USA > Kentucky > A history of Kentucky > Part 4
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Information came to Colonel Benjamin Logan that a serious invasion by the Cherokees might be expected. Meeting of mil- General Clark had been retired. Colonel itary officers Logan was now the ranking officer of Ken- tucky. Accordingly, in November, 1784, he called, at Danville, an informal meeting of the military officers of the District, to consider the manner of resisting the an- ticipated attack. This meeting agreed that the Kentucki- ans must passively await the inroads of the savages, as they had no authority among themselves to order an expe- dition into the Indian country in order to repel the inva- sion. Therefore it was resolved that it would be wise to call for the election of one delegate from each of the militia companies in the District, who should meet in con-
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vention to consider the subject of seeking independence from Virginia.
As there was no printing press in Kentucky, a circular address setting forth the facts was many times copied and distributed among the people. We can picture the Ken- tuckians, chafing under a sense of restraint as they alertly listened for the war whoop of the Indians.
At Danville, on December 27, 1784, the first convention for separation met, and decided by a large majority that the dangers to which the District was subject could be remedied only by its becoming an First conven- tion for independence independent State. But the subject as it pre- sented itself to the people at that time was one of grave importance. It demanded calm, deliberate action. There- fore a second convention was called for May 23, 1785.
The second convention duly assembled at Danville and elected Judge Samuel McDowell president, and Thomas Todd secretary. The matter was again presented and con- sidered with the most earnest deliberation, and it was again
Second conven- decided that sepa- tion for inde- ration was neces- pendence
sary. A petition to the Virginia Assembly was prepared as well as an address to the people of the District. The former was calm, the latter inflaming in tone. It was written by General James Samuel McDowell Wilkinson ; he was not a member of the convention, but his brilliant, florid style had won him the admiration of the Kentuckians. The convention had full power to apply
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THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
immediately to Virginia for action in the matter; but with surprising caution it forbore to do this, and, in order that the will of the people might be known positively, called for a third convention to ratify what had already been done.
Kentuckians, when they act individually, are generally im- pulsive, often hot-tempered and rash in their deeds; when
Prudence of the they act in concert, they are deliberate, prudent, Kentuckians and wise in their decisions. They are people
of intellect. The individual standing alone acts from emotion before he has had time to think. The individual as a part of a body of men cannot act on his own impulse. Thus opportunity is gained for reason to assert itself and to assume control. This fact should be borne in mind ; the truth of it will be proved as we continue.
The third convention assembled in August, 1785, and elected the same president and secretary that had served Third conven- in the former conventions, - Samuel McDowell
tion and Thomas Todd. They were reelected at each succeeding convention. Wilkinson managed to have himself elected a member, and now began his scheming, dazzling career in Kentucky. The calm petition to the Virginia Assembly was discarded for one he prepared, "which was less a petition than a demand." The chief justice of the District, George Muter, and the attorney- general, Hary Innes, were appointed to present this peti- tion to the Virginia Assembly.
In spite of the tone of the petition, the State of Vir- ginia passed an act setting forth the conditions upon which First act of the separation might take place. They were separation as follows: Delegates were to be elected to a fourth convention, which should meet in Danville, Septem- ber, 1786, to determine whether it was the will of the people of the District to be erected into an independent
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1
State. If such were their will, they were to fix upon a date later than September 1, 1787, when the authority of Vir- ginia should forever cease. But this was to take place provided "that prior to the Ist day of June, 1787, the United States in Congress assembled shall consent to the erection of the said District into an independent State, and shall agree that the new State shall be admitted into the Federal Union."
The majority of Kentuckians regarded this act of the Virginia Assembly as reasonable, and submissively bore the delay in the longed-for separation. Court and But there were others who received it with Country parties opposition, and in whom it caused the greatest irritation. Of these Wilkinson was the recognized leader. The party he represented was called the Court party, on account of the official position of its members. Wilkinson now offered himself as a candidate for delegate from Fayette County to the fourth convention. Humphrey Marshall, a representative of the opposite faction, which was called the Country party, was the contending candi- date.
