A history of the commonwealth of Kentucky, Part 10

Author: Butler, Mann, 1784-1852; Croghan, George, d. 1782
Publication date: 1834
Publisher: Louisville : Wilcox, Dickerman and Co.
Number of Pages: 822


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+ Correspondence of Colonel Logan with Clark.


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Carolinas, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, with the tomahawk, and with fire. Moreover, the enemy was at this time freely aided by the arts and treasure of Great Britain, furnished by her military officers from Detroit to Kaskaskia. Thus the pio- neers of Kentucky were separated by three or four hundred miles of Indian wilderness, from the nearest fort of their coun- trymen at Pittsburg; and fully six hundred miles from the seat of government in Virginia, with forests and Indian coun- try between. Under these appalling circumstances, may not the forlorn and perilous situation of our first settlers, bear some honorable comparison with the gallant daring of the fathers of our great republic, who led the way across the Atlantic wave, and founded the empire of freedom at Jamestown, and at Plymouth ?


It was the turn of Logan's fort next, to experience an attack by about the same number of Indians, and probably by the same party which had so recently invested Boonesborough, and at- tacked Harrodsburg .* The garrison at that time consisted of fifteen men only. The two other principal forts were each kept in a state of alarm by the Indians, so that no assistance could be afforded by the one to the other. The distresses of the inhabitants, particularly of the women and children, may faintly be conceived; cooped up at this period of the year in their confined stations, and surrounded by a merciless foe. "But aided by Logan, and encouraged by his example, the little handful under his command, not exceeding thirty-five, the men less than half this number, would not complain, much less despair." What must have been the joy of these beleaguered forts, when on the 25th of July, 1777, a party of forty-five re- cruits arrived at, Boonesborough from North Carolina! The Indians made their attack upon Logan's fort, with more than their usual secrecy, while the women, guarded by a part of the men, were milking the cows outside of the fort, they were sud- denly fired upon by a large body of Indians, till then concealed in the thick cane which stood about the cabins. By this fire, one man was killed and two others wounded, one mortally; the


· Marshall 1, page 49.


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residue, with the women, got into the fort. When, having reached the protection of its walls, one of the wounded men was discovered, left alive on the ground. Captain Logan distressed for his situation, and keenly alive to the anguish of his family, who could see him from the fort, weltering in his blood, exposed every instant to be scalped by the savages, endeavored in vain for some time to raise a party for his res- cue. The garrison was, however, so small, and the danger so appalling, that he met only objection and refusal; until John Martin stimulated by his Captain, proceeded with him to the fort gate. At this instant, Harrison, the wounded man, ap- peared to raise himself on his hands and knees, as if able to help himself, and Martin withdrew, deterred by the obvious hazard; Logan, incapable of abandoning a man under his com- mand, was only nerved to newer and more vigorous exertions to relieve the wounded man, who, by that time, exhausted by his previous efforts, after crawling a few paces, had fallen to the ground: the generous and gallant Captain took him in his arms amidst a shower of bullets, many of which struck the palisades about his head; and brought him into the fort to his despairing family. Shall an action of this high wrought mag- nanimity, tell less honorably to the human heart, because it was performed on a small scale? Shall it weigh less in moral estimation, because two men were concerned. instead of hun- dreds or thousands? To the mind of the author, the essence of exalted feeling and affectionate devotion is the same upon all scales of action; and the numbers upon whom it may have operated, are only one of the extrinsic circumstances.


Another danger now assailed this little garrison-^there was but little powder or ball in the fort; nor any prospect of supply from the neighboring stations, could it even have been sent for, without the most imminent danger." The enemy continued before the fort; there was no ammunition nearer than the set- tlements on Holston, distant about two hundred miles; and the, garrison must surrender to horrors worse than death, unless a supply of this indispensable article could be obtained. Nor was the task very easy to pass through so wily an enemy, or


