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GENEALOGY COLLECTION
GEN
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 01793 9197
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016
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THE
BIOGRAPHICAL
ENCYCLOPÆDIA
OF
KENTUCKY
OF THE
DEAD AND LIVING MEN OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
1
OF
976.9 B521
UNITEDWESTAND DIMDEDITE FALL
G.D. CINCINNATI, OHIO: J. M. ARMSTRONG & COMPANY. 1 878.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1877, by ARMSTRONG & IRELAN,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
CINCINNATI: PRINTED AT THE Western Methodist Book Concern.
PREFACE.
381684
ONG-ESTABLISHED usage makes the appearance of some kind of preface an essential to any work of great public worth. Partly out of respect for this custom, and partly to give credit to those who have kindly assisted us in any way, as well as to aid the friends and readers of the book to see the efforts which have been expended to produce a work of reference concerning the men of Kentucky, that shall be of real value in all time to come, these words prefatory are written.
Probably no State in the Union is more interesting in an historic point of view than Kentucky ; and especially is the famed "Dark and Bloody Ground" rich in biography which has made up a large portion of the world's history from the earliest ages. No part of the history of nations is scanned with more interest than that relating to the lives of their prominent actors ; nor, indeed, is any part of the history of a country of so great value as that setting forth a true record of the deeds and principles of its most worthy men.
The task of the biographer is a difficult one. To record the great events of history, or those involving communities or States, where there may be a common estimate or a general unanimity of senti- ment, is an easy and agreeable work. A record of matters of common interest may be displayed in all the exuberance of the writer's feelings without laying him liable to public question or disfavor, as he but expresses the common opinion. But, with a history of individuals, the case is materially different, as the niche every man occupies in the world is not so much a matter of general consent.
To preserve to the State as true a record of the deeds and standing of its men as possible, without touching too much those inessentials, and points about which there might be a diversity of opinion, with- out real worth, is the object of this work. Hence, the editor has avoided, to a great extent, unnecessary detail or wordy eulogium, mainly confining himself to a statement of facts as he found them; and to such an estimate of a subject's character, general traits, and work, as he believed, from the best attainable stand-point, would be true, and as he felt would be sustained by an unprejudiced judgment. In many cases it has been impossible to obtain more than the merest outline of general facts; and, in some in- stances, among the living as well as the dead, that has been attended with great difficulty, and sometimes with results not wholly satisfactory, even with men whose very names are a matter of State pride. This has been attributable, in many cases, to indifference, and, in some instances of deceased men, to a want of reliable information on the part of their friends. Notwithstanding, a very small number, either of the living or the dead, has been omitted; every obstacle having been overcome, as far as possible, with the determination of making a complete encyclopædia of the men of the State from its earliest days to the present time. The soldier of the Confederacy and the soldier of the Union stand side by side, and the representatives of opposing principles are brought together, their deeds with a straight-forward estimate being given ; so that, it is hoped, the candid reader may be able to pronounce favorably on the result ; and that the work may be of real worth not only in the State, but also in the Northern as well as in the Southern half of this now united country.
As the work advanced, its magnitude became more apparent, and the time originally designed for completing the book was somewhat extended; the delay serving, however, only to enhance its value. No pains or expense, that promised a good result, was spared in gathering the material. Families and indi- viduals were visited throughout the State; there being, at times, as many as twenty men engaged, whose business it was to obtain the valuable facts in the lives of the worthy dead; the same general plan being
JAN J : 1939
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PREFACE.
followed as to living men of all pursuits representing best the communities or State. In this way a greater degree of accuracy was reached than could have been done in any other manner, although at a much greater expense to the publishers. Having used every possible precaution, it is not claimed that the work is without error, or, it may be, fault ; the difficulties in the way of perfect accuracy being very great, even among living men. In the main, the sketches are as extensive and complete as the nature of the work and the real demands of the case and times made reasonable and proper ; keeping constantly in view the leading point-that of giving a true record of facts only.
To give more prominence to many of the great or popular dead, especially in cases where success seemed at all probable, the publishers have gone to great expense in inserting steel engravings, the same being done with living men; in short, nothing was neglected which appeared likely to aid in accom- plishing the desired end.