Great excitement prevailed in this county. The elec- tions were not then conducted as rapidly as they are to-day, -they lasted five days. On the first day, Wilkin- son was put forward by his friends to speak to the people. He urged them to disregard the act of Virginia and to declare themselves independent at once. Marshall an- swered him in a sensible, logical speech. Wilkinson's speech was, as usual, showy and oratorical. The election closed, and Wilkinson was found to have obtained the larger number of votes.
The great dreaded Indian invasion did not take place ; but serious distress was caused throughout the District by
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petty depredations of small parties of Indians. The Ken- tuckians complained to Virginia, and Virginia petitioned
Self-protection
Congress to raise troops to protect this frontier
authorized region. But at the time about which we are studying, the Congress of the Confederation of States was not so powerful a body as the Congress of to-day. It could do little more than recommend certain measures to
Indian Depredations.
the different States; it had no ability to cause them to be carried out. However, Congress granted the Kentuckians the privilege of protecting themselves.
In accordance with this permission, early in September, 1786, more than one thousand troops collected
Expeditions
of Clark and at Clarkesville (opposite Louisville), with the Logan intention of attacking the Wabash Indians liv- ing in the present State of Indiana. They were organ-
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ized under General George Rogers Clark. Colonel Benja- min Logan was sent back to Kentucky to raise volunteers for an expedition against the Shawnee Indians living in the present State of Ohio. Logan quickly secured four or five hundred men. With this force he proceeded to the Indian towns on the Mad River, burned them to the ground, and took seventy or eighty prisoners. He returned in twenty days, after a successful expedition. Unfortunately, General Clark's expedition proved fruitless. The provi- sions were delayed on their way to Vincennes, where his troops were stationed. Insubordination took place. The great general had lost control over the men who served under him, and many of them deserted.
When the time came for the fourth convention to as- semble, so many of the delegates were absent with Clark and Logan that a quorum could not be obtained. Those who were at home, however, met every day, and adjourned until the following
January, when
Postponement of separation the necessary number were present. The condition required by the Virginia Assembly for the separation was that prior to the first day of June, 1787, the Congress of the United States should have agreed John Marshall to admit the new State into the Federal Union. It was now too short a time, in those days of slow travel, for the Kentuckians to take the necessary steps toward this end. Therefore, they KENT. HIST. - 5
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TIIE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
petitioned the Virginia Assembly to alter that clause in the act. Their petition was presented by John Marshall (afterward the great chief justice), who strongly urged his request. But the Assembly did not see fit to grant it. Consequently, another act was passed which fixed the time for the separation to take place as January 1, 1789, instead of September 1, 1787.
John Marshall's letter bearing this fact reached Danville while the convention was still assembled. It is needless Result of the to describe the disappointment it brought the disappointment Kentuckians. Virginia had acted as seemed to her right ; but we can well understand how her long postponement of the separation might have appeared to restless men, impatient of delay, like indifference to their sufferings. Throughout the District, there was a growing resentment towards Virginia. This was inflamed by certain ambitious politicians, notably by General Wil- kinson. But in spite of the passions of some, reason and dignity controlled the meeting, and it adjourned submissive to the act of Virginia. Another convention had been ordered for the following September.
Shortly after this, another incident occurred which led to further distrust of Virginia's good feeling toward Ken- Virginia misunderstood tucky : A man was killed by Indians in Lincoln County. Benjamin Logan, the com- mandant of that county, was absent; but his brother quickly raised a company and pursued the murderers into Tennessee. The Indians were overtaken, several of them were slain, and the horses they had stolen were captured. On pushed the victorious Logan and his men, like heroes of the Round Table, seeking further adventures. They discovered the trail of another band of Indians, came upon them, killed seven, and captured their horses and game.