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the dangers and difficulty much lessened, when even beyond the besiegers; owing to the obscure and mountainous way, it was necessary to pass through a foe, scattered in almost every di- rection. But Captain Logan was not a man to falter where du- ty called, because encompassed with danger; with two compan- ions he left the fort in the night. With the sagacity of a hun- ter, and the hardihood of a soldier, he avoided "the trodden way by Cumberland Gap, which was most likely to be waylaid by the Indians," and explored his passage over the Cumberland mountain where no man had ever traveled before, through brush and cane, over rocks and precipices, sufficient to have daunted the most hardy and fearless. In less than ten days from his departure, Captain Logan having obtained the desired supply, and leaving it with directions to his men, how to conduct their march, arrived alone and safe at his "diminutive station," which had been almost reduced to despair. The escort with the ammunition, observing the directions given it, arrived in safety, and the garrison once more felt itself' able to defend the fort and master of its own fortune. Still, they were under the necessity of hunting for their support, which daily exposed them to the Indians, who infested the whole neighborhood. In this situation the fort remained from the 20th of May until the month of Sep- tember; when, most unexpectedly, Colonel John Bowman arrived with a reinforcement of one hundred men. A detachment of these, considerably in advance of the main body, upon its ap- proach to the fort, was fired on by the besiegers and several of them killed; the rest made their way into the place, which soon led to the dispersion of the enemy. On the dead body of one of the detachment, were found proclamations by the British Gover- nor of Canada, offering protection to such of the inhabitants as would abandon the rebellious colonies, and denouncing ven- geance against those who refused. Thus was announced to the western people, that the Indians and British were united in the war against them. Logan, upon receiving the papers from the man who found them. thought it most prudent, in the harrassed and disstressed state of the garrison, rather than of the country, to conceal their contents.


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The assistance of Colonel Bowman was but temporary; "his men were engaged but for a short time, and much of that had expired on the road;" when their term of service had been completed, they immediately returned to their homes. Thus a short time "deprived the garrison of its auxiliaries, and the fort was left to its resident inhabitants;" the Indians had not with- drawn from the country; and yet, under this accumulation of distress, their ammunition was again nearly exhausted. "Again Logan left his family and his fort," for the settlement on Hol- ston, and with his usual promptitude and energy, obtained what he sought and returned again in safety to his expecting friends. "Soon after his return, his force was augmented by a party un- der *Montgomery," which must have given peculiar anima- tion to the garrison after the departure of Colonel Bowman's troops.


A second attack was now made upon Boonesborough on the 4th of July, by an Indian force of two hundred warriors. In this attempt, the garrison, not half the number of the enemy, lost one man, and had two wounded; while the Indians had se- ven killed, as was seen from the fort, although removed from the ground, agreeably to the custom of the enemy. This siege lasted "two days and nights," when the Indians "losing all hope of success tumultuously" departed, concealed by the adja- cent hills.


"Notwithstanding these various sieges, the fields adjacent to the forts were cleared of their timber, and cultivated in corn and vegetables,"-some keeping guard, while others labored, and each taking his turn as a hunter, at great hazard. Yet, amidst these multiplied and hidden dangers, the intrepidity of our hunters found it a relief, to take an equal chance with the enemy in the woods. "They thought themselves the best marks- men, and as likely to see the Indian first, as to be seen by him; while the first sight was equivalent to the first fire, and the most expert shooter held the best security for his life." The Indians had become shy in exposing themselves before the garrison; and


* Possibly John Montgomery, who commanded a company in the Illinois battalion, and was afterwards Lieutenant Colonel in the regiment of the same name.


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even in the woods, took some precautions to avoid rencounters with equal numbers.


On the close of this most eventful year, "the Indians disap- peared for a while:" and the only permanent settlements vet formed in Kentucky were at Boonesborough, with twenty-two men; at Harrodsburg, with sixty-five; and at Logan's fort, or St. Asaphs, with fifteen. In this army of Kentucky, amounting to one hundred and two men, a few less than the first band of Plymouth pilgrims; the occasional militia from the nearest set- tlements, who had returned home in the autumn, are not es- timated.