The sketch of David A. Sayre is slightly abbreviated and somewhat changed from one prepared, at the time of his death, by the late Hon. George B. Kinkead, of Lexington ; that of Col. J. Stoddard Johnston is from the ready pen of Maj. Henry T. Stanton, the author of the "Moneyless Man ;" to the same gentle- man are we indebted for the substance, and, to a great extent, the language, of one or two other sketches ; the sketches of Drs. Philip Trapnall, John Bemis, and John A. McBrayer, were taken in substance from biographies prepared by Dr. C. H. Spilman, of Harrodsburg ; those of Drs. John E. Cooke, Coleman, and Lewis Rogers, and Rev. Amasa Converse, are changed and abbreviated from biographies from the pen of Dr. L. P. Yandell, Sr., one of the most graceful of writers ; Hon. Samuel Haycraft, of Elizabethtown, kindly furnished some material, written in his most happy vein, touching the lives of many of the noble old men of his section and generation ; the sketch of Rev. John Clarke Young was taken in substance from "The Men of Danville; " several sketches of Confederate soldiers were gathered, in fact, from the " History of the First Brigade," a carefully and admirably written history of the men of Kentucky who fought in the "Lost Cause," through the kindness of Ed. Porter Thompson, the author of that history ; the sketches of Lewis and George N. Sanders were furnished by Hon. Wm. M. Corry, of Cincinnati, and, although somewhat abbreviated, and in some particulars changed, are mainly in the language, and agreeable to the desire, of their author-one of the most versatile and able writers of the country, he also supplying the material for that of Dr. S. S. Scott; those of Drs. Charles Caldwell, Benjamin W. Dudley, and Ethelbert L. Dudley, were furnished, in fact, and to a considerable extent in language, by the distinguished Prof. Robert Peter, of Lexington; to Prof. J. K. Patterson, of Kentucky University, thanks are due for the entire material of several of the biographies of dead men, including those of Hon. E. Rumsey Wing and Hon. Edward Rumsey; the sketch of John B. Bowman, Regent of the Kentucky University, is very slightly changed from one furnished by Prof. Jno. Shackleford, of that institution ; that of Judge John Boyle is condensed from a lecture delivered by the late distinguished Chief-Justice George Robertson: thanks are also due Prof. J. W. Dodd, Rev. J. R. Hendrick. and Hon. J. W. Davie, of Frankfort, for valuable sketches ; also to Dr. John Thruston, of Louisville ; great benefit was derived from the "History of Lexington," a valuable work, written by the scholar, Prof. G. W. Rank; to Col. Wm. B. Allen, who early sent us a copy of his excellent "History of Kentucky." a work of great value, written in an easy and graceful style, thanks are tendered ; and to the kindness of Richard H. Collins, the historian, we are indebted for a few sketches, written in his superior and appropriate style ; and his great work, " Collins's History of Kentucky," an almost inexhaustible source of information, has been con- stantly referred to, and of great benefit to the editor of this work.
CINCINNATI, November, 1877.
·
THE
BIOGRAPHICAL ENCYCLOPEDIA
OF
KENTUCKY.
LAY, HON. HENRY, Lawyer and States- man, was born April 12, 1777, in Hanover County, Virginia, and was the fifth child of a Baptist clergyman, who died poor in this world's goods, leaving a widow and seven children. Henry Clay's mother, who was an excellent woman, and possessed great mental strength, was unable to give him more than a limited common English education. He was but five years of age when his father died, and, during the greater part of his boy- hood, labored on the farm as any poor boy, and was not recognized as having any remarkable qualities. In 1792 his mother, who had intermarried with Mr. Henry Watkins, removed to Kentucky, settling in Woodford County with all her children, except the subject of this sketch and his oldest brother, who died in early man- hood. At the age of fourteen, Henry Clay began to clerk in a dry-goods store in Richmond, but in the fol- lowing year he entered the office of Peter Tinsley, Clerk of the Court of Chancery; at that time, also, became amanuensis to the venerable Chancellor Wythe. Under the patronage and warm friendship of these gentlemen he made very great additions to his stock of learning, and became decidedly scholarly in his tendencies. He went to reside with Hon. Robert Brooke, once Governor of Virginia, in 1796, and, in the following year, regularly studied law. He received his license to practice from the Virginia Court of Appeals, and, in 1797, located at Lexington, Kentucky, where he held his home until his death. When arriving at Lexington, he was unknown and without money or friends; and, in addition to that, some of the first lawyers of the country were then prac- ticing at that place. It was not long until he attracted