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Now it happened that these latter were peaceable tribes living under a treaty with the United States. Intense wrath consequently prevailed among the Indians. They complained to the governor of Virginia, and he directed the attorney-general of the District, Hary Innes, to take the necessary steps "to prevent and punish, if possible, all unjust violences." As this very reasonable direction was many times repeated it became exaggerated. Thus it came about that numbers of people in the District hon-, estly believed that Virginia had commanded them not to protect themselves from the barbarities of the Indians. The Kentuckians were now about to enter upon a trial that would reveal their character.
RECAPITULATION
Treaty of peace not fulfilled.
Military posts in the Northwest still held by Great Britain.
Fears of Indian sieges felt in Ken- tucky.
The Indians are aided by the British. Kentucky's dependent position.
Separation from Virginia discussed. Miami and other Indians are hostile. Lawless Kentuckians cause trouble. Great Indian invasion dreaded.
Colonel Logan's called meeting of military officers.
They order an election of delegates to a convention.
First convention meets at Danville.
Considers separation from Virginia desirable.
Another convention called.
Second convention considers separa- tion necessary, and prepares a pe- tition to the Virginia Assembly.
Wilkinson prepares the address to the people.
The convention shows rare cau- tion.
Character of Kentuckians.
A third convention held. Virginia passes the first act for sepa- ration.
The act not satisfactory to many Kentuckians.
Court and Country parties.
Wilkinson advocates illegal separa- tion.
Congress allows Kentucky to protect herself from Indian inroads.
Clark's expedition unsuccessful; Lo- gan's successful.
Fourth convention set for Septem- ber, 1786.
No quorum obtained.
Meets and adjourns every day until January.
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THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
Too late then to comply with the conditions of the act.
Virginia petitioned to alter the act. She refuses, but passes another act. John Marshall informs the convention of this fact.
Kentuckians grievously disappointed. Some resent Virginia's course toward Kentucky.
The convention submits.
John Logan's expedition causes trou- ble.
Virginia forbids all unjust violences towards Indians.
Virginia's action is misunderstood by many.
Her good feeling toward Kentucky is momentarily doubted.
CHAPTER VII
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY, 1786-1788
THE southern territory of the United States extended to the 3Ist degree. of latitude. Below this line the Spanish still held the dominion they had exercised since the dis- covery of the continent. In 1513, Ponce de Spanish Leon landed on the southeastern coast, and dominions claimed in the name of the Spanish king a region of in- definite extent, to which he gave the name of Florida. Here he planted a short-lived colony, composed of men who had come to drink of the fabulous fountain of immor- tal youth. Through this region the intrepid and ambitious De Soto had led his deluded followers in their hopeless search for gold, only to find his grave in the Mississippi River. Here the Huguenots had sought refuge from religious persecutions in France, and here Menendez had established the first permanent Spanish colony at St. Augustine, in 1565, years before the English had settled at Jamestown or the Pilgrim Fathers had landed at Ply- mouth. It was a land of warmth and beauty, of luxuriant vegetation, of stagnating civilization. Soon the vigorous Americans were to drive out their weaker neighbors, but not before the Spanish king had made an adroit effort to hold and increase his dominions in the New World.
Spanish possessions lay on both sides of the Missis- sippi River. The United States demanded the right to
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THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
navigate that river. Spain refused to concede this privi- lege. John Jay, of New York, secretary for foreign
Jay's affairs, was most anxious to conclude a treaty
proposition with Spain. Furthermore, he was ignorant of the great growth of the Western Country, as Kentucky and the neighboring region was then called. In the summer of 1786, he went before Congress and proposed a "project " which he hoped would bring about the desired treaty. It was this: that the United States should agree to forbear to navigate the Mississippi below the southern boundary for twenty or thirty years. To this, the seven northern John Jay States voted in the affirmative, the six southern States, in the negative; and Virginia immediately passed resolutions in opposition to the proposition. It required the concurrence of nine States to carry such a motion. Nevertheless, Mr. Jay, acting upon the decision of the majority, made his proposi- tion to Gardoqui, the Spanish minister ; but it was rejected with scorn.