With this small number of fighting men in the country, no lan- guage can describe the distress, which was felt when intelligence was received of the capture of Daniel Boone, with twenty-seven men at the Lower Blue licks. The circumstances of this heavy misfortune were, that Boone, on Ist January, 1778, had with thirty men, gone to these Licks* "to make salt for the different garrisons in the country, where the people were in great want of that article, without the prospect of supply from abroad." The 7th of the ensuing February, as he was hunting for the support of the salt-makers, he fell in with a large Indian party, with two Frenchmen, on its march to attack for a third time, the devoted Boonesborough. At this moment the Indians particularly wanted a prisoner, who might give them intelligence; and while Boone fled, some of their swiftest warriors pursued, and overtook him. Eight days afterwards, they brought Boone to the Licks, where twenty-seven of his men surrendered as prisoners, by previous capitulation, in which they were promised life, and good treat- ment. The other three men of the party had been sent home with the salt, which had been made.


The Indians most fortunately for Kentucky, instead of push- ing their advantage against the weakened forts, and with such precious pledges in their possession, sweeping the land by the threats of massacreing their prisoners; elated with their suc- cess, they proceeded to Chilicothe on the Little Miami. In justice to our ferocious foes, it must be observed, that during a


Boone's Narrative, page, 18.


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march of three days in cold and inclement weather, they treated the prisoners as they did themselves; * "the generous usage" says Boone, "the Indians had promised before in my capitula- tion, was afterwards fully complied with." An instance of Indian faith, a continuance of which might have saved both belligerents many ruthless scenes.


Early in June, 1778, a party of four hundred and fifty war- riors assembled at Chilicothe, armed and painted in their usual terrific manner, for another expedition against the marked and signal object of Indian resentment and hostility-Boone's fort on the Kentucky river. Now for once Captain Boone derived pleasure from his captivity, as it gave him informa- tion of the utmost importance to his garrison; "and which he determined at all hazards to convey to it, in order to save it from destruction." "On the 16th of the month, before sun-rise I departed," says the pioneer, "in the most secret manner, and arrived at Boonesborough on the 20th. after a journey of one hundred and sixty miles, during which, I had but one meal." Never could an escape have been more provi- dential for the redemption of our forlorn pioneers; the ffort was in a bad state of defence; they proceeded, however, "to repair its flanks, strengthen its gates and posterns, and to form double bastions; all of which was completed in ten days." At length one of the white prisoners escaping from the enemy, informed our people that they had, on learning Boone's elope- ment, "postponed their expedition three weeks." The Indians had spies out viewing our movements, and were greatly alarmed at our increase in number and fortifications. "The grand councils of the nation were held frequently, and with more deliberation than usual. They evidently saw the approaching hour. when the Long Knife would dispossess them of their desirable habitations; and anxiously concerned for futurity, deter- mined utterly to extirpate the whites out of Kentucky." Our forlorn band was not intimidated at the fearful odds opposed to them; but in the face of so formidable an invasion, as was im- pending over themn, Captain Boone, about the Ist of' August,


+ Boone's Narrative, paga 19. t Idem, page 21.


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1778, made an incursion into the Indian country, with a party of nineteen men, in order to surprise a small town on the Scioto, called Paint-Creek-Town. "We advanced," says he, "within four miles thereof, where we met a party of thirty Indians on their march against Boonesborough, intending to join the others at Chilicothe. A smart fight ensued betwixt us for some time; at length the savages gave way and fled." Learning from two of his spies, who had been sent on to the town, that the Indians had deserted it, Boone returned with all possible expedition to assist the garrison at home. On the 6th of August he passed a mixed party of Canadians and Indians, and on the 7th day, the party arrived safe at Boonesborough. Could active enterprise have been more gallantly displayed at the head of thousands, than by this sagacious and intrepid Cap- tain of rangers? In the face of an enemy, twenty times his force, he carried the war into the enemy's country .*