attention, rapidly acquiring a large practice; became dis- tinguished for his power before a jury, for his adroitness and great legal skill and universally captivating manners. His practice in criminal causes became large, and was attended with wonderful success. In suits growing out of the land laws of Virginia and Kentucky he also be- came distinguished, not only acquiring reputation, but also fortune. As a general practitioner he was every- where successful. He first appeared in politics in advo- cacy of the cause of candidates, favoring some plan of gradual emancipation, to the second Constitutional Con- vention in 1799, and, although his course rendered him somewhat unpopular at that time in his com- munity and section, he never swerved from it dur- ing his life. Notwithstanding his opinions in favor of emancipation remained unchanged throughout his life, yet he never entertained feelings of sympathy with the acts and principles of the Abolitionists. All his own po- litical doctrines were conservative, and sought to make a harmonious and prosperous, as well as a strong and righteous, government. As the leader of a great party, and in the midst of heated contest, he may have ap- peared for a time in the light of a mere politician ; but great national principles were the foundation of all his actions, and no man lives to-day in the light which the present throws upon the men and events of the past, who would dare to impugn the motives, or question the political integrity and exalted patriotism, of Henry Clay. His plan of emancipation in Kentucky was that the present generation of slaves should remain as they were; that their offspring, at the age of twenty-eight, should be free, and in the mean time should be prepared to en- joy freedom. This plan he thought, especially owing
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BIOGRAPHICAL ENCYCLOPÆDIA.
to the small slave population of the State, could be car- ried out without detriment to the Commonwealth. Al- though he failed in this great project, he never failed to manifest his principle in his profession and life. If a slave brought an action for his liberty, Mr. Clay was accustomed, for many years, to offer his services in his behalf, and never, at any time, flinched from his con- victions of right, even when this, the most dangerous and exciting of all subjects, was concerned. He op- posed, with great earnestness, the famous "Alien and Sedition Laws" of 1798, and at that time obtained the title of "The Great Commoner." In 1802 he was first elected to the Legislature, from Fayette County, and greatly distinguished himself at once in that body. In 1806, actuated by the same great sense of justice and sympathy with the oppressed, he undertook the defense of Aaron Burr for conspiracy, when arrested in Kentucky, but not until Burr had given him written assurance that his confidence was not misplaced, and that he had en- gaged in nothing not sanctioned by the authorities at Washington. He was afterwards convinced by Mr. Jef- ferson that Col. Burr's statements to him were untrue, and regretted that he had been drawn into his defense. On December 29, 1806, he first took his seat in the United States Senate, being appointed by the Kentucky Legis- lature, of which he was then a member, to fill the va- cancy caused by the resignation of Gov. John Adair, and at once began to display his great interest in the advance and improvement of the country, as well as his great breadth of statesmanship. In 1807 he was again elected to the Legislature, and at the following session chosen Speaker of the House. In the Winter of 1809 he again took his seat in the United States Senate, having just previously been elected to the Legislature of his State. He began immediately to favor American manufactures and the " American system" of home production; main- tained the right of our Government to the territory be- tween the Mississippi and the Perdido rivers, compris- ing a great part of Florida, and supported President 'Madison's proclamation to that effect. During that term of his Congressional service he took part in all the lead- ing discussions; was a member of several important com- mittees, showing great versatility of ability and capacity for labor; advocated a liberal policy for the settlement of the public lands; opposed the rechartering of the United States Bank, but lived to change his opinions on that subject, and become a supporter of the Bank. His con- spicuous actions began to attract the attention of the entire country; was elected, at the expiration of his second fractional term in the Senate, by the people of his district, to the Lower House of Congress, and on the assembling of that body, in 1811, he was elected its Speaker; with great energy, favored the second war with Great Britain, supporting every measure looking to the establishment of an adequate naval force, and raising the
army to a standard required by the emergency; with Calhoun, Lowndes, and Cheves mainly pushed through Congress every bill to raise funds, strengthen the weak, and prepare the country for war. Was again elected Speaker at the opening of the Thirteenth Congress, in May, 1813, and throughout the war was doubtlessly the most able and efficient leader of the war party, and to his great and wise exertions the country was largely in debt for the favorable results of the war. He was chosen as one of the commissioners to arrange a treaty of peace, and proceeded to Gottingen, afterwards to Ghent, for that purpose, where he met the other four members of the commission, and, in the long and per- plexing negotiations took a leading part, much to the advantage and honor of his country. He afterwards visited Paris, where he met Madame De Stael, a warm advocate of the American cause; he also spent some time in London, and received many marks of distinction. In September of 1815, he returned to America, and, from New York to his home in Kentucky, was received with every demonstration of respect for his eminent services. During his absence he had