These transactions took place in far-away New York. There were only a few citizens in Kentucky who knew of them shortly after their occurrence. Most of
Kentucky's
reception of the the people were in ignorance of the truth con- action of cerning them. The action of Congress was Congress misrepresented. Already Wilkinson had done much to inflame the people against the Federal govern- ment. Excitement in the District was rising to a high degree. There was no other way of transportation except by water. Kentucky's present and future prosperity seemed to depend upon her being able to carry her 1
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THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY
products on the Ohio River into the Mississippi, and thus to the markets of the world. It was a subject of vital importance. A meeting of citizens was held at Danville in May, 1787, to discuss the navigation question.
In the early summer, Wilkinson gathered together all the tobacco and other products he could buy, and went to New Orleans, ostensibly on a trading expedi- The Spanish dition. His real object, however, was to offer conspiracy
his services to Spain in order to restore his now reduced fortune. If he failed in this effort, his intention was to turn to England for the same purpose. At New Orleans, an order was given to seize his cargo; but the cunning general sought an interview with Miro, the Spanish gov- ernor of the province. He explained his visit. Then he was treated with the utmost courtesy. He was allowed to sell his goods, for which a high price was paid; and per- mission was granted to him to ship goods to New Orleans for sale.
The evidence goes to prove that then and there Wilkin- son sold himself to Spain.1 He bound himself to use all the influence in his power (and that influence was great) "to obtain the separation of Kentucky from the United States, and then to deliver the District thus separated into the hands of his Majesty the King of Spain, to become a province of that power." All privileges of trade were granted to Wilkinson, in order that he might prove to the people of Kentucky the advantages they would obtain by becoming Spanish subjects. A large sum of money was now advanced to him, and in the following February he returned to Lexington, to display the success of his trading venture, in a carriage drawn by four horses, and accom-
1 The Spanish Conspiracy. By Thomas Marshall Green.
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THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
panied by slaves as attendants. He gave brilliant balls, and the young people danced and praised the gallant host ;
Wilkinson's Return to Lexington
he gave fine dinners, and in the midst of the good cheer and flashing conversation the older men applauded the cap- tivating politician.
In the meantime, a most notable undertaking had been accomplished. On the 18th day of August, 1787, John and The Kentucke Fielding Bradford issued at Lexington the first Gazette newspaper published in Kentucky, and the sec- ond west of the Alleghanies, to which they gave the name Kentucke Gazette. Accustomed as we are to a multiplicity of journals containing a wide range of information, it is hard for us to realize the general satisfaction and rejoicing occasioned by the appearance of this meager, quaint little sheet, still reverently preserved in the public library at Lexington.
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THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY
During Wilkinson's absence, the fifth convention assem- bled, September 17, 1787. It held a quiet session, and ad- journed submissive to the act of Virginia, after having pre- pared a petition to Congress, in which the 31st of Decem- ber, 1788, was fixed upon as the time when the authority of Virginia over Kentucky should
The fifth con- terminate. The
vention people of the Dis- trict were now informed of the proceedings of the con- vention through the columns of the Gazette.
John Brown was commis- Early Printing Press sioned to present to Congress Kentucky's application for admission into the Confederation of States, by which name the thirteen original colonies were at first called. John Brown,1 the son of a Pres- John Brown byterian clergyman of Augusta County, Virginia, had come to Kentucky in 1783, the year which brought over so many men who acted important parts in the public affairs of the period. He had been a member from the District in the Virginia Senate, and was now going to take his seat in Congress, to which he had just been appointed. Unfortunately, no quorum in Congress was obtained until late in January, 1788. Kentucky's application was not presented until the 29th of February.
From the opening of Congress the absorbing interest had been the question of the adoption of the new Federal consti-
1 The Political Beginnings of Kentucky. By John Mason Brown.
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THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
tution, which had recently been prepared and offered to the
Constitution several States to be voted upon. It was a topic
adopted of deep importance. If this constitution were adopted, -its supporters wisely foresaw, - a new, strong Union would be established in place of the old, weak Confederation then existing. No attention was paid to Kentucky's application until the end of May. While Congress was slowly considering this all-important matter for Kentucky, news was received that New Hampshire had voted in favor of the constitution. Nine States - enough to cause its adoption - were now secured, and Virginia was soon to add her ratification. Of the Ken- tucky delegates in the Virginia Assembly only three voted in the affirmative. They were Robert Breckinridge, Rice Bullock, and Humphrey Marshall.
