that the buckets were upset in spite of the exertions of the men who were trying to deal the soup out, consequently it was wasted upon the ground. We reached Savannah on the twentieth of November. The citizens of that place gave us food as we passed through the town, though it was against the order of the General who had command of us. We reached our boats on the Savannah river on the after- noon of the twentieth, some few of us having been prisoners eighteen months."
365
THE MEASURE OF THE COMBATANTS.
CHAPTER XIX.
AFFAIRS AT HOME IN 1863.
"Know you what the devil thinks? Seated behind hell-fire with his arms folded, Satan says, with a malignant look and a hideous leer, 'Ah, but these fools are wise men indeed to do my work for me!'"-Luther.
"When the bitter period arrives, in which the people must give up some of their darling absurdities ;- when the senseless clamor which has been ยท carefully handed down from father fool to son fool, can be no longer in- dulged ;- when it is of incalculable importance to turn the people to a bet- ter way of thinking, the greatest impediments to all amelioration are too often found among those to whose counsels, at such periods, the country ought to look for wisdom and peace."-Sydney Smith.
The sharpest touch of the war which Indiana experienced on her own soil during the Rebellion, was in January and February of 1863, when the fruit of the fall elections graced, or disgraced her Legislative Halls. No trimmers smoothed . away asperities. From the first day of the session to the last, the representatives of the two parties were sharply de- fined and stiffly arrayed. With no disparity in combative- ness and no disproportion in constancy, they were strikingly unequal in number and unlike in moral character.
The majority was shrewd, turbulent, unscrupulous and im- patient of restraint. During the developments of the session it showed itself animated by no lofty desire, stirred by no noble impulse, incapable of statesmanship as of patriotism or philanthropy, scornful of the arts of persuasion and argu- ment, vigilant to outwit and to cheat, prompt to browbeat and to bully its small but gallant antagonist.
The minority was keen, cautious and courageous, jeal- ously guarding, and zealously defending the interests of the soldier, the honor of the "soldier's friend," and the dues of the country, and not failing to recognize the claims of human- ity in the persons of the fugitive black and of the inmate of
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THE SOLDIER OF INDIANA.
public asylums. Paris C. Dunning, of Monroe, was elected President of the Senate. Samuel H. Buskirk, of Monroe, chosen Speaker of the Housc.
After preliminary skirmishing, in which the opposing forces rapidly and boldly felt each others' lines, the battle opened by a covert and preconcerted attack on Governor Morton.
The House voted that the election of United States Sen- ators should take place at two o'clock of the second day of the session, the hour devoted by usage exclusively to the re- ception of the Governor's message. The Union Senators prevented the election by leaving the Hall and thus breaking a quorum.
Assurances that there was no prospect of a joint conven- tion at any time soon, and the fact that he had sent advance copies of the message to the press at various places, deter- mined Governor Morton to transmit it to each House, such a course, though not on any previous occasion adopted in Indiana, being constitutional and being also the practice of the Federal Government, and many of the State Govern- ments. Accordingly the Governor's private secretary deliv- ered the message, in printed form, to the Legislature, finding both Houses apparently in session. Without ceremony, the communication was rejected, by the Senate because a quo- rum was not present, by the House of Representatives on the plea that, in the absence of a quorum from the Senate, there was no General Assembly. It was ordered to be returned. Mr. Packard, Representative from Marshal and Starke coun- ties, remarking, while the subject was under debate, that "the manner in which the message was delivered was a discour- tesy, which self-respect forbade the House to submit to."
With ceremonious courtesy a committee was afterwards appointed to wait on his Excellency and ask when he would be ready to deliver his message. Governor Morton, in a con- cise and dignified manner, declined any further consideration of the subject. The Legislature, however, was not yet will- ing to relinquish it. Mr. Hanna, of Vigo, offered to the House the following resolution:
" WHEREAS, His Excellency, Governor Morton, in the midst of his ardent and patriotic endeavors as Commander-in-Chief
367
GOVERNOR MORTON'S MESSAGE.
of the military and naval forces of the State of Indiana, has neglected to give his annual message to the General Assem- bly thereof, therefore,
"Resolved, That this House adopt the exalted and patri- otic sentiments contained in the message lately delivered to the Legislature of New York by His Excellency, Horatio Seymour."
Mr. Hanna's resolution was not adopted, but it was greeted with applause, and was followed by another of similar char- acter, prepared by Mr. Packard:
" Resolved, By the House (the Senate concurring) that the thanks of the General Assembly of the State of Indiana are duc and are hereby tendered to the Honorable Horatio Sey- mour, Governor of New York, for the able and patriotic de- fence of the constitution, the laws and liberty of the American citizen, contained in his late message to the Legislature of that State, and particularly for his just and high appreciation of the interests, position and patriotism of the great North- West; and that we assure him that the conservative people of our beloved State are looking with deep solicitute and confidence to his executive action, believing that they will find in it a firm and determined resistance to the encroach- ments of a despotic administration upon the liberties of the American people, as well as a bold defence of the independ- ent sovereignties of the several States of this Union, and that such action will receive the warm sympathies and hearty co- operation of all the conservative citizens of this State."
The inconsistency of this action, Governor Seymour's mes- sage having been delivered to the New York Senate alone, in consequence of the unorganized condition of the House, is explicable only on the principle of an old adage as rendered by Tittlebat Titmouse: "Cases alter circumstances."