been re-elected to Congress, but fearing the legality of the election, a new one was ordered, with the same result. On the assem- bling of Congress, in December, 1815, he was again elected Speaker of the House, almost unanimously. During the administration of Mr. Madison, he was on two occasions offered a position in the Cabinet or the ministry to Russia, but declined them. At the com- mencement of the war, Mr. Madison had actually chosen him to be commander-in-chief of the army, so great was his regard for Mr. Clay's ability, but his influence was too much needed in Congress, and consequently his nom- ination to the command of the army was not presented. In December, 1817, he was again chosen Speaker of the House, on the assembling of the first Congress under the administration of President Monroe, and continued with great vigor his advocacy of every measure looking to internal improvements, fostering home manufactures, and for the general prosperity of the country. . About this time he became one of the champions of South Amer- ican independence, and received many tokens of respect and gratitude for his disinterested exertions in behalf of Republicanism in that country. He was again elected to Congress, being again made Speaker of the House. In 1824, he made his memorable speech in favor of an American Tariff, and was, indeed, the founder and great patron of protection of home industries, and doubtlessly one of his greatest services to his country was rendered in connection with the system of legislation for the support of home industries and internal improvements, and on this ground alone the American people owe him an exhaustless debt of gratitude. In 1820, on account of pecuniary embarrassment, by loaning his credit to his friends, he announced his determination of retiring
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BIOGRAPHICAL ENCYCLOPÆDIA.
from Congress, and did resign his position as Speaker of the House ; but by reason of the great excitement over the admission of the State of Missouri, he was induced to retain his seat in the House, and through his great efforts, resulting in the "Missouri Compromise," that State was finally admitted to the Union and the threat- ened rupture of amicable relations of the slave-holding and free States prevented, and comparative quiet on the disturbing question of slavery restored for many years. During his retirement from Congress in 1822, he was sent, with Geo. M. Bibb, to the Legislature of Virginia, to present to that body the "Occupying Claimant Laws of Kentucky," with the hope of leading to some plan of relief to the people, who were greatly disturbed, owing to the uncertain tenure of their lands. This mission was successful, and, on the part of Kentucky, he was ap- pointed to conduct negotiations which were finally rati- fied by the Legislature of his 'State, and in the Lower Branch of the Virginia Legislature, but which were re- jected by the Virginia Senate. Having recovered from his embarrassment by laborious professional practice, he again accepted the nomination, and was unanimously elected to Congress; was again elected Speaker ; advo- cated the recognition of Greece; was offered a seat in Mr. Monroe's Cabinet ; also, any foreign mission lie would ask; but he declined, thinking that he could better serve the country in its national council. In 1824, he was one of the nominees for President of the United States. There was no election by the people, and he was the hindmost candidate. He cast his vote in the House for John Quincy Adams, and decided the contest in favor of Mr. Adams; and, although greatly calumni- ated for his course, he accepted the position of Secretary of State under President Adams, knowing his own mo- tives, and deeming his duty to his country of greater weight than to allow the false accusations of intriguing politicians and base time-servers to influence his course. He entered upon the duties of his new position in March, 1825, although he afterward thought his accepting the place an error, personally considered. From 1811 to 1825, with the exception of two years, he had presided over the House, and was so impartial and wise in his rulings and decisions that appeals were rarely taken from them ; indeed, his Speakership of the House was a re- markable period in the annals of Congress. During his occupancy of the position of Secretary of State, he con- cluded treaties with Columbia, Central America, Den- mark, and Prussia ; also effected a treaty with Austria ; wrote many letters of instruction to foreign ministers, and other State papers of great value; and probably the di- plomacy of the nation has never been so ably and wisely conducted as when under Mr. Clay. At the close of his term of office, and of that just and good administra- tion, in March, 1829, he left Washington, and through- out his journey home was received with great honor,