In Kentucky the new constitution did not meet with hearty acceptance. This fact was due to a misapprehen-
The Political sion of the situation. The people were afraid Club that if a stronger central government were es- tablished, their right to the navigation of the Mississippi would be bartered away in order to secure a treaty with Spain. The different points contained in it were freely discussed, night after night, at the meetings of the Politi- cal Club, an organization that was founded in Danville in 1786, and existed until 1790. Many of the prominent citizens of the neighborhood were members of the club, and matters of vital interest to the District were considered by them with an ability that proves the Kentuckians of that time to have been a remarkable people. The minutes of the club, which were carefully preserved by the secre- tary, Thomas Speed, have recently been published.
1 The Political Club. By Thomas Speed. Filson Club Publication No. 9.
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THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY
As the new constitution was now adopted, the Congress of the old Confederation, then in session, resolved that it had no authority to act upon the application of Kentucky. It was therefore referred to the Application re- ferred to new Congress consideration of the new government. The
resolutions were conveyed to the sixth convention, assem- bled at Danville, July 28, 1788. About the same time, a letter was received by Judge Samuel McDowell, the presi- dent of the convention, from John Brown, the congress- man, which contained information concerning the act of Congress, and also an account of an interview Brown had had with Gardoqui, the Spanish minister. In this conver- sation the Spaniard had "stated that if the people of Kentucky would erect themselves into an independent State and appoint a proper person to negotiate with him, he had authority for that purpose, and would enter into an arrangement with them for the exportation of their produce to New Orleans on terms of mutual advantage."
It is not surprising that the acts of Congress created the utmost disappointment in Kentucky, after the tedious, now useless efforts which had been made to obtain Three classes independence. They did more, -they height- in Kentucky ened the resentment of some of the people, and increased their doubt of the good disposition of the central govern- ment toward them. The northern States had been indif- ferent to the welfare of the Western Country, and there were many disinterested though unwise men in Kentucky, who were exasperated at the slow action of Congress in their affairs. Recognizing the necessity of the District's becoming an independent State, and the value of the per- mission to navigate the Mississippi River, they were will- ing to resort to revolutionary means in order to obtain these advantages. - But there were others who had no
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THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
thought of the good of the community, and acted solely from selfish interest. Whatever conflicting views may be held regarding the motives of some during this most con- fusing period, there can be no doubt of the falsity of Wil- kinson and Sebastian, - they are self-convicted. There was another class, to whom too much honor cannot be given, - those who in the midst of the excited passions of the time remained loyal to the government of the United States. The two former classes belonged to the Court party ; the latter, to the Country party.
Still that controlling spirit of wise moderation (which has been pointed out in the second chapter of this period) held the convention back from any rash act.
Temper of the sixth conven- tion
However, as an outgrowth of the prevailing excitement, it called for the election of dele- gates to a seventh convention, who should be empowered "to do and accomplish whatever, on a consideration of the state of the District, may in their opinion promote its interest." Now was Wilkinson's opportunity to lead the people to believe that it would "promote their interests " to become Spanish subjects; but like all schemers he worked slyly, never openly.
Before the election of delegates to the seventh conven- tion, George Muter, chief justice of the District, published Judge Muter's in the Gazette an address to the people. He
address proved that they had no authority to act for themselves independently of Virginia, and that by so doing they would be guilty of treason. He pointed out the evi- dent meaning of the resolution of the late convention. He showed that it clearly gave to the delegates of the next convention power to treat with Spain to obtain the naviga- tion of the Mississippi. He proved that such action would be contrary to the Federal constitution, and he therefore
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