"On the 8th of August, 1778, the Indian army (if the term is not hyperbolical) arrived, consisting of four hundred and forty- four men, commanded by Captain Duquesne, eleven other Frenchmen, and some of their own chiefs; and marched up within view of our fort, with British and French colors flying." Boone was summoned in His Britannic Majesty's name to sur- render his fort; he requested two days for consideration, which were granted. It was now indeed, in the language of Boone, "a critical time" with the besieged: their numbers were small, the army before the walls powerful, "fearfully painted, and marking their footsteps with desolation." Death was, how- ever, preferable to captivity among such an enemy, and this could but be their fate, when the fort should be taken by storm. The party, therefore, concluded to maintain the garrison to the last extremity. The horses and cattle were collected and brought into the fort; and on the evening of the 9th, Boone re- plied to the summons of surrender, that "they were determined to defend their fort while a man was living." Contrary to all expectations, the garrison was then informed, that "it was the


. Boone's Narrative, page 23. I


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orders of Governor Hamilton (the British officer at Detroit) to take them captive and not to destroy them ;* but if nine of us would come out and treat with them, they would immediately withdraw their forces from our walls, and return home peacea- bly." Although this is the exact statement of Captain Boone, it almost surpasses belief, that so prudent a commander should have listened to so insiduous a proposal, carrying deception palpably on its face. Yet the enemy's proposition was em- braced; and a treaty concluded within sixty yards of the fort. The Indians then came forward and informed Boone, "that it was customary with them on such occasions, for two Indians to shake hands with every white man in the treaty, as an evidence of entire friendship; they immediately grappled us," says Boone, "but although surrounded by hundreds of savages, we extricated ourselves from them, and escaped all safe into the garrison; except one that was wounded," under a heavy fire from the enemy. The escape was as wonderful, and in defiance of all rational probabilities, as the exposure had been weak and credu- lous to an extreme. The whole transaction evinces an unac- countable confidence on the part of Boone, only equalled by the awkward treachery of his antagonists. Well may Mr. Mc- Clung, in his most interesting and lively "Sketches of Western Adventure," observe, t"that there seems to have been a con- test between Boone and Duquesne, as to which should shew the greatest quantum of shallowness. The plot itself was un- worthy of a child, and the execution beneath contempt." Boone. however, is said to have suspected treachery, and to have sta- tioned a guard, and taken arms to repel it.


The enemy "now attacked us on every side, and a constant fire ensued between us, day and night, for the space of nine days." During the siege an attempt was made to undermine the fort, which stood only sixty yards from the river bank; as soon as this was discovered by the muddiness of the water, pro- duced by the excavated clay, a trench was cut to intersect the mine in the bank of the river. When the besiegers found out wis, by the clay thrown out of the fort; they desisted from their


. Boone's Narrative, page 22. t Sketches, page 63.


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stratagem, and on the 20th day of August, raised the siege and departed. During this formidable siege, which seemed to threaten so dreadfully, the garrison "had but two men killed and four wounded; besides a number of cattle" destroyed. A degree of injury almost incredibly insignificant, under such fearful odds of numbers; while the enemy's loss amounted to "thirty-seven killed, and a great number wounded." "One hundred and twenty-five pounds of bullets were picked up about the fort, besides those which had penetrated into the logs of the walls." Thus most fortunately terminated an expedition strong enough, under a persevering and energetic commander, with suitable followers, to have stormed every fort in the coun- try; and to have swept it clean of the white man. Providence ordered it otherwise, and as the author confidently believes, for the good of mankind; which can never be extensively promoted under the dominion of the ignorance, the brutality, and the fe- rocity, incident to a savage state. Sickly must the benevolence of that bosom be, which sighs over the triumph of civilization. even in its ruder forms; for they are the harbingers of brighter and better days of diffusing light, and learning, and religion.


The fall of 1779, was memorable for the removal of a great many families from the interior of Virginia and from the neigh- boring States .* This extended emigration is attributed to the law then adopted by Virginia respecting the disposition of her vast empire of new and unappropriated lands. "By this law. commissioners were to be appointed to hear and determine all disputes relative to land claims, and to grant certificates of hav- ing settled in the country, and of rights to purchase before others; or pre-emption claims, as they were called, to those entitled to receive them."t The county of Kentucky, then synony- mous with the subsequent boundaries of the State, was placed


. Three hundred large family boats arrived during the ensuing spring at the Falls and as many as ten or fifteen wagens could be seen of a day, going from them. By this time, there were six stations on Beargrass creek, with a population of six hundred men. The price of corn dustated from fifty dollars per bushel, in Deventer 179, to one hun. dred and sixty five dollars per bushel, in January 1720, and thirty dollars in Mar. These prices were at a season of obstructed navigation, and in depreciated paper, but its value in gold and silver is not known .- Colonel Floyd's Correspondence.