The last of January, Mr. Davis, of Elkhart, proposed to the House that fifteen hundred copies of Governor Morton's mes- sage be printed for distribution in the field, but the Speaker declaring himself not aware that the Governor had delivered a message, the resolution was ruled out of order.
A few days before the final adjournment of the Legisla- ture, the Speaker found it convenient to allow that a quo-
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THE SOLDIER OF INDIANA.
rum was not necessary for the reception of reports from committees, and messages from the Senate, and from the Governor, whereupon Mr. Hanna, a lawyer of some acute- ness, though the most unscrupulous of partisans, asked if this ruling would not conflict with the ruling of the House in re- gard to the Governor's annual message. The Speaker, again with the supple wisdom of Tittlebat, decided that it would not.
The majority was in haste to assail the negro, and having once got a gripe, was as tenacious of its hold as a sleuth- hound. As early as January 13, Mr. Cobb, Senator from Lawrence, introduced a resolution condemning the course of the National Executive and Congress on the slavery ques- tion, and in connection with it a resolution charging a change of the object of the war on the part of the leaders of the ad- ministration party. The last was a loop-hole for the escape back into Democracy of pro-slavery men who, carried away by the national tide of enthusiasm, had supported the war in the beginning. On the fifteenth Mr. Burton, of Sullivan, in the House, offered a resolution "pledging that while the President persists in his abolition policy Indiana will not contribute another dollar or man toward the unholy war."
On the twenty-seventh Mr. Holcomb, of Gibson, read a joint resolution, instructing our Congressmen not to vote to pay for slaves emancipated anywhere, and to oppose the proclamation, and requesting our Senators to resign if they do not intend to carry out these instructions.
February 10, Mr. Cobb reported back, from the Committee on Federal Relations, a joint resolution proposed by himself, instructing Indiana Congressmen to vote against the bill to raise negro soldiers. He maintained that the proposition to raise an army of one hundred and fifty thousand negroes was designed to interfere with slavery, and was an attempt to make negroes the equals of whites.
Mr. March, Senator from Delaware and Blackford, could not understand why, in time of war, when other things were being trampled down, slavery should be held sacred. He would not touch the property of loyal slaveholders, and was not for prosecuting the war simply to destroy slavery, but if,
369
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.
during the war, slavery received a side blow, those Rebels, who were the sufferers, should not receive sympathy from loyal men.
Mr. Claypool, Senator from Fayette and Union, moved the following amendment: "And that they use their influ- ence in favor of the passage of any and all measures looking to a vigorous prosecution of the war for the maintenance of the Union, the enforcement of the laws, and the suppression of the rebellion."
Mr. Ray, Senator from Shelby and Hancock, moved to amend the amendment so as to add: "And with the distinct understanding that the war shall be prosecuted only for the purpose of crushing out rebellion, restoring the Union, main- taining the Constitution, enforcing the laws and securing American liberty, and not for any sectional, political or anti- slavery purpose."
Mr. Wolfe, Senator from Washington and Harrison, moved to further amend by the addition of: "And provided, That it shall be the duty of the President to immediately with- draw the Emancipation Proclamation."
Mr. Douglass, of Huntington and Whitley, moved further to amend so as to add: "And provided further, That if the propositions made by the Legislatures of the different States failed to effect an honorable settlement or compromise be- tween the Federal Government and the seceded States."
Mr. Ray said that if the Proclamation had been issued by the President as a civil officer, it was a usurpation; and if as a military officer, it was nugatory. It had proved to be detri- mental to the army, had diverted the war from its original object, had strengthened and nerved Rebel armies, and had created divisions in the North; it had no legal efficacy, and no power beyond the lines of the Federal army, where it was not needed. It was ineffectual in every sense, except to stir up strife in the North and to strengthen the Rebels.
Mr. Cobb gave it as his opinion that, if the Rebels were to lay down their arms, peace would not follow as long as this Proclamation remained in force. It was a barrier to all set- tlement. It was intended to increase the horrors of war. 24
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THE SOLDIER OF INDIANA.
Its effect was to set at liberty three million slaves, to be al- lowed to roam about, and to swarm into our State in viola- tion of the thirteenth article of the constitution. The war debt would be heavy, and we could not expect Southern men to pay their portion, if we took away their vast re- sources. The bill before Congress, providing for arming ne- groes, had a tendency to encourage negro equality. Negro officers and soldiers were placed on an equality with white officers and soldiers on the battle-field and in the camp. Such a course was an admission that white men could not prosecute the war without the aid of the black race.
Mr. Wolfe was in favor of bringing the war to a speedy conclusion in a constitutional and legitimate way, unless the Federal administration abandons its emancipation policy. The South could never be subdued as long as war was the only remedy. He would be governed by that policy which would save the country, not by that which would most se- verely punish the Rebels. The country could not stand an- other year of this anti-slavery war without bankruptcy.
Mr. Dunning asserted that the Emancipation Proclama- tion had destroyed the Union sentiment at the South. Hc thought it was ill-timed, unwise, impolitic and injurious; he did not believe it would free a single slave, and declared himself unable to find any clause in the constitution grant- ing power to the President to take private property for pub- lic use without compensation.
Mr. Brown, of Wells, capped these deliberations, the puer- ility of which almost disguises their maliciousness, by de- claring that he would rather see the country fall than saved by the hands of negroes.
He and all his party were very like the Spanish king who roasted to death rather than have the fire in his front put out, or his chair moved back by other than the hands prescribed by court etiquette. However, it was not himself, but his country, which Mr. Brown was willing should be reduced to ashes.
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