and in his own State was hailed as a benefactor. In the Fall of 1830, the Legislature again elected him to the United States Senate. At the National Republican Convention at Baltimore, December 12, 1831, he was unanimously nominated for the Presidency of the United States. In the Spring of 1832, he made his great speech on the American against the British system of trade, and presenting the most powerful argument ever made on the protective policy necessary for the growth and wel- fare of the country. In this year the Presidential elec- tion took place, and resulted in the re-election of Gen. Jackson. Now seeing the great danger to the tariff sys- tem by the opposition of the Administration, and deplor- ing the nullifying spirit manifested in the South, he in- troduced his famous "Compromise Bill," the measure becoming a law in March, 1833, and he again being re- garded as the great pacificator, and throughout the na- tion the people again bestowed upon him every mark of honor and admiration. During the entire administra- tion of Gen. Jackson, the most imperious and dictatorial of all the American Presidents, as well as one of the most vindictive and unfair of political opponents, there is no question that Mr. Clay greatly retarded the prog- ress of the evil tendencies of the government, and was a great power for good in the country. The amount of work he did in Congress was remarkable, and he never did any thing of a worthless or trifling character, his acts being the result of great thoughts and great desires, and were, of consequence, all great. During the adminis- tration of Martin Van Buren, he addressed the Senate on almost every subject of importance, and, by every step of his earnest, open life, more deeply ingratiated himself into the public favor. The demonstrations throughout the country in his honor were probably never equaled in the case of any other American states- man. In the National Convention at Harrisburg, in 1839, his friends hoped again to nominate him for the Presidency ; but the choice seemed to fall on Gen. Har- rison, although a great and deep disappointment was for a time felt in the Whig ranks on account of the failure to nominate Mr. Clay. Again he returned to his place in the Senate, and, with all his former ardor, devoted himself to advocating the great principles that he and his colleagues had been laboring for years to establish in the government. He participated actively in the campaign of 1840, resulting in the election of Gen. Harrison, and the success of his own principles, at least so far as human reason could determine; but the sudden death of President Harrison again changed the political sky. Under the new administration he had been offered any position he might name, but he de- clined. In March, 1842, after the longest Congressional career on record, he retired to private life. During the next two years his business caused him to make several tours to the South and other parts of the country, and
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he was every-where received with the greatest respect and reverence. On May 1, 1844, he was nominated for the Presidency by the Whig National Convention assem- bled at Baltimore. But his old enemy, Gen. Jackson, again came to the front with his exploded calumny, and all the evil forces of the leaders of the opposition were put in operation, and in many parts of the country the grossest system of frauds was practiced to defeat the will of the people, and Mr. Clay was beaten. His defeat was a great mortification to the friends of the Republic. Madness, wickedness, and folly prevented the United States being blessed by the Presidency of the man best fitted for the position then living. Al- though the "Great Commoner" was defeated, the pub- lic estimate of his character remained undiminished, and he continued to be the recipient of numerous tokens of popular devotion. In 1847, an attempt was made to induce him to again accept an election to the United States Senate, but he peremptorily declined. In 1848, his friends again brought his name before the National Convention as their candidate for President, but the result was in favor of Gen. Taylor. Although nine- tenths of all the intelligent Whigs of the country wanted Mr. Clay for President, and with them he stood pre- eminent above all men, yet he never carried with him the thoughtless floating masses. With them he was not ever, strictly speaking, a popular man. In 1848, the Legislature unanimously chose him United States Sena- tor for the full term of six years, and in the following December he took his seat, where he had first ap- peared in 1806. In January, 1850, he introduced to the Senate his plan for adjusting the difficulties in organizing the new Territories, and the management of the question of slavery, the most prolific source of division and evil to the nation. Over his measures a long and bitter controversy ensued, and especially was his plan attacked by Southern Senators; and, although they were defeated, he lived to see some of his plans of pacification become laws, and a temporary lull settle upon the political maelstrom. To the last, he gave his attention to all the great interests of the country, his last legislative acts being in his earnest attempt to estab- lish a law providing for the improvement of our rivers and harbors. But the life of the great statesman was drawing to a close, and higher themes than those discussed in the halls of Congress occupied much of his attention. Throughout his life he had been a firm believer in Divine Revelation, and a strong and conscientious supporter of the great doctrines of Christianity, and by them had been led in all the acts of his long and noble public career. During the latter years of his life he had been a communicant of the Episcopal Church, and as the time and hour approached he gave himself more and more, with great pleasure, to devotional thoughts and exer- cises. His physical strength declined daily, until at last
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