¡ Marsball, 1, 97.


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1


under the jurisdiction of this board, composed of four members with appropriate judicial powers. This Court had jurisdiction on these most interesting matters involving the whole real es- tate of the country, without appeal; unless where one of the parties could not procure the attendance of witnesses; in which case, the claim was to be adjourned to the general Court for fi- nal decision. Exceptions were made in favor of military offi- cers in the service of the United States or the State of Virginia, who had a year from their resignation or discharge to perfect their claims. These privileges interfering so much with the rights of innocent parties, were afterwards limited. The .com- missioners appointed to execute this momentous trust for Ken- tucky, were William Fleming, Edmund Lyne, James Barbour, and Stephen Trigg, all resident in other parts of Virginia. On the 13th of October, this great land Court was opened at St. Asaph's and John Williams, Jr. was appointed clerk. Some specimens of their adjudications shall be presented for the cu- riosity of their nature. The first claim presented, was that of Isaac Shelby, (afterwards twice Governor of the State,) to a set- tlement and pre-emption, as it was termed, for raising a crop of corn in the country in 1776. It was granted: these techni- cal terms in the land law of Virginia, require explanation to a general reader. A settlement, consisted in an allowance of "four hundred acres, or such smaller quantity, as the party may choose to include his improvement or cultivation, granted to any person, who should at any time before the Ist of January 1778, have really and bona fide settled himself or his family, upon any waste and unappropriated lands on the Western waters, to which no other hath any legal right or claim." For this grant, two dollars and a quarter per hundred acres, were exacted by the State. A pre-emption was nothing more than a right (which every person entitled to a settlement possessed,) to pay the State price for any quantity of land adjoining his settlement, not exceeding one thousand acres. These latter claims were to be paid for at the rate of forty dollars per hundred acres; various other most equitable and beneficent provisions were en- acted for other claimants on the bounty of the State. Yet with


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this generous character plainly represented on the face of the land law, even to an overflowing of charity and consideration for the poor, selling them farms even on these low terms, upon credit; never was a measure of legislation so fruitful of curses and calamities to any community of people, as the land law of Virginia. It has proved a perfect Pandora's box to Kentucky, constantly tricking her industrious and enterprising citizens out of the fruits of their brave and hardy exertions; distracting our courts and legislatures with its endless perplexities and re- finements. But of this on another occasion. The court of land commissioners assembled at different parts of the county from Harrodsburg to the Falls, and on the 26th of January, 1780, declared its dissolution, after having adjudicated upon three thou- sand land claims.


About the first of April, 1779, a block-house was built where the neat and beautiful city of Lexington now adorns the State with her literary and scientific institutions. Here a settlement was begun under the auspices of Robert Patterson, who was an early and meritorious adventurer, much engaged in the defence of the country. Colonel Patterson was joined by the McCon- nels, Lindseys and James Masterson; soon after, Major Jobn Morrison removed his family from Harrodsburg, and Mrs. Mor- rison was the first white female settled in Lexington.


This name was given to commemorate the battle of Lexington, in Massachusetts, at the commencement of the Revolutionary war. A name finely calculated to perpetuate the noblest of the patriotic associations, for which the people of Lexington have ever been distinguished .*


* Lerington consisted at this time, of three rows of houses or cabirs; the two outer rows constituted a portion of the walls of the stockade. The pounded from the corner of the city, now known by the name of Levy's corner, to James Masterson's house, on Main Street. The intervals between the houses were workaded; the outlet a puncheon door with a har to secure jr. A block house comomunted the puthe spring, and a com- mon field included the site of the present court home The discipline about the fort is, however, said never to have been very right: nor was the fortification very strictly kept in order.




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